User:Oriflamme/Sandbox6
| Central Itayana War | |||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| |||||||||
| Belligerents | |||||||||
 Amayana Makgato Federation |
Supported by: | ||||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||||
|
some rebel scum an honorable general † |
Unifying Eternal Sun Glorious Grand General Glorious Air Marshal | ||||||||
| Strength | |||||||||
|
485,000 (277,000 engaged) 87 tanks 1800 armored cars 287 aircraft |
510,000 (101,000 engaged) 600 tanks 2200 armored cars 980 aircraft | ||||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||||
|
54,000 killed 95,000 wounded 81,000 captured 261 aircraft lost |
19,000 killed 34,000 wounded 49 aircraft lost | ||||||||
The Central Itayana War was a brief conflict over the course of the Unifying Revival between the forces of Amayana Makgato Federation of the upper Karana Basin and the Itayana Solar Autocracy of the lower Karana Basin. After a steady deterioration of relationship between AMF and ISA over the course of 2000s, the Karana basin political entities started preparation for conflict. When the economic downturn caused by overspending hit the ISA and transformed into political instability, the Makgato Defense Force launched a sudden two-pronged attack, aiming to topple the administration of the Solar Temple of Yanbango.
Although the AMF forces managed to reach the former 8th Governorate in three days, the land force was stopped at the Battle of KKK, while the riverine force was destroyed by air attacks at the Battle of HHH. Itayana Air Fleet conducted several successive air strikes in the operational depth of the AMF forces, and the subsequent counterattack turned the retreat into a rout from the central Karana basin, only stopped by attrition and the rainfall season. By the time enough forces could be amassed by the Autocracy, AMF regrouped and established defensive lines in the hhighlands at the Makgato plateau. International mediation, particularly by Charnea, caused AMF and ISA to sign the ceasefire agreement on conditions of territorial status quo ante bellum.
Central Itayana War is notable for the first combat actions of the 5th generation fighters; six Harpy Eagle fighters were deployed on the side of the ISA. It was also the first relatively large-scale mechanized war to the south of Ninva, as well as the first such war in three decades. The war saw employment of massed riverine flotillas by AMF and massed air offensive operations by the Autocracy. Failure of AMF to topple the Autocracy solidified the Temple as a legitimate force of the Karana Basin. However, by refusing to advance towards the Makgato Plateau, the Autocracy effectively put the Unifying Revival on hold.
Prelude
Buildup and operational plans
AMF
Operational plans of the Makgato Plateau governorates started being drafted in 2001 with the Proclamation of the Unifying Sun Manifested. Those primarily targeted the Solar Temple of Yanbango as the centrepiece of the Solar Autocracy while avoiding targeting population centers and, to some extent, the aligned military forces. Later plans increased focus on the military, while keeping Yanbango as the primary target. Crucially, the last-minute additions postulated that the captured priesthood was to be kept captive until Yanbango falls.
Makgato Defense Force Staff put emphasis on combined actions of mobile forces and riverine fleet in its planning. The riverine operation, code named Flash Flood, involved sweeping downstream and capturing Yanbango and Aribango by riverine troops. The land operation, code named Landslide, involved traversing central and lower Karana basin by highly mobile prongs of mounted motorized infantry. Within fourteen days at most, the entire right bank of Karana and key members of the solarist priesthood would be captured. That expected to collapse the structure of power completely, which was assumed to allow MDF to secure Imo basin with minimal resistance.
AMF military buildup in 2000s was dictated by trying to match offensive plans and financial limitations. MDF was mechanized with various APCs and armored cars,to be used in the refined version of the ICA long-range raiding column tactics. The MDF River Force was expanded, with over 300 gunboats and ferries launched and armed form 2003 to 2010. Revised tactics of the riverine forces included advancing under the cover of both the air force and vessel-based SAM batteries. With the help of the ICA, the air force was strengthened with surplus fighters from the Ninvite War, as well as COIN aircraft squadrons to act in close coordination with the ground assault units.
The buildup, while impressive in size, was not without its shortcomings. Several generals of the Autocracy derisively called MDF "the Scrapyard of Scipia" for its variety of vehicles complicating logistics and maintenance. Although the army possessed sufficient number of MANPADS, medium-range SAM batteries were small in number and air surveillance radars were less than a dozen on the attacking force. Despite the efforts, MDF Air Corps was subpar to the Autocracy Air Fleet in numbers, equipment and operational capabilites; crucially, it could not attack airfields in the strategic depth of the Autocracy.
The potential lack of air supremacy was known to the generals of AMF and caused considerable alarm within the ranks of MDF Staff. Interviews with several high-ranking generals after-the-fact showed that they had doubts about whether the plan could work, and that the decision to act on it was a gamble on internal instability of ISA, wtih the AMF hoping that the Temple would not be able to rally its forces.
ISA
Information on the internal affairs of the Solar Temple of Yanbango has been scarce, owing to the nature of the cult. It appears as if the Solar Autocracy had no plan of action for AMF invasion of the Karana basin, and its military buildup in 2000s did not betray any kind of defensive intent. Having significantly more resources than AMF, the Autocracy was plagued with competing internal interests, hindering much of its economical advantage over the AMF.
The Autocracy put extreme emphasis on developing its air force and ocean-going fleet. Over the course of 10 years, the Air Fleet received four squadrons of A16S2 fighters; by then, the strongest aircraft in the Karana basin. They was complemented by over 200 refurbished jet aircraft of older models like A8I7 and A11F6 fighters and B7I4 fighter-bombers; about 300 B2M4 and B3G4 bombers were the backbone of the ground attack units. The lack of aerial early warning aircraft was a drawback of both air forces involved in conflict, but the Air Fleet mitigated it with powerful radars of its key fighters.
The Unifying Navy by 2010 included 14 frigates as its primary force; of those, six frigates were of the domestic design. Itayana aircraft carrier program met considerable delays, while its submarine program was in its infancy. The naval aviation received 12 navalized A16S2 fighters and a squadron of H4T1 patrol aircraft. By its nature as an oceangoing force, the navy could not contribute to the war in the Karana Basin; listing its buildup is necessary for the context.
In contrast to the full-scale rearmament of the other branches, Amayana National Army focused on maintenance of their large park of motorized equipment, mostly trucks and outdated Elatian and Velikoslavian APCs and IFVs, as well as Zacapine TNT. Token acquisition of modern vehicles, such as ISV60 Praetorian BMPT, did not change the overall trend; those were concentrated in the 2nd Mechanized Division formed in 2007. Contrary to what could be assumed, this situation gave the ANA parity with the MDF. The riverine fleet was reorganized and refit in 2007-2008. From the technical standpoint, the riverine forces were nearly identical, outside of the larger anti-air missile platforms the AMF possessed. However, the MDF River Force outnumbered the one of the Autocracy 5:2.
Two acts of the ISA could be seen as a preparation to war. First was the relocation of several aircraft formations to the left bank of Karana. Second was the deployment of the majority of the fleet to defensive positions in Oorupaqi ocean. However, with ANA forces largely scattered across Karana and Imo basins, these two events didn't allow the post-war analysis to state that the Autocracy knew of the attack, let alone of the scale of it.