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|  luaih ||睿 || 545-558|| hruh-ngjuan-tis|| 孝元帝  
|  luaih ||睿 || 545-558|| hruh-ngjuan-tis|| 孝元帝  
|-
|-
ngla' ||魯 || 558-574||  hruh-Hwal-tis || 孝桓帝  
ra' ||魯 || 558-574||  hruh-Hwal-tis || 孝桓帝  
|-
|-
| tsjing-njing ||清仁|| 574-602|| hruh-khlang-tis || 孝康帝  
| tsjiang-njing ||清仁|| 574-602|| hruh-khlang-tis || 孝康帝  
|-
|-
|nhwrais ||  袂 || 602-619||  hruh-tsjiangs-tis|| 孝靜帝
|ngwrais ||  袂 || 602-619||  hruh-tsjiangs-tis|| 孝靜帝
|-
|-
| krjei' ||暌 || 619-624||  hruh-mrjang-tis|| 孝明帝
| kwrjei' || 暌 || 619-624||  hruh-mrjang-tis|| 孝明帝
|-
|-
| luan-k'lings ||孿磬|| 624-634|| hruh-drjung-tis|| 孝沖帝
| luan-k'lings ||孿磬|| 624-634|| hruh-drjung-tis|| 孝沖帝
|-
|-
|kung-tje || 恭芝|| 634-662|| hruh-brjing-tis || 孝平帝
| kung-tje || 恭芝|| 634-662|| hruh-brjing-tis || 孝平帝
|-
|-
| mria || 買 || 662-681||  hruh-hngjans-tis|| 孝獻帝
| mria || 買 || 662-681||  hruh-hngjans-tis|| 孝獻帝
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| k'lang ||慷|| 681-701|| hruh-gwiih-tis || 孝惠帝
| k'lang ||慷|| 681-701|| hruh-gwiih-tis || 孝惠帝
|-
|-
| t'uls || 退 || 701-709|| hruh-rjing-tis|| 孝靈帝
| t'uls || 退 || 701-709|| hruh-rjing-tis|| 孝靈帝
|-
|-
|kjung'|| 拱|| 709-747|| hruh-mjen-tis|| 孝文帝
| kjung' || 拱|| 709-747|| hruh-mjen-tis|| 孝文帝
|-
|-
| kwrei' || 槐 || 747-753|| hruh-mrjing-tis || 孝愍帝
| kwrei' || 槐 || 747-753|| hruh-mrjing-tis || 孝愍帝
|}
|}



Revision as of 03:34, 16 May 2019

The Meng-Rjang Dynasty (孟梁, 543–752) is the second half of the Rjang Dynasty. It was a re-constitution of Rjang state with the Menghean Emperor I Ye (李睿 mljog'-shwjons) acclaimed as monarch, replacing the Siaw House that voluntarily vacated the throne for Emperor I Ye. The Dynasty saw the ascension of eight emperors from six generations, ultimately forced to abdicate in favour of another branch of the Siaw House that rose to prominence. The Meng-Rjang sharply departed from the proactive Siaw rule that came before (492—543), in that the throne took only a passive interest in public policy in a way described as "almost laissez-faire" by some scholars.[1]

History

Restoration of I Ye

In mid-542, I Ye, the Emperor of Snin-glah (千鷺), under a title of all Menghe, abandoned his capital city in the comapny of his courtiers, officials, scholars, and other followers and travelled over the the Dzhungestani desert to Themiclesia. I Ye's arrival caused considerable confusion in Themiclesia, around the quesiton of his future status and that of his offsprings and his counterpart in Themiclesia. He would not surrender his title and insisted on governing Themiclesia, but the Themiclesian court was highly skeptical of his aptitude, given his inability to prevent the Kim Dynasty from expelling him from country. Moreover, it was argued that the Kim State's objective was to eliminate the last remaining bloodline of the Meng Dynasty, which lost control over much of Menghe in the 200s; with a bloodline extant, Kim's claim to legitimacy would be open to question, and the nomad state may eventually attempt to invade Themiclesia only to eliminate I Ye and his successors, thereby destroying Themiclesia.

A leading house, Gwjang, was critical of I Ye's demands, saying that all the aristocratic houses of Themiclesia were likewise refugees, and if I Ye were invited to rule, then any one of them would be as competent. Others argued that, from a legal perspective, I Ye was still the legitimate heir to the Meng Dynasty, to which Themiclesia undoubtedly paid allegiance centuries ago, and there was no reason to infer a change in this relationship. Gwjang responded, "If that is where your loyalties lie, then why do you not help him re-conquer Snin-glah and the rest of his dominion?" Eventually, the court decided to have the King abdicated in favour of I Ye. His throne came with provisions that the Themiclesian courtiers demanded, further weakening an already powerless monarchy. That civil aristocrats be allowed more latitude seems to have been a concession that I Ye made to acquire their support. The existing royal house was granted the title of Prince of Gar-nem (河南王), soothing those who did not want to serve the new monarchy.

On the first day of the legal year beginning in 543, Gwjang, as Prime Minister, led aristocrats to acclaim I Ye as ruler. As soon as he took the throne, he attempted a coup against his prime minister, learning of the latter's objections before his acclamation; his edict, however, was intercepted by Gwjang, who threw the draft into a fire before I Ye. Gwjang prevailed upon the new monarch that the aristocrats' support for him was fully conditional on the security of their political influence, private property, and social status. If I Ye dismissed his prime minister for disobedience, other aristocrats would only turn on him, fearing a similar fate; if the edict was published and publicly flaunted, the monarchy would only become a laughingstock. Thus by destroying the draft, Gwjang was "protecting" the reputation of the monarchy and "the progeny of the Emperor". I Ye, unable to procure another prime minister that was willing to accept the precedent of a monarch unilaterally removing him, capitulated.

Political identity

While the monarchy was virtually powerless, except during the reigns of more proactive and able monarchs, such as Kaw-tsung, that it could lay claim to Meng's heritage altered Themiclesia's political identity and policy choices in later ages. Whereas the first formal dynasty established in 265 by Gwjang Du' was led by an ersatz-kaiser-like figure that enjoyed all the dignities of an emperor except the title, I Ye's arrival substituted the substitute for the actual. While the Meng-Rjang did not last long, all later dynasties came to power by abdication, rather than overthrowing and re-establishing the state. Such peaceful transfer of power was thought to preserve the legitimacy of Menghean crown, which came to rule (albeit in name only) by such a peaceful transition. Into the 19th century, Themiclesia's Emperor was still thought of as the rightful ruler of both Menghe and Themiclesia, though this belief is now considered offensive to Menghe and socially unacceptable.

In terms of its effects on the public, as the Meng-Rjang progressed, literary trends shifted from landscapes and Poddhism to history, and a sense of patriotism developed around Themiclesia's image as the seat of Meng culture, in addition to political legitimacy. Poetry such as "Peacock Glides Evermore" received critical acclaim, when only a century ago it would have been considered mundane and shallow. Additionally, terms such as "Middle Earth" (中土) and "Central Illustrious Land" (中華) were applied to Themiclesia only after I Ye's arrival.

Foreign policy

Territorial extent

Like all Themiclesian dynasties, the monarchy claimed the entire world as its jurisdiction. The extent of governance, however, was defined by the ability of the state to survey land and establish household records for the populace on them. Military occupation was not seen to integrate territories into Themiclesia-proper; however, lack of military presence was also not thought to detract from claims to territory. When I Ye escaped from Chollǒ, the household records of that state was transported to Themiclesia, and it seems the Dynasty continued to derive legitimacy from a census conducted decades then centuries ago. Throughout the Dynasty, the court appointed and salaried governors for provinces and prefectures physically in Menghe that it had no ability, or even plan, over which to assert control. Along with annual bribes to Columbian natives to pay homage at court, this represented a very large outlay that the court struggled to meet.

As it inherited power directly from the Siaw-Rjang immediately preceding, its initial territories extended from what is today Yanarksbourg in Maverica to just south of the modern border with Nukkumaa. Throughout the dynasty, Themiclesia was subject to incursions from the south by Maverican nomads, which slowly pushed the border north.

Government

The Meng-Rjang Dynasty government had the emperor at its heart, and most state decisions, as defined by the Administrative Code (mlings), required the emperor's nominal assent. The quintessentially-Themiclesian institutions of the inner and outer courts were established at this point; the inner court was responsible for making policy and administrative decisions that belonged to the emperor's remit, while the outer court was responsible for their implementation, centrally and locally.

Outer Court

The outer court was nominally led by the Chancellor (相國, sjangs-kwek) or Vice Chancellor (丞相, gljing-sjangs). Under their instruction were the Nine Counsels (nine permanent positions, but actual number could be as high as fourteen or fifteen at times), in the central government. Themiclesia was divided into 36 prefectures, each governed by a magistrate nominated by the Vice Chancellor. Each prefecture was subdivided into counties, each also led by a magistrate, nominated by the prefectural magistrate and appointed by the Vice Chancellor.

Inner court

The inner court is centred on the Council of Correspondence, which is the office that receives all papers bound for the emperor; in opening and reading reports, which is done before the reports are read to the emperor, the secretaries in the Council affix their opinions and draft responses in the emperor's voice. These drafts are then presented with the letters themselves for the emperor's approval. Since the Council has access to all papers accessible to the emperor, it often has the power to establish co-ordinate policies and draft responses to each letter according to its policies. During the Meng-Rjang Dynasty, the Council of Correspondence, using its position as the secretariat of all major state affairs, created almost all policies, with only minor influence from the crown itself. The Council had a panel of seven or eight leaders and hundreds of subordinate clerks, each possessing a varying degree of authority over a specific field of government. Major policies are made by consensus amongst its leaders.

The emperor is furnished with advice on a more personal level by three types of attendants—regular, meridian, and cavaliers. Though their titles differ, their functions are largely indistinguishable. While the emperor is rarely assertive, he is in a position to grant personal favours and motivate the Council to alter their policies in slight ways or make exceptions.

List of monarchs

Meng sovereigns in Chŏllo/Snin-ras
Personal name Reign Posthumous name
brjuans 278-335 Njing-tis 仁帝
rje'-pu' 335-348 stjuns-tis 順帝
tsrjang 348-376 mrjang-tis 明帝
ngjap 376-385 mrjing-tis 愍帝
lak 385-413 brjiang-tis 平帝
hjen 413-439 'ei-tis 哀帝
gwreng 439-440 stjawh-tis 少帝
tsong 440-467 tjaw-mja-tis 昭武帝
ga' 467-481 'an-tis 安帝
hrju 467-472 krjangw-tis 景帝
trjung 472-479 gwils-tis 惠帝
t'jes 479-491 gwrei-tis 懷帝
djuh 491-498 tjaw-mjen-tis 昭文帝
ngrok 498-513 k'lang-tis 康帝
prje 513-540 hruh-mja-tis 孝武帝
luaih 540-542 ngjuan-tis 元帝
In Themiclesia
luaih 545-558 hruh-ngjuan-tis 孝元帝
ra' 558-574 hruh-Hwal-tis 孝桓帝
tsjiang-njing 清仁 574-602 hruh-khlang-tis 孝康帝
ngwrais 602-619 hruh-tsjiangs-tis 孝靜帝
kwrjei' 619-624 hruh-mrjang-tis 孝明帝
luan-k'lings 孿磬 624-634 hruh-drjung-tis 孝沖帝
kung-tje 恭芝 634-662 hruh-brjing-tis 孝平帝
mria 662-681 hruh-hngjans-tis 孝獻帝
k'lang 681-701 hruh-gwiih-tis 孝惠帝
t'uls 退 701-709 hruh-rjing-tis 孝靈帝
kjung' 709-747 hruh-mjen-tis 孝文帝
kwrei' 747-753 hruh-mrjing-tis 孝愍帝

See also

References

  1. Burton, A. Themiclesia, 1.