FedCom Civil War
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| FedCom Civil War | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
 Clockwise from top: Optikhalee forces advance on Nycero; Civilians flee from fighting around Sirontonde; Cacertian armored column advancing to Sobanda; A Cacertian Tartaruga conducting an airstrike; Loyalist Rooikat during Operation Diamondback. | |||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||
 Government Loyalists  Cacerta Quenmin |
 Optikhalee Movement | ||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
|
Kereenyaga Nicusor Raducan Haoniyao Andriana Alvizi Marana Tierno |
Drahoslav Negutesco Keanjaho | ||||||
| Units involved | |||||||
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RIQEF Knichus | |||||||
| Strength | |||||||
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1,750,000 (Peak) 200,000 20,000 | 1,250,000 (Peak) | ||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
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300,000 killed 600,000 wounded |
350,000 killed 700,000 wounded | ||||||
The FedCom Civil War (also known as the Knichan Civil War or the Optikhalee War) was a civil war fought in Knichus between 1987 and 1989. The paramilitary political faction, the Optikhalee, attempted to overthrow the Knichan democratic government and replace it with a single party authoritarian state that would attempt to solve Knichus's various problems without the inefficiency of a democracy. The war eventually involved the Kingdom of Cacerta and Quenmin, which supported the Government loyalists in eventually defeating the Optikhalee and restoring democratic rule.
The key causes of the conflict centered around the rise of the Optikhalee, a nationalist paramilitary organization with a strong authoritarian ideology that advocated for the end of democratic rule in Knichus, citing the immense corruption and inefficiency plaguing Knichus's current government. More uniquely, the Optikhalee was the first major extremist group in Knichus that was not centered around racial identity or identity politics; this made the Optikhalee popular among those affected by racial and ethnic violence. Because of this the Optikhalee grew in size rapidly during the 1960s through the 1970s, reaching more than a million members by 1983. Although not officially a political party, the Optikhalee did lobby on behalf of nationalist and anti-democratic candidates, and opposed the leadership of those that wished to strengthen democratic rule in Knichus. In 1987, the election of Chancellor Kereenyaga—who vocally opposed the Optikhalee—led to the movement attempting to overthrow the government. The coup, led by Lt. General Drahoslav Negutesco, failed and open warfare soon broke out between the Optikhalee and government loyalists.
Fighting raged across nearly all of Knichus, however many of the country's ethnically Cacertian population attempted to distance themselves from the war by taking refuge in the southeastern province of Nuoverri. In order to protect Cacertian expatriates and the Condettieri, Cacerta deployed military forces to the province. Although originally there to function as peacekeepers, tensions quickly escalated between the Optikhalee and the Cacertians, and fighting broke out between the two in March 1988. Cacerta subsequently joined the war, siding with the Knichan Government and began fighting the Optikhalee openly. Aided by Cacertian intervention, the Loyalists were able to inflict a series of decisive defeats on the Optikhalee and in 1989 the remainders of the movement laid down their arms.
Shortly after the end of the civil war, the Optikhalee Movement was officially disbanded. More than 700,000 Knichans died in the war, making it the bloodiest conflict in Knichan history. Following the conclusion of hostilities, Chancellor Kereenyaga completed a series of reforms that effectively ended the period of corruption and bureaucracy that had plagued Knichus for decades. The official end date of the conflict, July 15th, is celebrated as Victory Day in Knichus.
Background
The Optikhalee Movement was founded by 1959 by Zakia Macek who, like many Knichans, was frustrated by the corruption and inefficiency that plagued Knichan democracy in the years after the Great War. The Optikhalee grew in popularity in large part to its egalitarian views on race relations during a time where race riots and ethnic tensions were common throughout the country. The key element of the Optikhalee, however, was the organization’s strong anti-democratic stance, which it felt had failed to properly govern the Federal Commonwealth. Not assisting efforts was the string of corruption scandals that rocked Knichus between 1960 and 1985. Between those years, Knichus had 9 chancellors and 13 presidents, and more than 300 government officials, civil servants, and politicians were implicated in corruption scandals by the Constitutional Court.
Macek died in 1973, but by that point the Optikhalee had grown to include hundreds of thousands of members, and his leadership was soon replaced by Darweshi. Darweshi continued Macek's standard of not having the Optikhalee act as an official political party by nominating members to to the National Assembly or the Federal Council of Provinces. Nevertheless Darweshi expanded the movement in other directions; under his leadership the Optikhalee began forming "national action unions", paramilitary militia groups by any other sense. The Optikhalee justified the creation of such groups by arguing that if the Knichan government ever collapsed (which in the scandal filled era of the 60s and 70s seemed a likely occurrence), it would be the national action unions that would maintain rule of law and prevent the outbreak of violence. The Knichan government officially declared such groups illegal, but lacked the resources and the capability to forcibly disband the unions. By the 1970s the rise of the Optikhalee had co-opted several prominent members of Knichus's political scene, even if the Movement officially refused to run for office.
In 1984 Keanjaho became Praetor of the Movement, the officially recognized head of the Optikhalee. He shared power with the Movement’s most prominent military member, Lt. General Drahoslav Negutesco. Negutesco, a senior officer in the Federal Commonwealth Defense Forces, had successfully influenced hundreds of officers and leaders within the Knichan military to support the Optikhalee. Negutesco's open support for the Optikhalee was a cause for alarm for many members of the Knichan government, whom by now were wary of the popularity of the Movement, and its open calls for the end of democracy in Knichus. Not helping matters was the rise of several prominent politicians, namely Flaviu Voinea, who were supportive of the Optikhalee. Although the Movement did not officially promote and candidates for office, the Optikhalee did in effect endorse several nationalist and populist candidates whom they believed would be supportive of the Optikhalee.
However rising to challenge the Optikhalee was Minister of Justice Kereenyaga. Kereenyaga had openly spoke of his opposition to the Optikhalee and used his position as the Minister of Justice to root out corruption within the Knichan government, undermining the main justifications the Optikhalee had for opposing democracy. Optikhalee efforts to discredit Kereenyaga largely failed after the Minister successfully brought to light a major lobbying ring that resulted in the dismissal of over 20 public officials, including several prominent supporters of the Optikhalee. By 1986 Kereenyaga had even begun undermining Negutesco's influence in the armed forces, leading the Optikhalee to label Kereenyaga as the Movements principal opponent.
Election of 1987
1987 was a critical year for Knichus. The election for the National Council and Council of Provinces virtually guaranteed a new Chancellor and President after Loriana Sedita announced she would not seek re-election owing to her declining health. The Optikhalee once again did not appoint an official candidate within Parliament, but effectively endorsed Flaviu Voinea. Opposing Voinea was Kereenyaga, who represented pro-democracy elements both within the government and the country in general. Both sides began extensive propaganda campaigns aimed at undermining the opposition, with Optikhalee national action unions taking to the streets to protest against Kereenyaga and his supporters. Kereenyaga in response labeled the unions as violent attempts at voter intimidation and suppression. Street brawls broke out in major cities as anti and pro-democracy forces clashed in the weeks approaching the election. On September 1st, voters took to the streets to elect members to parliament, which in turn voted to elect the next Chancellor and President on the 12th. Although a close contest in some cases, by midnight on the 12th it was clear that Kereenyaga was slated to become the next Chancellor of the Federal Commonwealth. Protests by the Optikhalee broke out across the country, while Kereenyaga was sworn in as Chancellor on the 21st.
Course of the War
The Optikhalee responded to the election with outrage and calls for a recount, which were ignored by the Kereenyaga administration. Thousands of Movement members took to the street, engulfing the cities of Sirontonde, Toposava, Orani, Bepeni, and Njokara. Praetor Keanjaho publicly announced that the Optikhalee did not recognize the result of the election and would refuse to obey the rules and laws of the Federal Commonwealth so long as Kereenyaga was in power. The Knichan Government responded with deploying law enforcement to major cities to crackdown on the protests, many of which were disrupting the lives of everyday citizens. On September 25th, Lt. General Drahoslav Negutesco flew to Njokara, the unofficial headquarters of the Optikhalee, to meet with Keanjaho. Both men discussed how to respond to the election. Negutesco suggested demanding an emergency election by initiating a vote of no confidence within the Knichan legislature. Keanjaho dismissed the possibility, pointing out that the Optikhalee didn't have enough supporters in the National Assembly or the Federal Council to pass such a motion, nor would using democratic means to achieve power reflect well on a movement based around it's strong anti-democratic principal. Negutesco's response was to a suggest a coup d'état, using what military forces were loyal to the Optikhalee to seize power by force. Keanjaho was originally apprehensive, but eventually gave his approval when Negutesco assured him he had support from over half the armed forces.
Negutesco returned to his headquarters in Toposava and began organizing the forces necessary to carry out the coup. To move military forces into Nycero without arousing suspicion, he orchestrated a series of riots by Optikhalee supports within the capital. He would then move in forces loyal to the Optikhlaee under the guise of protecting the administration, and then seize control of the capital once in position. While some local garrison commanders were supportive of the Optikhalee, Minister of Defense Daniel Caramitru was not. Caramitru in fact had begun to suspect Negutesco was a member of the Optikhalee, and when Optikhalee aligned units began moving to the capital on October 4th he himself began gathering military forces that were still loyal to the government.
Attempted Coup
On the 6th of October the Optikhalee 3rd Anton’s Legionnaires from the 3rd Division arrived in Nycero. To the surprise of the regimental commander, the 8th Federal Guards Regiment were already deployed to the city. Believing the Federal Guards were fellow Optikhalee supporters, the Legionnaires withdrew to the outskirts of the city in a support role. It wasn't until the 7th that Negutesco was informed of the presence of the Federal Guards in the capital. Realizing the Minister of Defense was aware of the Optikhalee plans, Neguteso ordered the coup to be commenced immediately, despite the fact that only the Legionnaires were present. Negutesco's attention was soon diverted elsewhere as he began mobilizing other sympathetic forces, hoping to seize the initiative before the government could react in time.
On the morning of the 9th of October the 3rd Anton's Legionnaires rolled through the streets of Nycero to within 6 blocks of the Federal Square, home of Knichus's legislative and executive branches. They were blocked by the 8th Federal Guards, who demanded the Legionnaires return to their barracks. The lead company of the Legionnaires at first complied, and only after they had withdrawn back three blocks was the order given to open fire. A firefight quickly developed between the two regiments. The dug in and prepared Federal Guards however quickly proved too much for the Legionnaires, who had only chosen a single avenue of advance and soon came under heavy fire from all sides. They quickly withdrew over the Eastern Canal, losing over 150 killed, captured and wounded. That evening the Legionnaires regrouped and attempted another assault on Federal Square, this time attacking from the east, west, and south, but again the Federal Guards were too much, and the Legionnaires were forced to pull back to the outskirts.
Chancellor Kereenyaga had refused to leave the capital even during the most heated engagements between the Guards and Legionnaires, and as soon as the Optihkalee had withdrawn from the city, he appeared on public television to announce the attempted coup, information as which had been slow to leak due to efforts by the Optikhalee to shut down major telecommunication centers in Nycero. The Chancellor's address was a huge blow to the Optikhalee, who were trying to keep details of the coup out of public ears.
Mobilization
Once news that the coup had failed reached Negutesco, he immediately ordered Optikhalee commanders across Knichus to seize control of vital infrastructure, namely power stations, radar arrays, radio stations, and major highways. In addition, the leadership of units still loyal to the government were to be rounded up and arrested. But with news of the coup now public, many loyalist commanders were now aware and the Optikhalee attempt to seize power. The result was violent infighting, often between staffs and small units, breaking out across Knichan military installations. The bloody, often rapid battles that took place in the early days of the war are confusing and difficult to document in detail, but it is estimated that at least 60% of the armed forces joined the Optikhalee, while the rest remained loyal to the government. There was no discernible "front line" during the first few months of war, spheres of control fluctuated rapidly as both sides attempted to establish control of vital zones and areas of operation. Early fighting destroyed much of the combat power of active duty units, resulting in both sides attempting to call up reservists and Auxiliary Forces to assist in the struggle.
Operation Safeguard
The rapid escalation of the conflict following the failed coup in October was cause for concern in the Kingdom. Knichus was home to a large Cacertian expatriate population and, although they had grown to become their own peoples, the Condettieri also maintained close ethnic and cultural ties to Cacerta; the Unitarian-dominated Parliament was concerned with the possibility of a major refugee crisis. Following the rift of the Knichan military and the intensity of the initial fighting, an emergency session of Parliament was called that would go on to last several days. In late November 1987, Prime Minister Tierno—at the recommendation of Army Commander Alesso Fiorelli—authorized the deployment of the 4th Royal Guard Motor Rifle Brigade to Kapsochakos dubbed Operation Safeguard. Ultranationalists members of the House Assembly called for a larger commitment of Royal Army assets, but were defeated by Unitarians who feared that deploying more troops would be seen by Optikhalee leaders as an indirect act of aggression.
Although Operation Safeguard was designed as a peacekeeping and protection mission, the 4th Royal Guard Motor Rifle Brigade was deployed at full strength, including its complement of armored vehicles. This was done primarily as a result of the split of the Knichan military; Optikhalee forces were in possession of more than half of Knichus’ former military arsenal and were not ill-equipped. The first Cacertian units began arriving by land via Molise on 9 December 1987, arriving at post in Kapsochakos four days later.
Optikhalee Victories
By December Loyalist and Optikhalee forces had largely coalesced into larger formations capable of conducting and sustaining their own operations. Despite widespread pro-Optikhalee proliferation within the ranks of the Federal Commonwealth Defense Forces, the majority of the FCDF (roughly 60-65%) remained loyal to the Federal Government. To offset this numerical imbalance the Optikhalee made full use their populist roots to raise "volunteer brigades", which varied in quality and equipment but often were highly motivated and decently led. For reasons of doctrine and equipment, pitched high intensity combat between mechanized formations was relatively uncommon. Engagements between light infantry and motorized formations dominated most instances of combat between Loyalist and Optikhalee forces.
Loyalist forces had by December seized control of several major urban centers, namely Bepeni, Toposava, Sirontonde, Lweroti, Orban, and Orani, but Optikhalee forces often held the countryside. Loyalist forces, dependent on major highways to supply their spread out forces, frequently had to contest control of such roadways from Optikhalee harassment. Between 6 December 1987 and 14 January 1988 the Loyalists launched a grand total of 13 offensive operations in the Orban-Bepeni-Orani area of operations to clear out Optikhalee forces. In particularly heated engagements between the Loyalist 8th Federal Guards and the Optikhalee 3rd Commonwealth Militia, scores of armored vehicles were left burning on the battlefield, and hundreds of casualties were suffered on both sides.
Despite repeated efforts to dispel and repel gathering Optikhalee forces, by late December the Optikhalee had largely succeeded in isolating Loyalist forces along and north of the Stea River, leaving nearly 35,000 Loyalist troops in Orban surrounded. From their position in Bepeni, other Loyalist troops, collectively known as XV Corps (commanding by Major General Loretta Di Marzio) attempted to launch relief efforts towards their beleaguered comrades, but to little avail. Wracked by desertions and losses suffering in the fighting, some 25,000 Loyalist troops surrendered on 29 December, marking the fall of Orban into Optikhalee hands. Optikhalee forces would shortly thereafter seize Cisvana and Livapeni, but efforts to surround Bepeni, headquarters of XV Corps, were repulsed by Loyalist forces.
In January clashes between Loyalist and Optikhalee forces intensified following the commencement of Operation Sabie (Sword), a major Loyalist offensive by 10th Federal Guards, 2nd Anton’s Legionnaires, 3rd Zaccaria’s Dragoons, and 11th Ahama’s Regulars. Sweeping south towards Lweroti, the Loyalists managed to inflict heavy losses on the Optikhalee, including the destruction of the 104th and 98th Volunteer Brigades in the space bewteen Ciodaru's Ridge and Gigmunte Mountain. Loyalist spirits were dimmed shortly after however by the fall of Muradanyi to the Optikhalee, who used their newfound position to apply continuous pressure on Loyalist forces within Lweroti. Pinned down by such efforts, the Loyalists were unable to prevent the movement of several Optikhalee forces across the Majkubwa River towards Kamkiso, where they were able to annihilate the Loyalist 9th Commonwealth Militia.
Having lost Kamkiso, Loyalist forces in the area pulled back east towards Njokara, where they hoped to use their position to continue to contain the Optikhalee expansion. Such efforts were thwarted by Optikhalee movements south of Mount Mlima near the Gylian border, which threatened Sobanda. Loyalist forces answered with Operation Ciocan on 17 January 1988, but the entire operation fell apart shortly after it started. Informats within the Loyalist ranks informed the Optikhalee of the dosposition of Loyalist forces, allowing the Optikhalee to easily encircle and destroy them. Facing the collapse of their position with the Njokara-Sobanda-Sirontonde operational area, the Loyalists were forced to pull the 3rd Knichan Guards out of the Sarna River Valley and redeploy the regiment near Mount Milma to contain Optikhalee forces.
The Optikhalee continued to enjoy success in Taravilor into the month of February. On the 3rd, the 12th Commonwealth Militia, 2nd Elena's Lancers, and 1st Baraka's Grenadiers seized Giurvana, effectively turning the entire northern coast bewteen Cisvana and the Froniera River into Optikhalee hands. By now XV Corps was stretched perilously thin, unable to protect Lweroti, Bepeni, and Orani. On 6 February Di Marzio gave the order to abandon Bepeni, pulling all Loyalist forces in Taravilor south of the Stea River. This action had the benefit of shortening Loyalist supply lines and frontage, but served as a major morale boost to Optikhalee forces, whom swiftly occupied the empited territories.
Determined not to remain on the defensive, in late February Loyalist forces undertook another offensive aimed at Optikhalee troop concentrations in Kamisko. It was hoped that by eliminating the salient there, the Loyalists could concentrate their efforts on containing Optikhalee units in Muradanyi and allow more focus to be put on defending Orani. Loyalist forces assaulted Kamkiso and by 23 Feburary had surrounded the city, but were unable to force the surrender of the occupying Optikhalee. Heavy fighting around the Majkubwa River served to draw away significant numbers of reserves from both sides, largely rendering the battle ongoing in Kamkiso a side show to the fight unfolding on the banks of the Majkubwa. Despite repeated attempts to break through, by 2 March the Loyalists were forced to withdraw and abandon their drive on Kamkiso in light of heavy losses sustained in the fighting. Despite still holding onto Orani, Njokara, and Lweroti, it seemed that the Loyalist position in western Knichus was growing increasingly poor.
Operation Spyglass
Although the Taravilor Campaign did not directly affect the Cacertian peacekeeping operation in Nuoverri, Cacerta's High Command was both alarmed with how quickly the conflict was expanding and of the the successes of the Optikhalee. Army Commander Fiorelli alongside Air Fleet Commander Helena Calza approached King Doriano on the morning after the Optikhalee took Orban, subverting the Parliament with a request to deploy the Army's 1st SRS Regiment in secret.
During their meeting, Fiorelli and Calza—both aligned with Cacerta's Ultranationalist Party—admitted that a number of SRS squads had already been dispatched and forward deployed to Knichus prior to the 1987 election with a strict intelligence mandate. Both branch commanders believed that, should the Optikhalee succeed, the establishment of an authoritarian one-party state could destabilize politics in eastern Siduri. In documents declassified by Queen Anelyn in 2010, it was noted that both Fiorelli and Calza were reprimanded by the King for acting without the permission of the Parliament. However, he agreed with their assessment as a result of a briefing provided by SISMI chief Attaviano Grimani that had been conducted two days prior.
SRU units of the 1st SRS allegedly began deploying to Knichus on 14 March 1988 via civilian airliners through Bucova, Lweroti, and Floscara.
Initial Clash between the Optikhalee and Cacertian Peacekeepers
Although the 4th Royal Guard Motor Rifle Brigade was a prestigious and elite mechanized infantry unit of the Royal Army, its commander—Brigadier General Vettorio Dandolo—found it difficult to cover the entirety of the Nuoverri province. Without direct support from the Army’s logistical branch and support groups, the 4th was often relegated to moving throughout the vast distances of Knichus on only its ground vehicles which severely hindered Cacertian response time to areas that required peacekeepers especially in areas that were far away from the 4th’s FOB. Between December 1987 and February 1988, Dandolo sent in nearly two dozen requests for additional support to High Command.
The early months of 1988 saw most of the fighting between the Optikhalee and Government forces concentrated in Taravilor, but occasional skirmishes and battles occurred throughout much of the country including a number of fights in Nuoverri. Units of the 4th relied heavily on their armored fighting vehicles and APCs to intimidate Optikhalee troops away from areas deemed as refugee zones, however it was clear that the Optikhalee did not appreciate foreign troops in the country. There were several incidents involving molotov cocktails and large rocks, but no direct exchanges of gunfire.
On the night 31 March 1988, the Royal Guard’s V Mechanized Company was travelling from the town Canixa to Vittoceno as part of a routine patrol when Optikhalee forces, later identified as under the command of Captain Neculai Bunea, ambushed the Cacertians while they crossed the Mariconda Highlands. The firefight only lasted half an hour before Optikhalee troops disengaged, but resulted in several Cacertian deaths and a number of damaged APCs and trucks. News of the attack would later be used to justify the expansion of Cacerta’s peacekeeping mission into allowing troops on the ground to utilize force if deemed necessary.
There is significant debate over whether or not Optikhalee forces misidentified Cacertian troops for Government forces given the low-light and low-visibility conditions in which the ambush took place.
