Fukuyama-Jōtai Economic Directorate
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| Administrative center | Fuzan, Neo-Korea Yezochi, Fukuyama |
| Primary Languages | HCL Matsumae-Itak |
| Type | Supranational Economic Planning Union |
| Membership | Neo-Korea Fukuyama |
| Leaders | |
• Chairperson | Tsuneo Yokoto |
• Deputy Chairperson | Fusa Opere |
| Establishment | 2034 |
• Fukuyama-Jōtai Economic Planning Treaty | April 5th, 2034 |
The Fukuyama-Jōtai Economic Directorate, also abbreviated as the FJED (Seurian), FJUY (Matsumae-Itak), or as FAKS (Hiakemirian Constructed Language) is a supranational economic planning union between Fukuyama and Neo-Korea, possessing the exclusive right to determine the economic activity to be taken by both powers, primarily manifested in the current period as determining where the influx of developmental support and industrial investment from Neo-Korea to Fukuyama is directed. It is based on existing computerized networks of economic planning in existence in Neo-Korea, formerly directed by the Ministry of Economic Affairs according to the 1995 Economic Reforms. As it currently stands, it had organized the first of a series of Iminchebol and state-collaborative 3-year plans with the hope of rapidly restoring and expanding the industrial capacity at one time possessed by Fukuyama, especially in the wake of the beginning of the Great Marinian War.
The FJED is the first notable supranational organization to enter existence in Hiakemiria, although it as it currently stands is distinctly non-similar to the other primary supranational organization of note, The United Continental Confederation, owing both to its primarily economic focus and to the lack of other delegated powers given to the FJED. The FJED as it currently stands is a Kāichrén dominated institution, owing to the small size and devastation of Fukuyama caused by its recent formation. This power disparity has lead to critique of the FJED from Fukuyaman-nationalist and the Kewasōtenbu faction of the Keieikō, both of which have promoted the abolishment of the organization on national-sovereignty lines, while the Kokukkōgakkō subfaction of the Keieikō has promoted greater delegation of power to organizations such as the FJED, in an attempt to reach a state where Pan-Hiakemirian Federalism is more conceptually viable.
The FJED has had no collaboration with other international bodies, owing to a fundamentally disagreement over the role of currency and a lack of desire for any group to be incorporated into the distributive systems of the FJED. This has reduced the hypothetical capacity of the organization to expand, which - when combined with lacking relations between Neo-Korea and a number of other powers, means that few believe it will grow to be any larger than its current state presuming these factors continue to be notable.
Background
Previous Attempts
Historically, a number of attempts of concepts for a Pan-Hiakemirian economic body had been considered, dating back even to the age of Osamu Kyu-Bong himself - who advocated for a single market between all non-colonial states in the region, in preparation for a conjoining of market structures under a wider federation. The first actually notable attempt at the creation of this sort of structure would, as with many attempts at Pan-Hiakemirism's enactment, be under Kaesong, especially after their annexation of the Chamorro Islands - which granted them the ideological legitimacy to begin broaching the concept of such structures within the already existing state, a process eventually leading to the delegation of market capacities to Jungg'o, Chamorro, Matsumae, and Kaihima. This delegation would endure into the Kāichrén Democratic State's period, with the same rights being extended once again - and expanded to comprise the few islands taken from Janpia during the course of the conflict.
With the collapse of the KDS and the Kāichrén state apparatus as a whole, the loss of Chamorro, Junggo, and Matsumae would cause a collapse in the general sentiment of federationism as a whole, with the Hikaru Sakuma period instead being focused on restoration and economic cohesion, with the re-seizure of the Chamorro Islands being the only territorial gain achieved, although even that was shortly after he was placed into a coma. While the Okuma Taro period would see some level of diplomatic relations restored with Matsumae, an attempt at a mutual economic body was rejected in full, due primarily to the continued state of hostility between Neo-Korea and Jungg'o - an opposition which only expanded after Beom Dae's invasion and occupation of Jungg'o.
Matsumae would instead pursue trade with states such as Meridon, while Neo-Korea would enact policies that ended its capacity to trade in an ordinary fashion, owing to the abolishment of currency on an internal level.
2034 Matsumae War
With Neo-Korea's invasion of Matsumae, the island would be split in twain, between the newly formed and generally-unrecognized state of Fukuyama, formed primarily from radicals in the north and members of existing cultural-seperatist groups, and Matsumae itself. With this split having occurred, Fukuyama would immediately gravitate towards aligning with the state which had brought it into existence and liberated many of its leaders, signing a number of early treaties with Neo-Korea to establish jointly owned military and industrial structures. Fukuyama's first elections would result in the victory of the Eramushkari coalition, which sought further integration into Neo-Korea on the basis of defensive and economic necessity.
While lacking in direct enthusiasm for fusion with Neo-Korea itself, the coalition was still highly receptive to continued economic and military collaboration, something which Neo-Korea would predicate on a similar series of economic reforms to the 1995 Economic Reforms being enacted within Fukuyama, something which was viable at this point due to the continued devastation of the war providing a similar state in regards to resource acquisition and the capacity to forcibly incorporate such into a greater network that Neo-Korea itself had during the Invasion of Jungg'o. With this being the case, Fukuyama would similarly abolish the previously existing currency, for a period using an export version of Neo-Korea's own software for economic management.
With this relationship established, it would take a very short time for these initial treaties to be expanded into something greater, with the first major meetings to determine future economic integration being launched by Tsuneo Yokoto a scant few months after the end of the war. Throughout the course of a series of meetings taking place in March, pre-existing concepts for a state-superior planning body would be revived and, to the shock of many outside of government, rapidly approved by the Central Governing Council.
Establishment
On the fourth of April, the first Economic Planning Treaty would be signed between the current Paramount Leader Beom Dae and Fukuyama's first Minister-President, Imekanu Kimyo, following the aforementioned meetings in March. Both the Central Governing Council and the Utarikarapare would ratify the agreement shortly after the meeting, and the first organizational gathering of the FJED would take place on May Third. The EPT set out the fundamental role of the organization, its initial leadership and the areas in which it would be headquartered, and set out the framework of a process to begin the handover of existing state planning systems to the organization, with this handover to be carried out over the course of the next 5 years in Neo-Korea and to be enacted rapidly in Fukuyama. This difference was born from the difference in the sophistication and organization of existing planning systems, and therefore set Fukuyama to be first due to the lesser amount of effort which would need to be extended to exert control.
The first three-year plan, primarily focused on reconstruction and development of light industries in Fukuyama, primarily through collaboration with existing Iminchebol, in a broad effort to build an independent economic identity for Fukuyama, in line with the stated goal of the FJED to expand the capacities of the region to make up for the hypothetical potential of trade shortages occurring due to military matters, a stance which has become prophetic with the start of the Great Marinian War.
Fundamental Concept
Three-Year Planning
As has historically been the case with the post-1995 Economic Reforms economic planning, the primary method of organizing the development of industrial and economic ventures is through the method of three-year plans designed in partnership with Iminchebol and with input from local management through computerized planning. This input is designed to allow for the plans to be flexible in their enactment, and capable of responding to internal or external shocks of an economic nature without catastrophe. In the case of the FJED in comparison to Neo-Korea's previous system, there is a lesser level of input from political actors within the nations being directed, with the Central Governing Council no longer exhibiting the same managerial role it originally possessed over certain directorial aspects of planning, excluding indirectly in the form of influence over Iminchebol.
In this sense, the FJED can be argued to have formed the nucleus of a potential revival of centralist tendencies in Pan-Hiakemirism, which encouraged technocratic management over the State-Lorism or Partism of the left and right of the ideology's primary form.
Currencyless Exchange
Inherent to the development of Fukuyama's own currencyless economy was its reliance on the existing model of Kāichrén development of such. Therefore, Fukuyama would generally copy the systems of Neo-Korea in regards to the economy, including the Rōdōrui System, with the classification of labor being used to determine the provision of resources to them, as in Neo-Korea. This shared system meant that systems for Neo-Korea could again be repurposed on a larger scale, with the majority of classifications remaining the same, and therefore the same incentives and provisions were able to be offered, even to those newly included in existing categories.
What would change was the necessity for the creation of new temporary categories designed to account for newly existing exchanges of labor between states, which had not been a common enough issue for categories to be created under the Rōdōrui. To account for this, technical aspects of the Rōdōrui were changed so that resources could be held in reserve or in the case of luxuries or smaller deliverables, transferred in bulk on a newly existing series of ferries between the south of the Nán Yánshēn and Fukuyama.
This newly existing system of labor transferal between states has also encouraged the gradual construction of ties between cities in both nations, with Matsumae-itak becoming far more common in port cities than in previous decades, this exchange of languages being seen as beneficial for future cooperation by both sides. In regards to foreign powers, the FJED has been given operational control over previously existing stockpiles of Anagonian Denar, which is to be utilized in the event that raw material trade cannot be utilized or would not be accepted. The FJED's control over foreign currency is not absolute, as in the event of crisis either member can withdraw currency for the provision of emergency supplies in the event that the FJED is unable to resolve the issue in a satisfactory matter.
Superiority Over State-Level Planning
As is inherent to before-mentioned aspects of the FJED's system, it claims absolute dominance over economic planning with the caveat that it is obligated to consider and respond to critique or requests on a localized scale. This caveat was crucial to the adoption of the plan by the legislature of both states, and opens the door to reconsiderations of FJED policy in the event it fails to account for these issues, or if it is perceived to be unduly benefitting one member of the partnership, although it is hoped that no such occasion will occur, due to the forcible representation of all organizational members in the group which determines the composition of planning. With the exception of this rule, however, FJED has the complete capacity to enact policy in whichever direction or fashion is deemed most viable by those comprising the organization's planning council.
Member States
The two member states of the organization are Fukuyama and Neo-Korea, with the internal territories of the Chamorro Islands, Jungg'o, and Kaihima also being technical members through their own ratification of the treaty as subordinate groups to Neo-Korea.
Integration of Power Infrastructure
A program to connect the power grids of both nations has entered the early stages of enactment, with the transfer of power from Neo-Korea and the eventual construction of nuclear reactors of some variety on Fukuyama believed to be crucial to ensuring the security of their power infrastructure in the event of a potential renewed hostile attack. As it currently stands, Karasu has played the primary role in this power sharing plan, with members of the Iminchebol having begun scouting for a location where the construction of a reactor would be most useful for the development of the state.
Governing Structure
Executive Committee
The Executive Committee of the organization, as it currently stands, is comprised of a representative of every member, with the Kāichrén representative of the organization acting as the chairperson of the organization, the Fukuyaman representative acting as the deputy-chairperson, and Jungg'o, the Chamorro Islands, and Kaihima all having members with veto capacity on the Committee. The Committee supervises the implementation of policy received by subordinate bodies, encourages cooperation between Iminchebol and other structures, and works to establish procedure for how to handle crises or how to distribute resources between internal groupings, possessing the responsibility to see policy enacted as well. Sessions are held every two months, rotated between the capitals of Omiskan and Yezochi - with extraordinary sessions being capable of being held based on 2/3rd assent of the 5 members of the Committee. Members of the Committee can be replaced in the event that they fail to achieve the goals set up in the three-year period, with their replacements being directly elected by the population of the nation or autonomy they come from.
Subordinate Bodies
There are a number of council committees, which provide data and recommendations to the Executive Committee, alongside assisting in the drafting of technical aspects of the three-year plans. Council Committees meet on a monthly basis, and are all headquartered in Yezochi. The primary committee of note is the Kikaōryonkai, or the Planning Cooperation Committee, which plays the primary role in on-the-ground organization of projects - alongside being the link between the Executive Committee and local planning groups, with the obligation to overturn the actions of the EC in the event that they fail to match the requirements and necessities of these local groups. In the event of such a overturning, the Kikaōryonkai also has the obligation to consider pressing for the removal of the EC, and if such is chosen in a 3/5ths vote, to begin the proceedings to organize elections to replace the members of the EC deemed at fault. The Kikaōryonkai is comprised of representatives from state-organized unions, Iminchebol, and individuals appointed by labor groupings outside of these two categories, with the latter possessing the overwhelming majority of membership in comparison to the two before them.