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==June days== | ==June days== | ||
The Muttay began with a period of violence and political tension that would be known as the June days, or in some circles as the June War. Conflict broke out as a direct result of the death of Martuf Lamine, regent over the Charnean Empire, in late May. The sitting Premier and foremost civilian leader of Charnea, Marus Ibiza ag Haqar, moved to restore the AKE's primacy and his own political power over the state within hours of word of Lamine's death reaching Agnannet. For Ibiza, the first order of business was to reassert his pre-coup station as the ''de facto'' dictator of Charnea and Pazir Madoun's rightful successor, which would mean asserting control over military and civil institutions and sweeping aside any still loyal to the Martial's regency. This put Ibiza on a collision course with the Cobalt Square, whom the Premier ordered purged from the registers at once along with a number of local militia units in the east which Lamine had integrated under Army command. | |||
===Operation Alwazaban=== | ===Operation Alwazaban=== | ||
The Cobalt Square's retaliation against their purge by the high command came on the 17th of June in what would be internally referred to as Operation ''Alwazaban'' (tr. "Reply"). The first stage of the Operation was {{wp|false flag}} attack on various targets within the capital, followed up by the second and more strenuous phase which would see every asset the surviving Cobalt Square network could muster brought to bear in an attack not on the capital but on the city's airport, specifically the major ICA complex sectioned off from the civilian side of the airport. The planning for Alwazaban relied on the foreknowledge available to Cobalt Square members as ranking officers of the ICA, in particular the standing policy of the high level actors of the state regarding crackdowns on the capital in the case of uncontrolled civil unrest. | The Cobalt Square's retaliation against their purge by the high command came on the 17th of June in what would be internally referred to as Operation ''Alwazaban'' (tr. "Reply"). The first stage of the Operation was {{wp|false flag}} attack on various targets within the capital, followed up by the second and more strenuous phase which would see every asset the surviving Cobalt Square network could muster brought to bear in an attack not on the capital but on the city's airport, specifically the major ICA complex sectioned off from the civilian side of the airport. The planning for Alwazaban relied on the foreknowledge available to Cobalt Square members as ranking officers of the ICA, in particular the standing policy of the high level actors of the state regarding crackdowns on the capital in the case of uncontrolled civil unrest. Precedent had been established, first in the 1953 Agnannet Crush and again in the 1979 rebellion, that laid bare the regime's pattern of responding to a legitimate danger of loosing control of the ever-unruly capital, the government would withdraw to the military base at Agnannet International Airport which would become a command center to coordinate a military crackdown in the city. The gamble inherent in Operation Alwazaban was that the pre-existing troubles in Agnannet would be enough, together with the artificial escalation orchestrated in the first phase of the operation, would be enough to goad the high command and political chiefs to deem the capital too dangerous and carry out their retreat to the airport. In case of a failure in this stage, assuming the Cobalt Square's attack on the airport could still succeed, the operational plan of Alwazaban would at minimum allow the group to control the main military installation in the capital region which would give the group some strategic options and potentially leverage at the negotiating table should they fail to capture the state leadership and succeed in their coup. | ||
==Provisional Military Government== | ==Provisional Military Government== | ||
==Formation of the Republic== | ==Formation of the Republic== | ||
Revision as of 18:11, 28 September 2023
| Charnean Revolution The Muttay | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| ⵎⵓⵜⵜⴰⵢ | |||
| Date | 7 June 2023 – 1 October 2023 | ||
| Location | |||
| Caused by |
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| Methods |
| ||
| Resulted in |
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| Parties to the civil conflict | |||
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| Lead figures | |||
| Casualties | |||
| Death(s) | 487 | ||
| Injuries | 3,107 | ||
| Arrested | 14,200 demonstrators (later released) 2,129 AKE officials, state security officers, and others taken into custody by the mutineers. | ||
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The Muttay (Tamashek: ⵎⵓⵜⵜⴰⵢ, lit. "The Change"), also known as the Charnean Revolution, was a period of civil unrest, mutiny and political revolution which took place during the summer of 2023, resulting in the overthrow of the Imperial government and the establishment of the Charnean Republic. The focal point of the Muttay was the month of June, which saw weeks of demonstrations, political assassinations and the final mutiny from within the Charnean Army which proved fatal to the Imperial regime. However, it is generally agreed that the Muttay did not fully come to an end until the dissolution of the provisional military government and the swearing in of the first elected administration of the Republic on October 1st. Neither the uprising against nor the transition away from the monarchy and the one-party rule of the AKE was immediate. The Muttay progressed through a stage of civil resistance following by armed resistance and military action in the tumultuous month of June, followed by a prolonger period of state-building as the provisional military government (PMG) worked to stabilize the country and lay the groundwork for the elected Republican government.
The immediate effects of the Muttay were drastic and numerous. The fall of the Charnean Imperial government triggered a period of capital flight and a related currency crisis, as well as a marked 5% contraction in the national GDP. Economic pressures as well as a lack of presence on the part of municipal police in Agnannet contributed to a dramatic spike in criminal activity which was only contained after over a month of Army deployments on security duties across several major Charnean cities. Redeployment of ICA forces to the west of the country also caused low-level hostilities to temporarily open up in many of Charnea's frozen eastern insurgencies. However, it would be the long-standing effects of the Muttay and the course of the political upheavals within it which would shape the future of Charnea in a profound way. The direct result of the Muttay was the abolition of the six-centuries-old monarchy and with it the formal dissolution of the Charnean Empire founded by Ihemod the Inheritor. In its stead, the revolutionaries established the Republic of Charnea, a regime based on military democracy dominated by the rank and file of the Charnean Army. The consequences of the internal reorganization and foreign policy realignments likely to result from the Muttay have yet to come to full fruition, making an accurate assessment of the revolution's impact difficult to make.
Background
The discontent which would eventually boil over in the form of the Muttay stems from the era of the Ninvite War and its aftermath. Prior to the 1980s, the governing Congress of Progress and Prosperity party (known by its Tamashek acronym AKE) which ruled Charnea was a one party-state since its industrialization drive in the 1920s had enjoyed general popularity from large portions of the population, even non-Tenerians, thanks to its overwhelming success in modernizing the nation and establishing a prosperous economy in the Ninva. The Ninvite War, which weakened the Charnean economy, saddled the state with tremendous war debt, and inflicted an immense cost in human life on key demographics of the population, proved to break the spell the AKE held over the Charnean public. The war was seen as a personal project of AKE dictator Pazir Madoun and was politically tied to the AKE just as much as the previous successes in building the economy had been. In particular, the Ninvite War soured the relationship between the AKE party and the Kel Ajama subgroup of the dominant Tenerian ethnicity of Charnea, who represent an overwhelming majority of the Charnean Army's rank and file. As a result of their over-representation in the armed forces, the Ajamites bore a disproportionate cost in deaths from the war, which deeply scarred their communities for generations to come. To compound this injury, the AKE government began to engage in a policy of tacit segregation against the rural Kel Ajama, which Ajamite radicals claimed to be part of a wider plan to keep the Kel Ajama in the same economically depressed state they have been in for decades in order to more easily access Ajamite manpower to rebuild the military in a post-war world.
Ajamite resistance crystalized into an organized form following the Seven Day Coup, an event which saw an attempted coup by a hardliner faction of the AKE defeated by a successful military counter-coup headed by Martial Martuf Lamine. Lamine, who installed himself as regent over a puppet monarch following the coup, intentionally fostered the Ajamite radicals as a counterweight to establishment forces and rivals within the Army whom he anticipated would inevitably oppose his rule. The organization which emerged in this context was the Cobalt Square (Murab Kubalt), a military political faction led by a cabal of four ICA Colonels, including the only Deshrian commissioned officer in the Charnean Army. The Cobalt Square was able to gain membership and expand its influence over the soldiery by casting itself as an Ajamite veterans association railing against the unequal proportion practices of the Army which suppressed Ajamite advancement in favor of aristocratic career officers, drawing in broader appeal by claiming to fight for the oppressed Ajamites and non-Tenerians both in and out of uniform, promising their members that their families would be taken care of if the organization should achieve its goals. The Cobalt Square's anti-establishment tone, encouraged by Martuf Lamine, greatly alarmed and antagonized the ICA high command which would turn against the group days after Lamine's death in Fahran. The attempted purge of the Ajamite radicals from the Army directly instigated the events of the Muttay.
June days
The Muttay began with a period of violence and political tension that would be known as the June days, or in some circles as the June War. Conflict broke out as a direct result of the death of Martuf Lamine, regent over the Charnean Empire, in late May. The sitting Premier and foremost civilian leader of Charnea, Marus Ibiza ag Haqar, moved to restore the AKE's primacy and his own political power over the state within hours of word of Lamine's death reaching Agnannet. For Ibiza, the first order of business was to reassert his pre-coup station as the de facto dictator of Charnea and Pazir Madoun's rightful successor, which would mean asserting control over military and civil institutions and sweeping aside any still loyal to the Martial's regency. This put Ibiza on a collision course with the Cobalt Square, whom the Premier ordered purged from the registers at once along with a number of local militia units in the east which Lamine had integrated under Army command.
Operation Alwazaban
The Cobalt Square's retaliation against their purge by the high command came on the 17th of June in what would be internally referred to as Operation Alwazaban (tr. "Reply"). The first stage of the Operation was false flag attack on various targets within the capital, followed up by the second and more strenuous phase which would see every asset the surviving Cobalt Square network could muster brought to bear in an attack not on the capital but on the city's airport, specifically the major ICA complex sectioned off from the civilian side of the airport. The planning for Alwazaban relied on the foreknowledge available to Cobalt Square members as ranking officers of the ICA, in particular the standing policy of the high level actors of the state regarding crackdowns on the capital in the case of uncontrolled civil unrest. Precedent had been established, first in the 1953 Agnannet Crush and again in the 1979 rebellion, that laid bare the regime's pattern of responding to a legitimate danger of loosing control of the ever-unruly capital, the government would withdraw to the military base at Agnannet International Airport which would become a command center to coordinate a military crackdown in the city. The gamble inherent in Operation Alwazaban was that the pre-existing troubles in Agnannet would be enough, together with the artificial escalation orchestrated in the first phase of the operation, would be enough to goad the high command and political chiefs to deem the capital too dangerous and carry out their retreat to the airport. In case of a failure in this stage, assuming the Cobalt Square's attack on the airport could still succeed, the operational plan of Alwazaban would at minimum allow the group to control the main military installation in the capital region which would give the group some strategic options and potentially leverage at the negotiating table should they fail to capture the state leadership and succeed in their coup.