History of Rajyaghar

The history of Rajyaghar began around 65,000 BC, when humans were first believed to inhabit what is now the Kingdom of Rajyaghar. Modern day Rajyaghar first came into being in 19XX when the Colony of the Rajyani Territories were granted independence by XX.

Rajyaghar is home to a diverse range of ethnic groups, languages and beliefs and this diversity is a result of Rajyaghar's history. The history of Rajyaghar has also played a significant role in the development of its culture post-independence with aspects of modern Rajyani culture taken from different aspects of the cultures of the Kingdoms, Empires and Confederacies that came before it.

Ancient Rajyani Civilisations

The earliest known records of humans in Rajyaghar was around 65,000 BC with historical records of this era being minimal at best. From 6,000 BC, historical records begin to show evidence of basic structures for residence, the rearing of animals and use of crops for food along the coastline and along major rivers which progressed inland. These areas developed into the ancient rajyani civilisaitons. Due to their relative isolation from one another, the settlements developed independently for thousands of years until around 2,000 BC when there was increased communication between them and trade began to emerge.

From 2000 to 300 BC, the development of the tulyatan faith began to emerge and flourish amongst the ancient rajyani civilisations as did the ancient language of matrabasha. It is also agreed that it was during this period that there was significant Satari-Euclean migration to the region which further led to the development of the matrabasha language and tulyatan faith. Some of this migration also led to small tribes and communities developing deeper inland in the central mountain ranges and the eastern forests. These distant tribes and communities quickly lost contact with those along the coast and rivers.

These Davedara Pillars would be erected in any settlement that belonged to the Jhanda Empire

Dolarbur was an ancient rajyani civilisation which had artificial reservoirs to provide for the locals

It was also during this period that the development of the clan system emerged with various tribes and communities developing unique practices, traditions and rituals and with clear leadership structures. This has been evidenced by some of the archeological findings along the Naratha river and coastline which showed clear signs of chieftan residences in the centre of ancient clan settlements. It was also during this time that a caste system appeared to have developed. On buildings and tools throughout the ancient rajyani civilisations there appear to be symbols which denote an individual or structure's role in society. For example, there is the symbol of the trident which can be found, in one artistic form or another, on the walls of the chieftains homes.

One of the largest areas of development was along the Naratha river, the largest of the Rajyani rivers. Rapid development in this area was due to increasing trade occuring between the communities along the river and the prosperity of their agricultural practices which flourished on the fertile river banks. One of these tribes, the Jhanda Clan, swiftly rose to power in the early 500s BCE after several closely situated clans amalgamated into a single entity under Chieftan Anilshah Jhanda. Over the next three centuries, the Jhanda Empire would rapidly expand from its seat on the banks of the Naratha River, to dominate much of the northern coast of modern-Rajyaghar and even extend as far south to the source of the Naratha River in the Pavitra Valley in central Rajyaghar. The Jhanda Empire's lasting legacy is its spread of the matrabashi language and Tulyatan faith as well as the construction of the "Pathica Rasta" (literally translated as 'spine road'), a major road which stretched from the northernmost tip of the Jhanda Empire to the base of Pavitra Valley. The Pathica Rasta served as a major connector for the smaller clans that fell under the Jhanda Empire and would greatly increase trade, development and use of the shared matrabasha language and of tulyatan faith. Whilst the Jhanda Empire collapsed in 280 BCE, the continued development of this region along the Naratha River and neighbouring areas would lead to the development of the Naratha River Civilisation by 240 BCE.

Naratha River Civilisation

Tulyatan cave temple in northern Rajyaghar, constructed in 320 CE. Similar temples are found as far inland as the Pavitra Valley.

Following the collapse of the Jhanda Empire in the 3rd Century BCE, the remnants of the Empire reverted to their pre-empire clan system where small clans would be largely independent of others. However, the trade and societal links created by the Jhanda Empire prevented complete isolation of individual clans. As a result, numerous small clans would be in regular communication with each other and over the course of the next few decades, many would come together for increased security and economic opportunities or due to similar practices, theology and culture. These consolidated entities would develop into kingdoms, empires and republics which would become known as the "Kirokirajyas" (early kingdoms). Due to the shared language, clan system and faith, this period of time and the Kirkoirajyas themselves are known as the Naratha River Civilisation.

The Kirokirajyas would later expand further than the ancient borders of the Jhanda Empire and with them they would take matrabasha language and tulyatan faith as well as their societal constructs such as the clan system and caste system. However, by 300 CE, the caste system would fall out of favour in many of the Kirokirajyas due to the diversification of the employment opportunities as the early kingdoms developed and expanded.

Rajana Period

• 430 – founding of the Rajana Dynasty
• 450 – domination of the Naratha River Civilisations
• 480 – Expansion southwards and eastwards
• 522 – Wars against the invading irfanic tribes
• 555 – Ascension of Shakti as Maharani of Rajana
• 567 – Conquest of the irfanic territories
• 569 – Golden Age of the Rajana Empire - dominance of Rajana over modern-Rajyaghar lands
• 783 – Rise of the Mirza Sultanate in the east
• 786 – Start of the Dynastic War between Mirza and Rajana

Andhara Period

• 800 – Fall of Kismat (Rajana capitol) and murder of the Rajana Dynasty by the Mirza Sultanate
• 812 – Victory over the Mirza Sultanate by Rajana Generals
• 815 – Infighting between the Rajana Generals leads to collapse of the Rajana Empire and emergence of smaller kingdoms
• 816 – Period of total war between these smaller kingdoms
• 948 – Plague spreads across Rajyaghar leading to the collapse of several kingdoms
• 953 – End of the Plague
• 956 – Surviving kingdoms begin a period of conquest against collapsed neighbours

The Parivartana

The Parivartana marked the end of the Andhara Period and saw a transformation, which is where the name comes from, in Rajyani culture. The new age saw a period of enlightenment and advancement throughout Rajyaghar.

Peace sweeps across the land as the new kingdoms settle into their borders and wars come to an end. Period of enlightenment culturally, technologically, religiously and economically.

Vikasan Era

The Vikasan Era was the glory age for the Middle Kingdoms of Rajyaghar. The Era saw the cementation of the multiple middle kingdoms as sovereign states. The era also ushered in an age of war which saw rival kingdoms clash over territories, ideologies and emerging differences in culture. It was in this era that the relations between Tulyatan and Irfanic communities broke down and resulted in multiple wars on religious grounds. Due to the balance of power between the Kingdoms, no one kingdom dominated Rajyaghar.

• 1300 – Rathankot expands northwards, dominating smaller kingdoms
• 1310 – Fearing continued expansion, Sanyukt declares war against Rathankot
• 1310-1410 – Hundred years war between Rathankot and Sanyukt
• 1323 – Sangma Dynasty invades southern Rajyani states
• 1345 – Irfanic Sultanates in north-eastern Rajyaghar merge to form the Raulian Confederacy
• 1360 – Rajadom of Harringhata erupts into civil war resulting in it splitting into Rajadom of Harringhata and Kodur Collective
• 1382 – Kodur Collective collapses and is annexed by Harringhata
• 1395 – Mirza Empire splits into Zulmat and Suti Sultanates and Parsa Presidency
• 1410 – Peace Treaty signed between Rathankot and Sanyukt in Bishnupur
• 1427 – Dedha, Mondari and Sasipur form an alliance to repel Sangma Dynasty
• 1439 – Collapse of Sangma dynasty leads to creation of Sangam Rajadom in southern Rajyani led by former Sangma General
• 1450 – Dalar Bewar secedes from Zulmat Sultanate
• 1466 – Sanyukti Empire attempts to expand along entire Rajyani coastline
• 1567 – Zulmat declares war against the Sanyukti Empire
• 1571 – Zulmat surrenders to Sanyukti Empire
• 1580 – Fall of Chanak State to Sanyukti Empire
• 1582 – Rathankot loses control over Pinjar Province and it secedes

Age of Sanyukt

Samudra Palace, seat of power for the Rajana Dynasty in Sanyukt

The Age of Sanyukt quickly brought about an end to the balance of power that existed between the middle kingdoms in the Vikasan Era. After decisive victories in the Coastal War, the Sanyukti Empire dominated north-western Rajyaghar and was able to exercise influence over most of the Tulyatan middle kingdoms. The Age of Sanyukt was a period of fewer conflicts and an era of stability for the Sanyukti Empire which saw no great threat to its supremacy in Rajyaghar.

From the 1770s onwards, Sanyukti dominance across Rajyaghar had resulted in a false sense of security and stability within the leadership of the Empire. Large amounts of the tax revenue collected by imperial authorities were diverted from the navy and army to the construction of monuments and infrastructure which, whilst increasing the size of the economy and culture of the empire, resulted in a weakening of its security. In 1795, the Sanyukti Empire was at the height of its power and, not having the appetite for conquest and having a lack of vision, Emperor Sooraj II summoned the heads of state of the other Rajyani Kingdoms to Kinadica where they signed the 1795 Peace Accords, ending centuries of conflict across Rajyaghar and confirming the borders of the various kingdoms. Following the peace accords, many of the Rajyani kingdoms reduced the sizes of their militaries to focus spending on their infrastructure and economies which further weakened the overall strength of the rajyani kingdoms. As a result, when the XX Empire landed its invasion force in the 1802, the weakened Rajyani Kingdoms were unable to put up any significant defence and the fall of the kingdoms began.

• 1600 – Shivaji II is anointed Emperor of Sanyukt by the High Priest of Bishnupur
• 1602 – Pinjar falls to the Togoti Khaganate
• 1603 – Start of the Togoti-Rathankot War
• 1607 – Parsa Presidency joins Rathankot in war against the Khaganate
• 1610 – Sanyukti Navy defeats last remaining naval powers along Rajyani Coastline
• 1634 – Rathankot-Parsa alliance successfully repels Togoti Khagante
• 1635 – Chanak State re-established by Rathankot and Parsa Presidency
• 1640-1652 – Rathankot and Sanyukt go to war in the 12 years war
• 1652 – Rathankot surrenders after the battle of Harendhor
• 1678 – First Coalition is formed to oppose Sanyukti expansion
• 1683 – defeat of the First Coalition
• 1687 – Second Coalition formed to oppose Sanyukti presence in central Rajyaghar
• 1689 – Stalemate results in truce treaty being signed
• 1701 – High Priest Mathur IV of the Holy State of Bishnupur dies, Grand Council begins to elect new leader.
• 1702 – Naranya I elected High Priest of Bishnupur. Election is highly divisive and leads to his assassination two months later.
• 1703 – Dedha and Chanak secede from Bishnupur amidst the chaos
• 1704 – Sanyukti Empire invades Bishnupur in order to ensure security and makes it a protectorate
• 1706 – Mathur V appointed by Rajaram IV as High Priest of Bishnupur. Constitution of Bishnupur changed to ensure Emperor of Sanyukt choses its High Priest.
• 1708 – Princess Lakshmi of Sanyukt and Prince Prakash of Sangam marry
• 1712 – Rathankot invades Nakhtrana
• 1715 – Rathankot makes inroads into Nakhtrana but are wiped out in the Pavitra Valley
• 1716 – After Pavitra Valley massacre, Rathankot retreats to 1712 borders
• 1720 – Maharani Lakshmi anointed Empress of Sanyukti Empire, many smaller kingdoms swear fealty to Empress Lakshmi to avoid war
• 1725 – smaller states which failed to swear fealty are invaded and annexed
• 1728 – Third Coalition is formed and led by Rathankot to oppose Lakshmi
• 1734 – defeat of the third coalition and collapse of Rathankot into a republic
• 1736 – President Devdhar names himself King of Rathankot and re-establishes the monarchy
• 1738 – Devdhar and Lakshmi sign a treaty of friendship ending centuries of hostility
• 1770 – Death of Empress Lakshmi. Succeeded by Sooraj II.
• 1795 – Peace accords signed by all major states. Start of a period of demilitarisation
• 1797 – mass resignations of Sanyukti generals due to leadership of Emperor Sooraj II

Second Andhara

The Second Andhara (Second Dark Ages) was the period of time between 1802 and the official formation in 1841 of the Rajyani Territories; the name given to the XX colony that made up modern day Rajyaghar. The period began in 1802 when an invasion force from the XX Empire landed on the north-western coastline of the Kingdom of Swarupnagar and the Sultante of Dalar Bewar. Due to the reduction in military spending and size of the Rajyani Kingdoms since the 1795 peace accords, navies had been reduced to merchant protection fleets and so the Swarupnagar navy provided little resistance against the well-tested and battle hardened navy of XX. By 1804, the small Sultante of Dalar Bewar had fallen and Swarupnagar was engaging in emergency peace talks with XX. Fearing a total loss of power, the Maharaja of Swarupnagar signed a treaty of suzerainty with XX which saw the Maharaja retain some domestic power. In reality, the Maharaja was King in name only as XX officials would dictate to the Maharaja what policies to enact.

Across the Rajyani Kingdoms, many saw the swift invasion of Dalar Bewar and Swarupnagar as a sign of what was to come and many began to re-arm and expand their militaries. But due to years of dismantling their military infrastructures, many of the kingdoms were unable to recruit enough forces to withstand the invasion forces of XX. In central Rajyaghar, the kingdoms rallied their weakened forces in their northern borders in preparation for an XX invasion, not knowing that in 1806, XX had signed secret agreements with the Sultantes of Raulia and Zulmat and the Empire of Parsa guaranteeing peace between them and XX in return for assistance in the invasion of the central Rajyani Kingdoms. In 1808, Raulia, Zulmat and Parsa, which made up the eastern rajyani states, invaded the central rajyani kingdoms in what became known as The Great Betrayal. The unsuspecting rajyani kingdoms were unable to withstand this eastern invasion due to their forces being predominantly in the north. Facing near guaranteed oblivion, the Kingdoms of Kodur and Bhankari, fearing irfanic dominance and suppresssion of the tulyatan people, signed treaties of suzerainty with XX, ending the sultante invasions.

By 1834, central and northern Rajyaghar was under the control of the XX Empire either through treaties of suzerainty or through direct occupation. In the west, only the Sanyukti Empire was able to put up any fight against the XX Empire. From 1826, Sanyukt and XX had been engaged in several small skirmisshes along their joint land border and at sea. The Sanyukti navy had managed to put up a significant fight but by 1836 the losses were mounting and the Sanyukti navy was unable to create more warships than were being destroyed by XX. In 1837, the final straw broke in the Battle of Deshmuk which saw Admiral Nandi's fleet sunk off of the coast of the major trading port of Deshmuk. With no naval force able to defend the Sanyukti coastline from a sea invasion, Sanyukti moral was crushed. The economic strains placed on the Empire was also causing domestic trouble with food shortages affecting the poorest communities. When the XX invasion of the Sanyukti Empire finally came in 1840, the country had been starved economically and was on the brink of civil war itself due to deteriorating conditions, poor morale and a devastated military and economy. In return for a bloodless takeover, Emperor Karan III entered into a suzerainty treaty with XX. By 1842, the remaining rajyani kingdoms fell through conquest to XX and the colonial era began.

Colonial Era

Due to the complex nature and divide and conquer tactics of XX in their invasion of the rajyani kingdoms, the organisation and governance of the territories was incredibly complex. After a series of riots and protests against XX control throughout 1842-1845, the XX Crown stepped in and ordered the colonial authorities to reorganise the colonies, which operated seperately from one another, into a single colony which would become the 'Rajyani Territories'. In 1847, new measures were brought into place to create the 'Rajyani Territories' in which a single Governor General, appointed by the XX Crown, would administer the colony. The existing treaties of suzerainty were renegotiated with the rajyani kings and sultans unable to protest due to the military strength of XX that had continued to increase since 1842. By 1851, the Rajyani kings and sultans had lost all significant powers as any power they did have was simply as a rubber stamp to colonial administrators who were appointed by the Governor-General to oversee the workings of each of the Kings and Sultans. Additionally, the Kings and Sultans were stripped of their titles and instead given the uniform title of 'Prince of the Princely State of [state]'.

The colonial era saw the birth of the 'rajyani' identity as prior to colonisation, there had never been a unified sense of a 'Rajyaghar' land or identity. It was also under the colonial regime that education became more common place with the colonial administration setting up the predecessor to the modern-rayjani education system; namely the mass construction of primary education schools and the establishment of colleges and universities in major cities, not just princely state capitals. Under the colonial regime, the infrastructure within Rajyaghar was vastly enhanced with thousands of miles of rail tracks being laid down throughout the colonial era. The ports were also improved to meet with euclean standards which further enhanced the trade prosperity of Rajyaghar. In a short period of time, the Rajyani economy was transformed and society had changed from a rural dominated one to a more suburban and urban one. Many historians now question the benefits of the infrastructure improvements with some arguing that it was overall beneficial to Rajyaghar and others arguing that it was only created to increase the speed at which natural resources could be taken out of Rajyaghar back to Euclea and to increase the profits of XX companies operating in the territory, not to further the economic growth of the local population.

Path to Independence

In the early 1900s, tensions between the great powers in Euclea continued to rise, requiring XX to withdraw more troops from the Rajyani territories to secure its mainland territories. Alongside this, tensions were continuing to rise between the lower rajyani classes and the colonial administration. As a result, the colonial administration was tasked with increasing the size of the Imperial Rajyani Territorial Army (IRTA) as well as taking over more duties from the Colonial Office in XX to deal with the rising territorial tensions. To facilitate this, Lord Cunningham, the Governor-General of Rajyaghar, summoned the Princes of the Princely States of Rajyaghar to the Imperial Palace in Kinadica. The meeting discussed Cunningham's plan to increase the size of the IRTA using the influence of the Rajyani Princes and Clan Leaders in return for increased self-governance. By the end of the three week meeting, a decision was agreed to in which the Rajyani leaders would use their influence to bolster the IRTA and in return they would form a National Council of Princes which would serve as the primary advisory council to the Governor-General. The deal would become known as the Cunningham Accords and were widely seen as a step in the right direction by the Rajyani people.

Lord Holmes, last Governor-General of the Rajyani Territories

In 1926, the Great War broke out across Kylaris. Fearing a collapse of XX's colonial possessions, the newly installed Governor-General of Rajyaghar, Lord Maximillian Holmes, summoned a meeting of the National Council of Princes. Holmes called the meeting due to the fact that whilst the IRTA would be able to put up a fight against any invasion into XX Rajyaghar, it would not, at its current size, be able to play an offensive role in the Satrian theatre of the Great War. In response, the NCP assured Holmes that if he pledged to grant independence at the conclusion of the war, the NCP would help the colonial administration in its war. Holmes agreed to the measures on the condition that independence would be granted over a period of years after a period of self-governance under the supervision of XX. The measures were agreed to and the Holmes Plan was adopted. The response of the plan was more divided amongst the Rajyani people with the lower classes being openly against the agreement but with few economic opportunities and with princes still retaining significant cultural, political and religious influence, the IRTA expanded in size, securing the Rajyani Territories and its support in the Great War.

In 1929, the Government of XX fell and within a few days word reached the furthest corners of Rajyaghar and dissent and the idea of independence grew. Fearing a complete collapse of the Rajyani territories into civil war and with Great War still ongoing, Lord Holmes, who had since become an admirer of Rajyaghar, sought to ensure stability and order. As a result, Lord Holmes ordered no further offensives by the IRTA and recalled many regiments in order to ensure stability within the Rajyani Territories. Lord Holmes, a feirce royalist, also knew that the royal regime of XX was over and that he was now the highest ranking official in the Territories. Throughout his time as Governor-General, Lord Holmes had enjoyed warm relations with the tulyatan leadership who had always tried to remain friendly with the colonial administration to prevent punitive laws being introduced against the rajyani people, whilst the irfanic leaders had presented more of a problem due to their hopes of a seperate irfanic nation and their opposition to supporting the IRTA during the early 1900s and their later refusal to assist in its expansion for the Great War.

Krishan VI, Prince of Sanyukt and later the 1st Maharaja of Rajyaghar

As talks of an early independence grew, fears began to grow within the tulyatan middle class and leadership over possible irfanic revolutions that could sweep to power an irfanic dominated government. Throughout the colonial era, the idea of a united Rajyaghar, which had never been considered prior, had become a unifying pillar in the resistance against colonial power particularly amongst the lower classes which did not identify as strongly with their princely states. Additionally, during the Great War, irfanic opposition to involvement had gained irfanic leaders popularity not only within their princely states but across Rajyaghar including within the tulyatan lower classes. As the idea of independence grew closer thanks to the Holmes Plan, the majority of the tulyatan population feared this growing irfanic popularity and so the tulyatan princes met with leaders of the tulyatan clans and reached an agreement. The agreement was based on the idea that an independent Rajyaghar would be a secular nation, so as to prevent an irfanic revolution against codified tulyatan dominance, but with a constitutional tulyatan monarch and elected government. The plan was put to Lord Holmes in February 1931 where he agreed to it. At the following meeting of the National Council of Princes in April 1931, Holmes presented the plan as if it was his own to reduce the likelihood of irfanic opposition. The irfanic princes, who had been fearing a presidential system plan in which the larger number of tulyatan states would be able to ensure no irfanic citizen became President, were surprised by the secular nature of the government and agreed to the plans. The agreement of the meeting also stated that independence would still only be given after the end of the Great War despite the collapse of the XX Government. In 1944 the agreement between the tulyatan leadership and Lord Holmes, which had previously been kept secret, became public knowledge and resulted in mass protests across the country which eventually subsided.

At a meeting of the National Council of Princes in January 1932, Prince Krishan VI of the Princely State of Sanyukt was elected to be the first Maharaja of an independent Rajyaghar. The vote was almost unanimous with only a few Princes abstaining and none casting votes against. Krishan VI is widely thought to have been chosen due to the dominance of the Sanyukti Empire pre-XX and due to his wide popularity amongst the tulyatan lower and middle classes, in part due to his public devotion to the tulyatan faith. Krishan VI also had a record of welcoming and meeting with irfanic leaders for talks when religious tensions boiled over within the Princely State of Sanyukt, earning him favour with irfanic princes and leaders. At the same time, the new constitution was formally agreed to and it was announced that it would come into effect on the day of independence.

In February 1935, the Great War ended and the process of granting independence began. To ensure a smooth transition, elections to the new national parliament (Shahee Sansad) were called and the new members were elected in June 1935 but would not take up their seats until the day of independence. In July 1935, at a ceremony in front of the Imperial Palace, Lord Holmes signed the declaration of independence alongside Krishan VI and marked the official end of colonial rule, the dissolution of the Rajyani Territories and the birth of the new Kingdom of Rajyaghar. In front of a crowd of over 500,000 people, Krishan VI swore an oath of allegiance to the new Constitution, recieved the oaths of loyalty from the newly elected Shahee Sansad and formally swore in the first Government of Rajyaghar under the leadership of Prime Minister Pramod Ashtikar.

Post-Independence

Baiju Pahir Kapadia, Rajyaghar's first Prime Minister

People’s Party dominated politics for the first decade and it was a combination of centrist ideals run by establishment independence figures. The party slowly began to unravel due to it being too broad of a church in terms of political ideology, ranging from centre-right positions to left-wing positions. This led to its ultimate collapse and split in 1947 into the Cooperative Party (left-wing) and Liberal Party (centrist – centre-right). In this chaos, no party was able to achieve a majority in the 1948 elections which resulted in a liberal party minority government. The party’s failure at governance, mainly due to an attempted take-over by the more conservative wing, led to its collapse in 1950 which resulted in another general election which resulted in yet another hung Shahee Sansad. This time, the Cooperative Party formed a minority government and it fared much better due to less internal divisions and a more united ideology and party leadership.

The Co-op Party was viewed favourably across the nation and, due to ongoing divisions in the liberal party which had weakened it further, took the country to an early election (1952) in which the Co-op party secured an overwhelming majority thus ending almost ten years of deadlock in the Shahee Sansad. The Co-op Party would dominate Rajyani politics for the next 5 years whilst the liberal party haemorrhaged members to the RRP which had been courting the more centre-right liberal party members. In the 1959 election, the RRP overtook the Liberals to become the second largest party.

During the 1950s, religious divisions were also plaguing the nation and the narrative played into the hands of the RRP which labelled itself as a tulyatan party compared to the Co-op party which was strictly secular. This religious association helped bolster support for the RRP in the religiously divided 50s and paved the way for their victory in the 1960 elections. The 1960 victory was also a result of revolutions in Zorasan which struck fear into the tulyatan voters who feared that the pardarian irfanic minority in Rajyaghar would attempt a similar revolution at home.

Malhotra Government

A.D. Malhotra, the RRP's 1st Prime Minister

The late 1950s saw Rajyaghar facing a series of exestential crises which risked the dissolution of the Realm. In 1959, the Second Satrian War began following Ajahadya's invasion and subsequent annexation of the Union States of Pinjar and Sangam. Whilst this was occuring, the ongoing religious tensions that plagued the country continue to grow with increasing tensions between the tulyatan and irfanic communities. Incumbent Prime Minister, Onkar Jariwala, had lost the support of his Co-operative Party following the disastorous invasion by Ajahadya and the disarray of the armed forces. Since the end of the First Satrian War in 1948, the Co-operative Party had been in power and had pursued a commitment to diplomacy which resulted in the armed forces lacking the funding it needed to recover and rebuild following the first satrian war. Jariwala's party was attacked ruthlessly in the Shahee Sansad for this failure and in December 1959, he announced that he would not seek re-election as CP Party Leader or seek re-election as Prime Minister.

Amidst this chaos and uncertainty, the Rajyani Rashtriya Party elected Abhinav Devdhar Malhotra, a fierce tulyatan nationalist, as party leader and candidate for prime minister for the 1960 General Election. A.D.M., as he was known as, was a devoted opponent to communism, a fierce proponent of increased defence spending and a devoted follower of the tulyatan faith. Throughout his campaign rallies, he would often criticise the failings of the CP's economic policies and would tout the successes of the Union State Governments of Harringhata and Dodhar which were controlled by the RRP, which had been performing well economically. These routine attacks on the leftist parties led to the liberal party, a centrist political party which had failed to find a niche in the political spectrum, haemorrhage its membership to the RRP.

ADM's charismatic leadership style, coupled with the religious tensions, left vs. right political division and the failings of the CP prior to the third satrian war, resulted in a resounding victory for the RRP at the National Shahee Sansad '60 election. This marked the first time that the party not only won a national election but also won Union State legislative assembly elections in the co-operative party strongold states of Sanyukt and Swarupnagar. Due to his attacks against communism and his tulyatva policies, the Communist Party of Rajyaghar and Irfanic Coalition boycotted the swearing-in-ceremony of the Malhotra Government.

Throughout his time in office, Abhinav Devdhar Malhotra would face many national crises. From the beginning, ADM would have to deal with the third satrian war in which Rajyaghar was being overrun by Ajahadya following the loss of the Union States of Pinjar and Sangam and with Bankari on the brink. ADM would also have to deal with an economy strangled by regulation, rising religious tensions and the death of Maharaja Krishan VII in 1961, the assasination of his successor, Maharaja Rajaram V in 1964 and the ascension of Maharani Shakti III.

Third Satrian War

Maneet Sutaria, 1st Chief of the Defence Staff

During his first term in office, ADM's priorities were the war effort and economic reforms. On the war effort, the army and air force leadership were asked to step down and the entire command structure of the armed forces was reformed. Malhotra created the position of a new "Chief of the Defence Staff" who would serve as the day to day operational commander for all branches of the military. Abhinav appointed Maneet Sutaria, a four star general in the army, to serve as the nation's first Chief of Defence Staff and tasked Sutaria with regaining the Union States of Pinjar and Sangam. Coupled with his deregulation of the defence industry, Malhotra used the royal perogative to draft into service all men aged 18 to 30 into the armed forces; the first and only forced conscription ever used by the Rajyani government. These new troops were immediately moved into training and would, in a matter of months, be on the front lines fighting to recapture Pinjar and Sangam. The Prime Minister also nationalised the automobile industry in order to create rapid deployement vehicles, and directed private manufacturing companies to begin construction on munitions and military equipment.

On 7th September 1961, the nation was dealt a major blow when His Majesty Krishan VI passed away. Krishan VI had been the Maharaja to gain Rajyaghar it's independence and many feared that they had lost their greatest King just when the Kingdom was most at risk of collapse. Malhotra, a devoted royalist, would later describe the death of the Maharaja, who wass 86 when he died, as "...expected but nonetheless devastating to a people so devoted to their beloved Maharaja." The following day, Rajaram V, eldest son of the late Krishan VI, addressed the Shahee Sansad in a rousing speech commemorating their fallen independence hero but pledging to fight on in his name. Rajaram's ascension was notably smooth and his regularly broadcast speeches, every week, helped boost morale across the country. Despite the ongoing war effort, Malhotra ensured a coronation ceremony would still occur and in December 1961, the country celebrated the ascension of the new Maharaja at the national mandir. Malhotra's handling of the coronation, ascension and ongoing war effort was met with praise from across the aisle in the Shahee Sansad as well as across the country.

[Failure to retake Sangam 1962]

[Fall of Bankari in December 1963]

[Assasination of Rajaram V in February 1964]

[Retaking Pinjar in August 1964]

The Emergency

The fall of Bankari in December 1963 was a major defeat for the Government and would see Ajahadya get uncomfortably deep into central Rajyaghar. Religious tensions were also boiling over into open conflict in the streets with the irfanic minority attempting to seize the opportunity to get several eastern states to secede and form an irfanic republic, similar to those being formed in Zorasan. The war machine was also struggling to prevent another push by Ajahadya into Rajyaghar from Sangam and just about holding onto several counties in the State of Pinjar that it had retaken. The government were aware that they would not be able to prevent a revolution in the eastern states by the irfanic minority with the military still engaged on the eastern front.

On 17th February 1964, large oppossing religious protests in Bagru, Raulia turned violent, resulting in a massacre leaving over a thousand people dead. The day would become known as "Red Monday". The horrific events shocked the nation and the government feared that the nation was on the brink of collapse. The next day, Malhotra would deploy reserve troops to Raulia and granted the police additional authority to attempt to quell any more violence. Martial Law was then imposed on Raulia, Zulmat and Parsa to restrict movement. The 23rd February 1964, would see an escalation in the religious tensions marring the country when Rajaram V, Maharaja of Rajyaghar, was assasinated whilst enroute to the eastern front to provide morale support. The Cutantira Cakti, an irfanic independence milita, claimed responsibility for the assasination. Outraged by the assasination, Malhotra recalled the Shahee Sansad for an emergency meeting that evening and demanded a State of Emergency resolution be passed. Opposition parties, with the exception of the Irfanic Coalition, supported the measure and the resolution was approved within 3 hours. That evening, the Prime Minister met with the new Maharani, Shakti III, sister of the late King, and asked that she declare a nation wide state of emergency which she approved.

The Emergency would see the introduction of martial law, national curfews and the dissolution of the Union State Government of Zulmat, Raulia and Parsa. The Maharani appointed a non-partisan Governor to oversee the administration of public duties in these Union States. Across the country, the PM reorganised the police force, increased their powers and deployed them aggressively across the nation to stamp out riots. The education curriculum was also modified to be more pro-tulyatan and pro-monarchist with socialism and communism being demonised. In late 1964, the third satrian war came to an end with Rajyaghar losing the Union States of Sangam and Bankari but retaking Pinjar. With the nation now at peace with her neighbours, attention turned to ensuring domestic stability as religious tensions still continued to plague the nation. In March 1965, the Government announced a constitutional ban on communism which saw the immediate banning of the Satrian Communist Party. Many of these measures were viewed favourably by the population as the riots and protests were quelled and forced to disperse and civic harmony had returned to the streets after almost 15 years of division. The emergency was also used to rebuild the nation following the third satrian war with many policies gaining the support of the population.

However, by late 1966 the Prime Minister had pushed even further with executive orders curtailing the free press, the dissolution of more eastern union state governments and the disbandment of the National Appointments Council resulting in Governor-appointments being nominated by the PM instead of an independent body. These moves had made the PM increasingly unpopular amongst the population, even amongst some of his most ardent supporters who feared that the basic principles of the Constitution were now being infringed upon. In January 1967, the PM unilaterally banned the Irfanic Coalition political party and barred several newspapers from publishing news material. The PM had also refused to lift martial law measures on the eastern states unlike in the western states which had only been under martial law for a maximum of 8 months. Fearing further authoritarian measures and concerned about the drift from centrist politics to the extremes, the PM’s own cabinet, made up of RRP MPs, ousted Malhotra in April 1967. A new RRP PM was appointed and the party continued to govern for another month, quickly securing many of the measures they had supported whilst revoking those they had opposed. In June 1967, the RRP invited the Co-operative Party to join them in government to form a Unity Government and in November 1967, the Unity Government called upon the Maharani to end the State of Emergency.

The Unity Government then restored the governments of the eastern states and called for new elections in September 1968. The Co-op Party won an overwhelming majority in the election due to their handling of the unity government period but mainly due to opposition to the RRP. The RRP suffered their worst defeat with the Liberal Party taking over as the second largest political party. Shortly after the election, the Irfanic Coalition's ban was rescinded. Over the next decade, the RRP would slowly regain the trust of the people before returning to government in 1980.

Domestic Policy

In early 1960 toward the beginning of his first term, ADM began to implement a series of economic reforms which sought to deregulate several industries such as domestic arms production and wider manufacturing, using the war effort as justification. The Malhotra government also reduced corporate tax multiple times over the years from 55% to 32% by 1964. A controversial religious institutions tax (RITax) was introduced in 1962 which sparked widespread outrage. Political pundits widely viewed the RITax as a punitive measure against the irfanic religious institutions as many tulyatan religious institutions were given tax exemptions based on the Mandirs being 'historical sites'. The Divorce Act (1961) also sparked criticism from irfanic communities as the measure resulted in religious divorces no longer being recognised with only secular courts having the right to grant divorce. The Divorce Act (1961) and the RITax led to further tensions with the irfanic minority in Rajyaghar.

In 1965, the country returned to the polls for the general election. With the Communist Party banned and restrictions being placed on the Irfanic Coalition, the RRP was set to return to government. The end of the third satrian war, handling of the emergency and the management of the change in monarch twice had allowed Malhotra to assume the image of a great statesman. His economic policies were also beginning to reap rewards and his harsh stance towards irfanic seperatism had garnered him increased support. Malhotra and the RRP were returned to power with an increased majority with historians now crediting that to his leadership style, influence over major newspaper owners, success in retaking Pinjar and his handling of the succession of the crown. Historians also widely believe that Malhotra had used the emergency to restrict the Co-operative party, with several of its key campaigners being arrested on trumped up charges of sedition for criticising the emergency.

Bajpeyi Government

Kalyani Bajpeyi, Rajyaghar's first female Prime Minister

1989 National Strike

In 1989, the National Transportation Union (NTU) which represented transit workers and freight drivers, went on a national strike in protest against the Government's refusal to increase wages for their members who were employed by the Government. The early strikes quickly crippled major cities as food deliveries were delayed and people were unable to move in and out as well as within major urban areas. Kinadica itself faced a road blockade due to parked buses blocking major motorways in and out of the capital. 2 weeks into the strikes, the Government met with Union leadership in an attempt to break the strikes but it soon emerged that this was a PR tactic of the Bajpeyi Government as now Kalyani Bajpeyi would try to use the strikes to introduce anti-union legislation. In March 1989, the second month of the strikes, the government introduced its anti-union legislation which barred unions from making political donations and made city-run transport transit workers "essential workers" thereby preventing them from striking unless substitute workers could be found. The timetable for passing this legislation was expediated by the Bajpeyi Government in order to quash the strike as soon as possible but even though Bajpeyi had a majority in the Shahee Sansad, oppossition MPs used procedural levers to slow down the passage of the bills. Ultimately, in mid-April 1989, the bills were passed by the Shahee Sansad and signed into law by Krishan VII.

The introduction of the legislation backfired on the government as public dissaproval of the strikes turned to support as people believed the Unions were being pushed to the brink unnecessarily and that the government were disingenuous with their offers of talks. In late April, unions not associated with transportation joined the national strike. Having gone on for two months, the strike began to turn violent with rioting and looting beginning to take place by early May. In response, Kalyani Bajpeyi ordered the deployment of the army onto the streets of major cities with the capital being placed under martial law. Bajpeyi's use of the army drew criticism as it soon became clear that the army was using excessive force to break up protests. In mid-May 1989, the military engineer corps was deployed to dismantle road blocks set up on the major motorways in and out of Kinadica. Tanks were also moved into the capital with Government Hill placed on lockdown with baracades and 24/7 manned watch stations.

In May 1989, the NTU had run out of funds to pay their membership with during the strikes and without pay from the government due to the strike, the NTU membership became increasingly desperate. Protests would routinely become riots which then became violent with hundreds of buildings in Kinadica alone being set ablaze. Emergency talks between the Government and NTU were demanded by the Maharaja but both sides refused to back down. In June 1989, with violence continuing to erupt on the streets of the capital and in major cities across Rajyaghar, NTU leader Naitik Mulani threatened to withhold support for the Co-operative party at the next election in a bid to get more support from its leadership in the Shahee Sansad to oppose Bajpeyi. The move backfired with public support sharply turning against the unions. The ongoing food shortages as a result of city blockades, disruption to commuter and transit lines and now blatant pressuring of political figures had turned the public against the unions. Up until June 1989, a small handful of NTU members had still continued to work and not joined the strike. In June these workers were given new government contracts to continue working whilst striking NTU workers had their contracts dismissed under the new anti-union legislation. The military was also brought in to run the transit and commuter lines and Bajpeyi ordered a more aggressive approach to dealing with the strikes.

By mid-June, the military in Kinadica had been authorised to use rubber bullets and excessive force on protestors. Tanks were used to crush makeshift road blocks and thousands of protestors were placed under arrest. The overwhelming force used to break the protest in Kinadica was mimicked in cities across Rajyaghar as the military came down on protestors. The NTU had hoped that the excessive force used against them would turn public support back in their favour but by this point the public were fatigued by the ongoing national strike and were hostile towards further union action. At the end of June 1989, the NTU met with the Government once more and agreed to end the national strike and agree to the Government's demands in return for amnesty for the protestors. On 1st July 1989, the national strike officially ended. Decades later, the true brutality of the government in June 1989 would become apparent with modern-estimates of the death toll of protestors in the 400s. At the time, the government down played the death toll with many protestors having 'dissappeared' rather than died.

The anger of farmers towards the NTU, due to their crops not being able to get to stores to be sold, was felt in the 1991 Legislative Assembly Elections in the Union State of Pinjar where the RRP, for the first time in its history, was able to be competitive electorally and entered into a coalition government with the Kissan Party (Farmers Party). Kalyani Bajpeyi's popularity was greatly boosted by her victory over the national strike and made her a hero for the political right in Rajyaghar.

Modern Era

In 1985, the Co-op Party returned to power and instituted economic reforms which saw the introduction of an agricultural crop price (ACP) which would guarantee crop prices for farmers which they had been promising prior to the ’85 election. The RRP’s refusal to support the policy saw their core base, rural voters, turn to the Co-op party in the ’85 election. However, the Co-op party’s slim majority collapsed in 1987 as the party became split over de-valuation of the currency. This led to a hung parliament following the 1987 which saw the cooperative party remain in power with a coalition with the Irfanic Coalition. In ’88 election, the RRP returned to power following a campaign focused on the economy. Throughout its history, the RRP had become known as a the fiscally responsible party whereas the CP were regarded as being socially responsible and liberal. The RRP managed to boost economic growth which enabled it to return to government in an early election in 1992. In ’95, the government became embroiled by a bribery scandal regarding the allocation of new housing construction contracts to RRP-donors.

The Co-operative party dominated Rajyani politics from the late 90s to the early 00s and dramatically transformed Rajyani society. Urbanisation dramatically increased alongside increases in the literacy rate and employment, however, much of the economic growth was in part due to the de-regulation era of the late 80s under the RRP. Socially, the country became much more liberal with homosexuality being decriminalised in 2002.

In 2009, the Rajyani stock market crashed and within the space of a few months, over 500,000 Rajyanis became unemployed. At the ’10 election, the Co-op party were heavily criticised for having dramatically increased the national deficit in order to pay for public programmes. The Liberals also blamed the RRP for deregulating the banking sector in the late 80s. The election resulted in a hung parliament which saw the rise of the Liberal Party once again. The Liberals entered into coalition with the RRP in order to form a coalition government. The coalition government were able to turn around the economy and begin to reduce the deficit with strict spending cuts. In the 2015 election, the RRP were rewarded for turning the economy around and became a majority government. In 2020, the RRP increased their majority yet again with their support amongst non-tulyatans growing due to the new leadership of the party since the early 2010s which saw the departure of many right-wingers in favour of more centrist figures.