2022 Lavana coup d'état

2022 Lavana coup d'état
Former General Secretary of the Lavanan Section of the Workers International Khudu Narimanoa (left) and Premier of Lavana Laina Keomany (right)
Date 06-09 March 2022 Location Lavana Mostly Pers, Kurei, Liucpa, Kipchu Result Keomany coup d'état successful Laina Keomany appointed Premier, and General Secretary of the LSWI Purge of government, and party officials New constitution announced Results of the 2022 Lavanan Section of the Workers International annulled Return of multiparty elections to Lavana State of emergency declared for a period of 3 months New cabinet formed
Belligerents
Government of Lavana and loyal state institutions Lavanan Armed Forces Lavanan National Police National Intelligence Organization Border Guard Municipalities Pro-government protesters Support: Hacyinia Champania Alleged	Keomany supporters Elements of the Lavanan Armed Forces 99th Infantry Division 39th Infantry Division Elements of the 1st Infantry Division Elements of the 55th Infantry Division Elements of the 89th Infantry Division Elements of the Lavanan People's Air Force Elements of the Lavanan people's Navy Elements of the Lavanan Section of the Workers International Elements of the People's Guard Elements of the Lavanan National Police Elements of the National Intelligence Organization Elements of the Border Guard Municipalities Pro-Keomany protesters Support: Dezevau Alleged
Commanders and leaders
Khudu Narimanoa POW (General Secretary of the LSWI) Suhk Bagabiada POW (Premier of Lavana) Gen. Madthai Chanthraphone POW Gen. Muizegenhiu Siyavong POW Brig. Gen. Joy Dazeda  † Brig. Gen. Kai Jeanovny  † Brig. Gen. Ariunbold Vorachith POW Adm. Tsolmon Gavagamu POW	Laina Keomany (Former Premier) Gen. Tsolmon Bakhtzhany Gen. Khoril Chanthavong Brig. Gen. Dastan Khamsomphou Brig. Gen. Aidas Soulignavong Brig. Gen. Kimo Kyuan Brig. Gen. Arzhan Diasovong Brig. Gen. Kye Phetphommasouk  † Adm. Cesrang Vongphakdy Gen. Dazadiu Nazeroa
Strength
13,426 soldiers 31,214 people's guard 144 tanks 192 armored vehicles 12 planes (8 fighter jets) 25 helicopters 5 warships	26,950 soldiers 24,941 people's guard 200 tanks 400 armored vehicles 40 planes (21 fighter jets) 50 helicopters 10 warships
Casualties and losses
380–500 soldiers killed, 1 helicopter shot down and 3 damaged 8 tanks destroyed, 25 damaged 14 armored vehicles destroyed, 29 damaged	120–300 soldiers killed, 1 helicopter damaged, 2 tanks destroyed, 6 damaged, 4 armored vehicles destroyed, 10 damaged, 1 Reconnaissance plane shot down
215 civilians killed 400 civilians injured After the end of the coup: 38,941 detained of which 30,159 were arrested 98,291 government officials and workers suspended 4 news agencies, 5 TV stations, 40 radio stations, 30 newspapers, 3 magazines and 16 publishers were ordered to shut down

A coup d'état in Lavana began on the evening of 6 March 2022, when Khudu Narinamoa General Secretary of the Lavanan Section of the Workers International (LSWI) removed his support from the democratically elected Premier Laina Keomany, removing her from the post. Keomany launched a coup to regain power and remove Narinamoa from his position. Following a day of fighting inside the capital Pers, and other cities on the 7th, as government and coup forces took over positions. With massive protests in support of Keomany. Narinamoa resigned his post and surrendered on the night of the 7th, with sporadic fighting following until the 9th. Keomany appointed herself as General Secretary the 9th, and made herself Premier again that same day. Constitutional changes were announced, along with sweeping purges of the party and society, as Keomany removed Narinamoa loyalists and rivals replacing them with loyalists. The coup brought widespread reprisal and condemnation by the international Socialist community.

After Narinamoa announced changes to the ways elections were performed inside the LSWI, in the lead up of the 1 March 2022 elections. The changes would had given him near unanimous support inside the party apparatus, and he could threaten the premier who is democratically elected by the Lavanan Congress by removing their party support, an essential according to the constitution. Narinamoa came to represent the party elite, who sought to cement their power. Keomany a party elite herself was threatened by the possibility of being sidelined and being a representative of the moderate wing of the LSWI, believed Narinamoa sought to undermine the democratic institutions of the country.

The coup lead to widespread civilian casualties as massive protests against government forces, and anti-coup protesters came under fire and brutality by both sides. 215 civilians were reportedly killed with 400 injured. Government forces suffered between 300 and 500 killed, with coup forces between 100 and 300 killed. Numerous vehicles of the Lavanan Armed forces were destroyed or damaged, and numerous buildings inside Pers and other cities were damaged during the fighting.

Background

Structure of the Lavanan Constitution

The Lavanan constitution takes its roots from the 1995 Constitution, which returned democracy to Lavana. Previously the Premier was elected by the Lavanan Congress, who was in turn elected by the party membership and the Premier. In 1995, the Lavanan Congress and its members were to be elected democratically by all enfranchised citizens, the Premier was elected by a simple majority (usually relying on a coalition) in the democratically elected Lavanan Congress. The Premier required both approval by the Congress and the General Secretary of the LSWI, if the Premier lost support from either they would be required to step down and allow an acting Premier while the other approved a replacement.

The Premier remained under the continued support of the General Secretary. The Premier who by law must be a member of the LSWI, and a sitting member in the party General Assembly, held several privileges inside the party. The Premier had the right to appoint 20% of the members of the General Assembly, to ensure a friendly faction inside the assembly. The General Secretary was allotted 20% and the provincial assemblies another 20%, allowing the party membership to elect the remaining 40%. This balance ensured that the General Secretary be someone who could unite all 4 of these groups, and moderate accordingly. The General Secretary was as well granted several powers to appoint judges, and remove democratically elected office holders, making Lavana akin to a Semi-presidential One party Republic. The LSWI was made central to all the runnings of the state.

Party factionalism

The LSWI is itself a vastly factionalized party, akin to its first iterations. The LSWI has struggled to remain coherent, and has seen it be divided along ethnic lines, similar to Lavanas ethnic makeup. Zadavana Goube structured the LSWI such as to prevent the factionalism that had impacted the organization since its founding upon coming to power in 1953, centralizing power in himself. The Goubists as they came to be known represented an outlook of the LSWI which incorporated a unitary state centralized on Kachai and Ziban identity leaving out Ukilen and Majgar interests. Goubes fall from grace allowed a re entry of Ukilen and Majgar interests in the party which increasingly formed the United People's faction, which sought to federalize the state. During the 1990's, the United People's Faction were favored as they incorporated democratic principles into their beliefs, along with favoring Dezevauni policy and politics, which the party elite believed would ensure continued LSWI rule in the face of increasing social, economic, and ethnic tension.

The United People's faction was a popular alternative to the Goubists and increasingly secured its role inside the LSWI, ultimately gaining control over much of the Reform faction in the party in the 2000's, which held control of the Congress and democratic institutions in the state, while Goubists remained inside the lucrative state owned companies. Moderate members of the United People's were favored by successive General Secretaries starting with Inpong Manivong.

Laina Keomany Vice-Premier to Loe Vatthana, was favored by the General Secretary Chuacenur Noagiabegia due to her families heritage of being involved inside the Goubist faction. Following the death of Vatthana in 2019, Keomany cemented herself as a moderate, although increasingly targeted perceived rivals in the Goubist faction for corruption charges. Khudu Narinamoa who was elected in 2020, used his power to moderate Keomany, leading to both leaders cooperating on limited manners. Keomany who herself is tied to Narinamoa, through the marriage of his niece Muizegenhiu Kamsomphou with Keomany's grandson Vinliam Keomany, she remained on the sidelines after the second half of 2020. A change of attitude followed the death of Vinliam in October 2021, with Narinamoa exerting influence over Keomany more broadly and in politics over all. Keomany allies along with Reform faction, members increasingly questioned Narinamoa on public channels. With Congresswoman, and General Assembly member Maa Somphousiharath questioning the General Secretaries motives in December 2021.

Party election changes

Khudu Narinamoa General Secretary of the LSWI, announced the 7th of December, his intention to change the structure with which party elections were conducted, specially in regards to the allotment of seats in the General Assembly. The move would had reduced the power of the Premier, lower assemblies, and the general party membership in regards to the outcomes of the election, further centralizing power in the General Secretary. Such changes were perceived as the General Secretary desiring further control and centralization of the party apparatus.

The change would had allowed Narinamoa to ensure his continued election as General Secretary, as well as influencing the Premier with removal of approval, allowing himself to control all possible Premier outcomes from the Congress. Narinamoa could had greatly reduced the influence of Keomany's faction inside the party and allowed himself to ensure loyalists remained in key positions, and replace rivals in other positions. Keomany initially voiced concerns at the changes, and called for a consultation with herself over the issue, but no attempt was ever performed.

Following elections, the Narinamoa faction of the Goubists was able to remove Nergul Zibiangego from leadership in the Parties paramilitary wing, the People's Guard, and replace him with Shilugei Naimhejia who also held positions in the parties committee in the military, and is a 2nd cousin of Narinamoa. A vast array of nominations and placements removed a vast majority of Keomany loyalists and neutrals from positions of power, cementing Narinamoa in the LSWI.

Lavanan Protests

Protests in Lavana which are illegal, unless allowed by the government. Lavanan students began protesting on Pers the 5th of March, and continued protesting. The protests were aimed against the results of the party elections, most noticeably was the lack of major police response to the protests, and protesters were able to blockade several streets in Pers. The abnormal occurence was described by many as an attempt by Keomany to influence the General Secretary by allowing possible major protests throughout the country. Protests would come to define the coup 2 days later.

Military Movements

Lavanan Army units had been increasingly moved on the leadup to March, with numerous brigades being shifted around, primarily those perceived to be closely aligned to Narinamoa. Forward elements of the 1st Division led by General Madthai Chanthraphone who was seen as a Keomany ally began arriving to Pers on the 12th of February, as part of a standard rotation. Chanthraphone who had been appointed by Keomany to the position was appointed to the General Assembly for the first time in his life as part of Narinamoas Assembly delegation on Thursday 3rd. The move prompted the movement of numerous pro-Keomany units to Pers, and the announcement of Military exercises with Dezevau the following week away from Pers. The 1st Division was expected to be moved for these exercises on Sunday, while a pro-Keomany unit, the 31st Division under General Khoril Chanthavong was moved to replaced them. Chanthavong was a long time ally of Keomany and had been a member of her General Assembly delegation since assuming power. Another division the 99th, under General Tsolmon Bakhtzhany was to transit Pers between Monday and Wednesday on their way to exercises. Bakhtzhany is the son of Minister of Finances Emmanuel Bakhtzhany.

The abnormal movements which had seen units with family members of Keomany or her close partners was seen as an aggressive move.