Second Cross-Strait War: Difference between revisions
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The Daoan government's misplaced trust in the Jin's motives and intentions had dire consequences which directly contributed to the Jin's early successes in the opening stages of the conflict. During the Wucheng Heavenly Rebellion the Daoan government extensively supported rebel forces on both sides of the conflict in order to keep the Jin destabilized an unable to regain their previous power and capabilities. The [[Office of National Intelligence (Daobac)|Office of National Intelligence]] (ONI), Daobac's newly established intelligence & propaganda agency, provided arms and funding to these rebels through clandestine means. Weapons, primarily small-arms, of Jin origin that were captured from the First Cross-Strait War were studied, manufactured and distributed to the various Jin factions & warlords. Funding, primarily in form of cash in Latin Soladus, was also provided to the rebels. The utilization of Jin made weapons was hoped to mask direct or indirect Daoan involvement in the conflict. However when it became apparent republican forces were poised to emerge victorious <INSERTNAME>, the President of Daobac at the time, ordered that support for non republican elements of the Jin be stopped. It was hoped that by currying favor with the republican elements that Daobac could control and tame the Jin. The established Republic of Jin, quickly took steps to dissuade Daoan concerns by publically stating its commitment to honor the Treaty of Hoabinh and the Daoan-Jin non-aggression pact in 1903. While the Daoan government became more amenable towards raproach with the Jin, <INSERTNAME> the director of ONI continued to harbor strong suspicions and ordered the continued observation of Jin intentions. ONI's extensive network of field agents and informants continued to gather what intelligence they could, observing prominent ROJ institutions such as the Yellow Shirt's Society, Ping An Research Corporation and the Xi'hai Automotive Industry Corporation. While they were unable to definitively prove that the Jin were undertaking rearmament efforts, ONI analysts correctly deduced that these institutions were most likely utilized in preparation for a future conflict with Daobac and Tsurushima. | The Daoan government's misplaced trust in the Jin's motives and intentions had dire consequences which directly contributed to the Jin's early successes in the opening stages of the conflict. During the Wucheng Heavenly Rebellion the Daoan government extensively supported rebel forces on both sides of the conflict in order to keep the Jin destabilized an unable to regain their previous power and capabilities. The [[Office of National Intelligence (Daobac)|Office of National Intelligence]] (ONI), Daobac's newly established intelligence & propaganda agency, provided arms and funding to these rebels through clandestine means. Weapons, primarily small-arms, of Jin origin that were captured from the First Cross-Strait War were studied, manufactured and distributed to the various Jin factions & warlords. Funding, primarily in form of cash in Latin Soladus, was also provided to the rebels. The utilization of Jin made weapons was hoped to mask direct or indirect Daoan involvement in the conflict. However when it became apparent republican forces were poised to emerge victorious <INSERTNAME>, the President of Daobac at the time, ordered that support for non republican elements of the Jin be stopped. It was hoped that by currying favor with the republican elements that Daobac could control and tame the Jin. The established Republic of Jin, quickly took steps to dissuade Daoan concerns by publically stating its commitment to honor the Treaty of Hoabinh and the Daoan-Jin non-aggression pact in 1903. While the Daoan government became more amenable towards raproach with the Jin, <INSERTNAME> the director of ONI continued to harbor strong suspicions and ordered the continued observation of Jin intentions. ONI's extensive network of field agents and informants continued to gather what intelligence they could, observing prominent ROJ institutions such as the Yellow Shirt's Society, Ping An Research Corporation and the Xi'hai Automotive Industry Corporation. While they were unable to definitively prove that the Jin were undertaking rearmament efforts, ONI analysts correctly deduced that these institutions were most likely utilized in preparation for a future conflict with Daobac and Tsurushima. | ||
When Li Jing approached the Daoan embassy in 1916, ONI took his report and findings with great interest. A copy of Li Jing's report was made by an ONI attache stationed at the Daoan embassy and sent to ONI's primary headquarters in Congvat where it was scrutinized. His report essentially verified what ONI analysts had suspected through all this time based and it was used by ONI as the final piece of evidence in needed to present these findings before the National Congress. Steps were taken to bring Li Jing to testify before the National Congress, however before he could be placed under protective custody by ONI the Jin reporter was imprisoned by ROJ law enforcement officials, denying ONI a key witness and source of information. | When Li Jing approached the Daoan embassy in 1916, ONI took his report and findings with great interest. A copy of Li Jing's report was made by an ONI attache stationed at the Daoan embassy and sent to ONI's primary headquarters in Congvat where it was scrutinized. His report essentially verified what ONI analysts had suspected through all this time based and it was used by ONI as the final piece of evidence in needed to present these findings before the National Congress. Steps were taken to bring Li Jing to testify before the National Congress, however before he could be placed under protective custody by ONI the Jin reporter was imprisoned by ROJ law enforcement officials, denying ONI a key witness and source of information. ONI presented its findings in a closed door hearing in Congress in 1917, where ONI officials recommended a pre-emptive strike against key industrial sectors of the Jin that has been identified by ONI as contributors to the Jin's rearmament efforts. However, at the time Daoan politicians were not eager to pursue an aggressive course of action against what it perceived to be a reformed neighbor. The Daoan government had recently approved a major modernization of their armed forces, purchasing new equipment primarily from Tsurushima, and thus felt that any military action taken by the Jin could be easily repelled. ONI's reports were archived and, unwilling to risk political fallout from clandestine operations, ONI was ordered to curtail its activities at the Jin mainland. Despite being ordered to cease all espionage activities, ONI continued to maintain a minimum surveillance presence on the Jin mainland which would prove crucial when the Jin initiated their attack in 1929. | ||
In 1919 <INSERTNAME> was named as the Jin ambassador for Daobac, and was well known for his support of a peaceful coexistance between the Daoans & Jin. The ROJ government sought to use <INSERTNAME>'s presence to further lull Daobac into a false sense of security. <INSERTNAME> brokered significant political breakthroughs for the two governments. In 1920 a free trade agreement was brokered between the two rivals and in 1925 successfully negotiated the Xi'hai agreement where provisions of the Treaty of Hoabinh were rescinded in exchange for economic and trade privillages afforded to Daobac. When the Hanaki War broke out in 1928 and the forces of Pulau Keramat were on the verge of invading the Kajeran islands, Daobac refocused most of its military resources towards the southern border in anticipation of a spillover of the confilct into Daoan territory. The ROJ government urged <INSERTNAME> to propose that the Jin be permitted to conduct air and maritime patrol along its western coastlines out of concern for enroachment by imperialist elements that sought to infiltrate the Jin. Under the Treaty of Hoabinh, the southern Jin coast was to be demilitarized but in 1928 an exception was given for surveillance and patrol purposes. This would eventually come to a head when the Jin used this loophole to gradually buildup their forces in the southern coast and launched a surprise attack against the Daoans in 1929. | |||
== Timeline == | == Timeline == | ||
=== Outbreak of war === | === Outbreak of war === |
Revision as of 06:29, 15 May 2023
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Second Cross-Strait War | |||||||
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Part of the Kayatman Theater of the Hanaki War | |||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||
Jin | |||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||
Strength | |||||||
- TBD | |||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||
Daoan Casualties
Total: TBD casualties |
Jin Casualties
Total: TBD casualties | ||||||
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The Second Cross-Strait War, also known as the Second Daoan-Jin War, was a military conflict fought between the Daoans and their Tsurushiman allies against the Jin that began on 10 January 1928 until it finally ended on 27 October 1931, twenty nine years after the First Cross-Strait War. Modern day historians consider the conflict to be another theater of the Hanaki War, an ocean spanning-wide war that involved most if not all nations in the Ozerosis ocean, Ochran & Malaio continents. Prior to the start of the war, the Jin had carefully crafted a public facade of a liberal, democratic and much less hawkish state compared to their predecessors. The republican Jin government established cordial relations and signed a non-aggression pact with the Daoans to demonstrate their goodwill and commitment to a peaceful state of affairs in the Malaioan continent. Privately however, the Jin government plotted to gain their revenge against the Daoans. With careful planning and preparation, on the early morning hour of 10 January 1928, the Jin initiated a large scale chemical attack against military and civilian targets on the northern coasts of Dammay island. The attacks either incapacitated or forced the Daoans to flee, allowing the Jin to land capture large swathes of territory. A simultaneous amphibious invasion of Bautroi island was attempted but was ultimately repelled. Dammay island would continue to be occupied until it was liberated on 193X.
Background
-Needs more details here-
Aftermath of the First Cross-Strait War
Despite the intense pacifist sentiment by the ruling government of the Huang dynasty after the First Cross-Strait War, irredentist and revanchist nationalism emerged amongst the general populace and the military during the period. These sentiments were especially marked by the younger military officers of the Newly Created Army (Jin: 新建陸軍; pinyin: Xīnjiàn lùjūn) of the Huang dynasty, many of whom were forced into early retirement because of the disarmament stipulation imposed by the Treaty of Haobinh. The treaty imposed harsh monetary reparations and requirements for the demilitarisation of the Huang dynasty's southern coast. The victorious Daobac and Tsurushimese governments also limited the size and capability of the country's armed forces, which led to a significant loss of prestige and divinity for the Emperor of the Huang dynasty, reinforcing the 18th-century diplomatic characterisation of Da Huang as the "Sick man of Ochran".
Da Huang
Resentment against the monarchy has been brewing since the early onset of the war. The intense rivalry between the Nanyang Fleet (led by the Empress Dowager) and the Newly Created Army (led by Grand Marshal Han Huilin) has made many younger officers to be disillusioned with the imperial prestige and divinity of the Jin Emperor and the Huang dynasty. On the streets of Basingse, esoteric preachers spread the word of the return of the seven centuries of humiliation, claiming that the Emperor had lost heaven's favour and that the Mandate of Heaven was lost. Fearing that these unsanctioned preachers would stir the masses into unrest, the Yuanguang Emperor ordered the Eastern Depot to imprison anyone who would or is suspected of engaging in the anti-Huang movement. This measure, however, only served to fuel the anti-Huang sentiment; several factions, including underground anti-Huang groups, revolutionaries in exile, reformers who wanted to save the monarchy by modernising it, and activists across the country debated how or whether to overthrow the Huang dynasty.
Exacerbating the situation, in the immediate aftermath of the war, Empress Dowager Chaoxing was assassinated by elements of the Newly Created Army, who believed that the Empress Dowager was responsible for the retreat of key marine personnel that led to the disastrous defeat of the army in the Battle of Xi'Hai. Known as the Chuxiu incident, the assassination would lead government officials and the sanctioned Eastern Depot to use increasingly violent means of suppression against unauthorised gatherings and alleged secret societies. The flash point came on 10 February 1900 with the Wucheng Uprising, an armed rebellion among partisans and members of the Wubei Army that fought the garrisons of local officials when they launched a campaign of religious persecution against the Golden Mother Society. Similar revolts then broke out spontaneously around the country, and revolutionaries in all provinces renounced the Huang dynasty and the Emperor.
The Wucheng Heavenly Rebellion overthrew the Huang government and four thousand years of monarchy in Jinae. Throughout Jin history, old dynasties have always been replaced by new dynasties. The Wucheng Heavenly Rebellion, however, was the first to overthrow a monarchy entirely and attempt to establish a republic to spread democratic ideas throughout Da Huang. On 27 November 1902, Li Ao was sworn in as the first Provincial President of the Republic of Jin in Daxing. The government based in Daxing, known as the Daxing Government, was internationally recognised as the legitimate government, first by Daobac and Tsurushima in 1903 and then by the rest of the international community in 1914, so the period from 1902 to 1914 was known simply as the "Daxing Period". The first National Assembly election took place according to the Provisional Constitution amongst the territories held by the nascent republic. While in Daxing, the Guomindang (GMD) was formed on 17 May 1903, and it had the majority of seats after the election, where Ma Hongbin was elected as premier.
On 20 March 1913, Li Ao was assassinated in Basingse under the secret order of Ma Hongbin. He announced an emergency meeting and pushed for Chen Yi, a loyal underling of Ma under the GMD, to become the interim President of the Republic, allowing him to secure control over the republican government.
Daobac
Tsurushima
Pre-war events
Jin rearmament
The Jin rearmament was a policy and practice of rearmament carried out in Da Huang during the interwar period (1899-1928) in violation of the Treaty of Hoabinh, which required Jin disarmament after the First Cross-Strait War to prevent the Jin from starting another war. It began on a small, secret, and informal basis shortly after the treaty was signed. However, Jin officials expanded openly and massively during the following Wucheng Heavenly Rebellion and Warlord era between the Royalist and anti-royalist Jin forces. Wary of a royalist victory, Da Huang's neighbours, the Daobac Congressional Republic and the Daitoa Republic of Tsurushima, sent their advisors to aid the nascent anti-royalist forces, amping up their support with military equipment as the civil war transitioned to its later stages.
The establishment of the Republic of Jin (ROJ) after the civil war saw the new republic return to the original stipulations of the Treaty of Hoabinh under the supervision of international observers. The reestablishment of friendly ties between the Jin and the international community, mainly its former rivals of Daobac and Tsurushima, allowed the Jin to negotiate for the Xi'hai agreement of 21 July 1925 that revoked some of the restrictions placed on Da Huang by the Treaty of Hoabinh and recognised the ROJ as having an equal right to armaments. The Xi'Hai agreement gave the ROJ the legal cover for the creation of the ROJ Navy and Air Force, which had already begun in secret, and for the increase of the ROJ Army's staffing, guns and munitions.
Despite the Xi'hai agreement, Jin rearmament remained a largely covert operation, carried out using front organisations such as glider clubs for training pilots and sporting clubs and the ROJ's Guomindang (GMD; Jin Nationalist Party, the ruling party of the ROJ) sponsored Yellow Shirts Society (the GMD's Paramilitary wing) for teaching infantry combat techniques. Front companies like the Ping An Research Corporation (PARC) and the Xi'hai Automotive Industry Corporation (XAIC) were set up to finance the rearmament by placing massive orders with various international and local Jin industrial manufacturing companies for the manufacture of weapons forbidden by the Xi'hai agreement.
Li Jing, a Jin journalist and pacifist, exposed the reality of the Jin armament in 1916 and reported his finding to the Daoan embassy in Jinae. However, the Daoan government met his warnings with ridicule and disregarded his warnings. The Daoan government believed that the new Jin government had a vested interest in keeping the peace with the international community, as Daobac and Tsurushima extensively supported them during the civil war. They also thought Da Huang was military inadequate as the ROJ Army relied heavily on foreign arms imports and could not field a capable fighting force should this supply be cut off. Li Jing was eventually imprisoned and tortured by the ROJ New Eastern Depot (the ROJ's spy and secret police agency), dying of tuberculosis and the after-effects of his abuse.
Daoan miscalculations
The Daoan government's misplaced trust in the Jin's motives and intentions had dire consequences which directly contributed to the Jin's early successes in the opening stages of the conflict. During the Wucheng Heavenly Rebellion the Daoan government extensively supported rebel forces on both sides of the conflict in order to keep the Jin destabilized an unable to regain their previous power and capabilities. The Office of National Intelligence (ONI), Daobac's newly established intelligence & propaganda agency, provided arms and funding to these rebels through clandestine means. Weapons, primarily small-arms, of Jin origin that were captured from the First Cross-Strait War were studied, manufactured and distributed to the various Jin factions & warlords. Funding, primarily in form of cash in Latin Soladus, was also provided to the rebels. The utilization of Jin made weapons was hoped to mask direct or indirect Daoan involvement in the conflict. However when it became apparent republican forces were poised to emerge victorious <INSERTNAME>, the President of Daobac at the time, ordered that support for non republican elements of the Jin be stopped. It was hoped that by currying favor with the republican elements that Daobac could control and tame the Jin. The established Republic of Jin, quickly took steps to dissuade Daoan concerns by publically stating its commitment to honor the Treaty of Hoabinh and the Daoan-Jin non-aggression pact in 1903. While the Daoan government became more amenable towards raproach with the Jin, <INSERTNAME> the director of ONI continued to harbor strong suspicions and ordered the continued observation of Jin intentions. ONI's extensive network of field agents and informants continued to gather what intelligence they could, observing prominent ROJ institutions such as the Yellow Shirt's Society, Ping An Research Corporation and the Xi'hai Automotive Industry Corporation. While they were unable to definitively prove that the Jin were undertaking rearmament efforts, ONI analysts correctly deduced that these institutions were most likely utilized in preparation for a future conflict with Daobac and Tsurushima.
When Li Jing approached the Daoan embassy in 1916, ONI took his report and findings with great interest. A copy of Li Jing's report was made by an ONI attache stationed at the Daoan embassy and sent to ONI's primary headquarters in Congvat where it was scrutinized. His report essentially verified what ONI analysts had suspected through all this time based and it was used by ONI as the final piece of evidence in needed to present these findings before the National Congress. Steps were taken to bring Li Jing to testify before the National Congress, however before he could be placed under protective custody by ONI the Jin reporter was imprisoned by ROJ law enforcement officials, denying ONI a key witness and source of information. ONI presented its findings in a closed door hearing in Congress in 1917, where ONI officials recommended a pre-emptive strike against key industrial sectors of the Jin that has been identified by ONI as contributors to the Jin's rearmament efforts. However, at the time Daoan politicians were not eager to pursue an aggressive course of action against what it perceived to be a reformed neighbor. The Daoan government had recently approved a major modernization of their armed forces, purchasing new equipment primarily from Tsurushima, and thus felt that any military action taken by the Jin could be easily repelled. ONI's reports were archived and, unwilling to risk political fallout from clandestine operations, ONI was ordered to curtail its activities at the Jin mainland. Despite being ordered to cease all espionage activities, ONI continued to maintain a minimum surveillance presence on the Jin mainland which would prove crucial when the Jin initiated their attack in 1929.
In 1919 <INSERTNAME> was named as the Jin ambassador for Daobac, and was well known for his support of a peaceful coexistance between the Daoans & Jin. The ROJ government sought to use <INSERTNAME>'s presence to further lull Daobac into a false sense of security. <INSERTNAME> brokered significant political breakthroughs for the two governments. In 1920 a free trade agreement was brokered between the two rivals and in 1925 successfully negotiated the Xi'hai agreement where provisions of the Treaty of Hoabinh were rescinded in exchange for economic and trade privillages afforded to Daobac. When the Hanaki War broke out in 1928 and the forces of Pulau Keramat were on the verge of invading the Kajeran islands, Daobac refocused most of its military resources towards the southern border in anticipation of a spillover of the confilct into Daoan territory. The ROJ government urged <INSERTNAME> to propose that the Jin be permitted to conduct air and maritime patrol along its western coastlines out of concern for enroachment by imperialist elements that sought to infiltrate the Jin. Under the Treaty of Hoabinh, the southern Jin coast was to be demilitarized but in 1928 an exception was given for surveillance and patrol purposes. This would eventually come to a head when the Jin used this loophole to gradually buildup their forces in the southern coast and launched a surprise attack against the Daoans in 1929.