Pohnpenesia

Country of Pohnpenesia Taheá o Ponapa (Pohnpenesian) Pays de Pohnpénésie (Hylian) Kontri o Ponapa (Ponape Creole) 山岳島 (Hoterallian)
Flag seal
Motto: Hana Lo Kai'i Loko Glory is Found in Seas
Anthem:  Hamoia oha ma Taheá o Ponapa "Anthem of the Country of Pohnpenesia"
Status	Recognised as a country of Riamo with independence in foreign relations de jure; operating as an independent state under Riamese protection de facto (since 1971).
Capital and	Harpan
Official languages	Pohnpenesian Common Language Hoterallian Hylian de facto
Recognised national languages	Ponape Creole
Recognised regional languages	Korsannean Yaapese Boscettian Creole
Ethnic groups (2021)	45.3% Pohnpenesian 24% White 17.2% Mixed 7% Hoterallian 5.6% other
Religion (2021)	64.4% Christianity 26% Non-religious 8.1% Gaoism 1.5% other
Demonym(s)	Pohnpenesian
Government	Regional parliamentary democracy under a federal monarchial republic
• Monarch	Diana II
• Keomoroulou	Kaimana Hilokiki
•     Speaker of the Keuva	Jenni Moritsaiqe
Legislature	General Keuva
Country of Riamo
• Self-government	19 September 1956
• Country status	1 March 1971
• E.C overthrows the local government	9 February 1981
• Recognition of independence in foreign relations	22 July 1988
• E.C dissolves	13 January 2015
Area
•	16,785.0 km2 (6,480.7 sq mi)
• Water (%)	0.30%
Population
• 2023 estimate	2,880,000
• 2021 census	2,930,000
• Density	174.561/km2 (452.1/sq mi)
GDP (PPP)	2020 estimate
• Total	90.29 billion
• Per capita	43,200.96
GDP (nominal)	2020 estimate
• Total	90.29 billion
• Per capita	43,200.96
Gini (2020)	25.2 low
HDI (2020)	0.789 high
Currency	Ponape Hull (PH)
Time zone	UTC+6 (UTC)
• Summer (DST)	UTC+7 (DST)
Date format	dd/mm/yyyy
Driving side	left
Calling code	+450
Internet TLD	.pn

Pohnpenesia, officially the Country of Pohnpenesia (Pohnpenesian: Taheá o Ponapa; Hylian: Pays de Pohnpénésie; Ponape Creole: Kontri o Ponapa; Hoterallian: 山岳島, Sangakushima), is an archipelago nation centered in the Kaldaz Ocean. The country occupies the Pohnpenesian Archipelago, made of 14 islands in various sizes. According to the National Demographic Census of 2021, over 2.93 million people inhabit the territory. The largest city and capital is Harpan, home to over 446,000 people, comprising around 21% of the national population. The government-owned properties and lands are mainly located in the Harpan District, which is an administrative entity separate from the city. Harpan is also the key center of transportation, economy, culture and government activites in Pohnpenesia.

Of the population, 45.3% identify as ethnically Pohnpenesian, while 24% identify as descendants of Riamese, Kakish, Hylian and other colonial groups — commonly referred to under the umbrella term 'white' by governmnt law and in the Census. 17.2% of Pohnpenesia's population identify as ethnically mixed (Criollo or Multiracial), while 7% are descendants of Hoterallians. 3.6% of the population self-identify as indigenous or indigenous-mixed, with groups including Korsanneans, Yapese, and Melanics. 1.2% identify as descendants of Salamati and Arab migrants (Arabs). The remaining 1% are classified as other.

As of 1988, Pohnpenesia has been acknowledged as an autonomous legal entity, distinct from Riamo. This status empowers Pohnpenesian officials to engage in diplomatic missions and establish treaties in its own right. In the recent past, Pohnpenesia has pursued a more autonomous foreign policy, establishing direct diplomatic relationships with several countries. Nevertheless, citizens of Pohnpenesia continue to maintain Riamese nationality and certain laws that apply across the federation still apply to Pohnpenesia.

Pohnpenesia has a history that dates back to 2,000 years of permanent settlement when the first settlers arrived and established the Nahakir system of governance. The Colonial Era began in the late 17th century with the arrival of Riamese colonists, who brought new technologies and crops while introducing Christianity. In the early 20th century, Pohnpenesia faced a competitive period. during the Great War when it was invaded by Hoterallia. After the war, Pohnpenesia was handed over to the Riamese Federation, gaining self-government status in the late 1950s and country status in the early 1960s, becoming a sovereign nation within the federation while still under Riamese sovereignty. The country faced economic devastation from 1988 to the dissolving in 2015, when the Equalitarian Communion overthrew the government and imposed strict policies, resulting in decades of political and economic instability.

Etymology

The word "Pohnpenesia" comes from the name of the largest island in the archipelago, Ponape. The exact origins of the name Ponape are unclear, but some scholars believe it may be derived from the word "pwun," meaning "mountain," and "pei," meaning "upon." Thus, Ponape could mean "upon the mountain." The name Pohnpenesia was likely coined by Riamese explorers during the colonial era as a way to describe the entire archipelago of islands in the region.

History

Early History

The earliest evidence of human habitation dates back to 3 kya, where human remains dating back to 6000 B.C were discovered. However, permanent inhabitation didn't begin until the first millenium. Being inhabited by humans since around 1 A.D, Pohnpenesia has a rich ancient history that dates back to over 2,000 years of permanent settlement. The islanders gradually developed complex systems of agriculture, fishing, and navigation, building canoes that allowed them to trade and travel across the Kaldaz and conduct trade with neighboring peoples. The Nahakir system of governance, established in 600 A.D was a decentralized system established by the peoples that divided the islands into five tribes or kingdoms, each with their own ruling clan. The clans were headed by a chief or Nahnmwarki, who was responsible for maintaining order and settling disputes within their tribe. However, the Naraha'kiki also had to work together to ensure the stability of the entire island chain, and meetings were held periodically to discuss issues affecting all tribes. The Pohnpenesians also had a system of social organization based on matrilineal descent, with inheritance passing through the mother's line. This system helped to maintain balance and prevent the concentration of power in the hands of a few individuals or families.

Pohnpenesian akaka fans

The ancient culture of Pohnpenesia was deeply rooted in its relationship with the natural environment, and the islanders developed a strong spiritual connection with the land, sea, and sky. They believed in a pantheon of deities that governed different aspects of their lives, such as the god of the ocean and the goddess of fertility. The islanders also developed an intricate system of rituals and ceremonies to honor these deities and to seek their blessings.

Art and music were also integral parts of the Pohnpenesian ancient culture. The islanders created works of art, such as intricately woven textiles (bakon), hand-carved wooden figures, and pottery. They also developed a unique musical tradition that included singing, dancing, and playing a variety of instruments, such as the bamboo flute, drums, and gongs. These artistic expressions were often tied to spiritual beliefs and practices, and they played an important role in the islanders' social and cultural life.

Pohnpenesia's economy was based on agriculture, with the indigenous people cultivating yams, taro, breadfruit, coconuts, and other crops. They also engaged in fishing and hunting, using the abundant marine resources to sustain their livelihoods. Trading was also an important part of the economy, with the islanders exchanging goods with neighboring communities, including the Faio people of Freice and the D people of the Vatotou Islands. This trade network helped the Pohnpenesians acquire goods that were not available on their islands, such as obsidian, which was used for making tools.

Women's fabric plaiting, Museum of Archaeology (Medines)

Kaldaic Empire

The Pohnpenesian and Pohnpeian kingdoms and clans united in the early 13th century to form the Kaldaic Empire, which was the first centralized state in the Kaldaz Ocean.

16th century Layaua Palace in Naheli'i

The Kaldaic Empire was formed through a combination of alliances, intermarriage, and conquest, and it rapidly expanded its territory to include much of the Kaldaz archipelago and parts of the neighboring Sundaic regions. The empire was ruled by an absolute monarch known as the Kaldaic Emperor, who wielded both political and religious power. The emperor was seen as a divine figure and was believed to have the power to control the weather and other natural phenomena. The Empire's wealth was bolstered by the production of highly sought-after commodities such as pearls, tortoise shells, and dried fish.

In terms of culture, the Kaldaic Empire was renowned by historians for its artistic achievements, including advanced Taqaise (metal) carvings, religious pottery, and a thriving architecture school. The Empire was also known for its complex social hierarchy that was not prevelant prior to the formation, with a ruling class that held great political and economic power, while the majority of the population worked as farmers, fishermen, or craftsmen. Despite these inequalities, the Kaldaic Empire was able to maintain social stability through a well-organized system of governance, with a centralized monarchy that wielded significant power over the various kingdoms that made up the Empire.

During the 15th and 16th centuries, the Kaldaic Empire experienced a golden age of development, particularly in the arts and literature. The endemic Kaldaic script was developed, and literature flourished. Historical chronicles, religious texts, and epic poems were composed and recorded, several being stored in massive libraries. Architecture and the decorative arts also flourished, with the construction of grand temples and palaces, as well as works of pottery, textiles, and metalwork. The city of Haraù emerged as the cultural and economic center of the Kaldaic Empire, with a thriving port, bustling markets, and a large node of global trade routes.

Along with these cultural and artistic advancements, the Kaldaic Empire also saw significant developments in science, medicine, and technology. Scholars made strides in astronomy, mathematics, and engineering, and the empire became known for its advanced irrigation and agricultural practices. The development of new tools and techniques helped to boost agricultural production, and the empire became a major exporter (particuarly to Sundaic areas) of agricultural goods such as rice, exotic fruits, and spices.

The Kaldaic Empire had a centralized government system with an emperor as its head. The emperor ruled over a hierarchy of officials who were responsible for governing different regions of the empire. Each island had a governor who was responsible for maintaining law and order, collecting taxes, and overseeing local affairs. The empire had a strong military force that was used to enforce the emperor's authority and maintain control over the provinces. The emperor was also responsible for appointing judges and overseeing the judicial system. The government was highly bureaucratic, with officials appointed based on merit and loyalty to the emperor. The empire had a well-organized system of record-keeping, which enabled efficient administration and communication throughout the vast empire.

Hylian missionaries

In the mid-17th century, a group of Christian Hylian missionaries arrived in the archipelago, marking a significant turning point in the religious and cultural landscape of the region. Driven by their faith and a desire to spread their beliefs, these missionaries set out to establish Christian communities in the archipelago. Their arrival had a profound impact on the islands of Naheli'i, Hala'ube, and Poraphon (now collectively known as the Boscetes), where they established several monasteries and built permanent settlements.

Hylia, the home of the Hylians, was a predominantly Christian nation at the time. The missionaries, who hailed from this country, were well-received by the local population, who were curious about the new religion and eager to learn from the missionaries. The first monastery was established on the outskirts of Naisaoka (modern-day Diarine), and it quickly became a center of learning and worship. The monks who lived there were known for their piety and devotion to their faith, and they soon began to attract followers from across the island. Over time, more monasteries were established in other parts of the region, and the Christian faith began to spread rapidly.

the ruins of the Pente Verte monastery, built in 1631 by Hylian missionaries.

The impact of the Christian Hylian missionaries was particularly significant in the Boscetes. There, they established several monasteries and built settlements, which became centers of Christian worship and learning. The missionaries were also instrumental in the development of the region, helping to build roads and bridges and introducing new farming techniques and crops to the local population. As a result, the Boscetes flourished both culturally and economically, becoming one of the most important regions in the Empire.

One of the most lasting impacts of the Christian Hylian missionaries in the Boscetes was the adoption of Hylian as a Christian liturgical language. The missionaries introduced new translations of Christian texts and liturgical practices, which helped to cement the language's place in the region's religious and cultural life.

Decline and Colonial Era

The Kaldaic Empire faced significant challenges in the early 18th century that contributed to its gradual decline and eventual collapse. One of the key factors was the economic decline of the empire, which was caused by several factors. The empire's economy was largely based on agriculture, fishing, and trade, but over time, these industries became less profitable due to the exhaustion of natural resources and the increasing competition from other regions. Additionally, the empire faced challenges from changing trade patterns and the arrival of new technologies, which disrupted traditional industries and markets.

These economic challenges were compounded by social unrest and political instability within the empire. The empire had a complex system of government that relied on the cooperation of different kingdoms and tribes, but as power shifted and alliances changed, this system became increasingly fragile. There were frequent conflicts between different groups, and the empire struggled to maintain stability and order.

The arrival of colonial powers in the region was another significant challenge to the empire's stability. Colonial powers, including the Kakish and the Riamese, established colonies in the region and began to exert control over local economies and political systems. This disrupted traditional power structures and further weakened the empire, ultimately leading to its collapse and the colonization of the archipelago by Riamo.

After the collapse of the Kaldaic Empire in the early 18th century, the Riamese and Kakish peoples vied for control over the archipelago. Eventually, the two groups split the territory, with the Kakish taking control of the northern islands and the Riamese retaining the southern extended islands. After years of conflict between the Riamese and Kakish factions, a formalized treaty was finally signed in 1785 to split the islands of the archipelago. The treaty established a clear border between the two factions, with the northern islands falling under the control of the Kakish and the southern extended islands being designated as Riamese territory. The treaty also established guidelines for trade and travel between the two factions, as well as a mutual defense pact to protect against external threats. While tensions remained high between the two factions, the treaty marked a significant step towards peace and stability in the region. Over time, the Riamese and Kakish cultures would continue to evolve and develop independently of each other, with their own unique customs, traditions, and languages.

Treaty of Haraù, 1785.

During the first colonial era, life for the natives of Pohnpenesia was initially peaceful. The colonizers primarily sought to establish trading relationships with the local people, and as a result, there was minimal conflict between the two groups. The colonizers brought with them new technologies, such as firearms and textiles, which the natives eagerly adopted. They also introduced new crops, which helped to improve the local diet and increase food security.

The natives continued to live their traditional way of life, which revolved around fishing, farming, and community gatherings. They also continued to celebrate their cultural traditions, including the Nahakir system of governance and their spiritual practices. The colonizers did not seek to interfere with these practices, and in fact, often participated in them. This peaceful coexistence continued for several decades, as both groups benefited from the trade relationships they had established.

However, as more Riamese settlers came, colonial officals began to implement the 'divide and conquer' tactic, where they allied with tribes and waged wars against others in exchange for resources and wealth. This lead to the Riamese ultimately conquering the archipelago, and a class system was naturally formed. While the Riamese and the native Pohnpenesians maintained a peaceful relationship, the Riamese colonial government still relied heavily on native labor. The natives often worked on plantations and in the construction of new colonial buildings, often in un-desirable conditions, with only some pay or recognition.

The 'hele mamao' were on the top of the system, being the colonial Riamese settlers that often owned the plantations. The 'huikau' were 2nd, being the criollo bourgeoise mixed with settlers that allied with the tribes that benefited from the wars, also Hylians. They were generally prosperous and did not face much discrimination compared to the natives. On the bottom of the system were the natives and indigenous people. Despite establishing a peaceful relationship with the Riamese, the native population was often concealingly exploited financially, leading to a noticeable inequality compared with the huikau and the settlers.

In 1798, the Riamese established the city of Harponne on Ponape Island, which would later become known as Harpan. The city was strategically located on the eastern coast of the island and served as a hub for trade and commerce. The Riamese were attracted to the island for its abundant natural resources, including timber, copra, and fish. They quickly established a presence on the island and began to develop infrastructure, such as docks and warehouses, to facilitate trade with the surrounding islands.

Gunnerton Street, Harpan circa. 1879. The oldest street in Pohnpenesia to date.

As the city of Harponne grew, it became a center of cultural exchange between the Riamese and the native Pohnpenesians. The Riamese brought with them their own traditions, including music, art, and cuisine, which were blended with the existing culture of the Pohnpenesians to create a unique and vibrant community. The city also became home to a diverse population of immigrants from other parts of the archipelago, further enriching the cultural landscape of the city. Despite some cultural differences and occasional conflicts, the Riamese and Pohnpenesian generally lived in harmony, with many forming close friendships and business partnerships.

Print of the port of Harponne, mid-1700s.

In the mid-19th century, the Riamese government enacted reforms to better govern their colonial territories, including Pohnpenesia. They established a colonial administration to oversee the territory and heavily invested in infrastructure such as roads, bridges, and public buildings. They also promoted education by building new schools and encouraging enrollment for both Riamese and Pohnpenesian children, leading to significant improvements in literacy rates in Pohnpenesia. The mentality towards the natives also began to positively at this time. However, inequality still persisted.

As the 19th century progressed, the Riamese government continued to heavily invest in education and infrastructure, with a focus on improving the country's modernization and creating a stable and prosperous society. Efforts were made to improve literacy rates, provide access to education for all, and build roads, bridges, and public buildings. These developments helped to modernize the country and establish a solid foundation for its future growth.

Alongside these developments, Riamese Orthodoxy was introduced to Pohnpenesia by Riamese missionaries and was largely adopted by non-Boscettian natives, replacing Hylian Christianity (which had a presence in the archipelago since the 16th century). The introduction of Christianity brought about significant social and cultural changes, as the Pohnpenesians adapted to new religious beliefs and practices. Riamese Orthodoxy also played a role in the development of education and literacy, as mission schools were established to teach Christian values and provide education to the Pohnpenesia. In 1856, the Pohnpenesian Unity Church was established by local Pohnpenesia who had converted to Christianity. The church blended Christian beliefs with traditional Pohnpeneisan customs and practices, creating a unique form of Christianity that was embraced by many on the islands. The church's leaders worked to spread their faith throughout the islands, building churches and organizing missionary efforts. As a result, the sect became the most dominant in Pohnpenesia.

St. Deone's Cathedral in Harpan, the oldest church in Pohnpenesia built in 1859.

20th century

At the beginning of the 20th century, Pohnpenesia had made significant progress in terms of infrastructure, education, and social development. The Riamese colonial administration continued to invest in these areas, buildinga and improving transportation systems such as trains, ferries. However, the country was still controlled by the Riamese colonial government, and some Pohnpenesians continued to resist colonial rule. Despite this, Pohnpenesia was transforming into a more stable and prosperous society, from being reliant on Riamese aid to becoming a self-sufficent economy. During the early 20th century, the banking and financial services industry began to thrive in Pohnpenesia. The establishment of several major banks and financial institutions contributed to the growth of the economy and the creation of new jobs. One of the key factors in the success of the banking industry was the stability and reliability of the Pohnpeneisan government, which had maintained a stable political climate for many years. Additionally, the archipelago's position as a major hub for trade and commerce in the Kaldaic region made it an attractive location for international banks to establish operations. The government also actively encouraged the growth of the banking industry by providing tax incentives and other benefits to companies that established themselves in Pohnpenesia.

The flourishing banking and financial services industry in Pohnpenesia attracted a significant flow of expats to the country. Many foreign professionals, particularly from Riamo, Hoterallia, and nations in the Kaldaic, came to Pohnpenesia seeking employment in the industry. They brought with them their expertise and knowledge, contributing to the growth and success of the industry. The expat community also brought diversity to Pohnpeneisan society, introducing new customs, languages, and traditions. This caused a financial and demographic shift in the population. Foreign investors also became increasingly interested in Pohnpenesia, attracted by the country's abundant natural resources, strategic location, and the aforementioned thriving banking and financial services industry. These investors, primarily from Riamo and other developed countries, invested heavily in a range of industries, including agriculture, mining, manufacturing, and transportation. They also helped to fund large-scale infrastructure projects such as ports, airports, and highways, which further facilitated the flow of goods and people in and out of the archipelago. These investments brought much-needed capital and technological expertise to Pohnpenesia, but also brought concerns about resource exploitation and unequal economic relationships.

Throughout the early 20th century, Pohnpenesia's tourism industry also experienced significant growth. The colony's natural beauty, rich cultural heritage, and unique attractions drew visitors from all over the world. The government invested in the development of tourism infrastructure, including hotels, resorts, and transportation networks. As a result, Pohnpenesia became a popular destination. The tourism industry also provided significant economic benefits, creating jobs and generating significant revenue for the colony.

Pohnpenesia experienced a massive tourist boom in the early 20th century, one such relic of this era is the Victoria Beach Hotel in Pahili, constructed in 1908 and remodeled in the late 90s.

Hoterallian occupation

At the dawn of the Great War, tensions were high between Riamo and Hoterallia. Due to Riamo's attack on their colonies, Hoterallia saw Riamo's presence as a threat to their strategic interests, and aimed to eliminate their naval presence in the Kaldaic and South Sundaic regions. In 1909, Hoterallia launched a naval campaign to conquer the 14 islands of the Kaldaic archipelago. The campaign was successful, and the islands were quickly brought under Hoterallian control.

After the Hoterallian navy successfully eliminated Riamo's presence in the Kaldaic archipelago, Hoterallia established a colonial mandate over the islands. During the period of military occupation, the Hoterallian authorities pursued a relatively lenient approach, seeking cooperation from native leaders. In 1913, an "Elected Authority" was established to provide for native self-government. Additionally, Hoterallia promoted cultural and linguistic nationalism among the native population in an attempt to gain their favor. This involved teaching the Pohnpenesian language in schools and encouraging native practices that had been suppressed by the Riamese. However, the Hoterallians simultaneously exploited Pohnpenesian natural resources and agriculture while suppressing any independence movements.

a Hoterallian military parade in Medines's Sangaku Square, circa. 1948

The colonial mandate period had a profound impact on Pohnpenesia, fundamentally altering the archipelago's political, social, and economic landscape. Under Hoterallian rule, Pohnpenesia experienced significant modernization, including the construction of modern infrastructure. this development came at a significant cost to Pohnpenesian culture and identity, with many traditional practices being naturally suppressed or replaced by Hoterallian customs. The exploitation of natural resources and agriculture also led to significant environmental damage, and the suppression of independence movements and political dissent resulted in a lack of political freedoms for Pohnpenesian people. Despite these challenges, the colonial period also saw the emergence of a new educated class of Pohnpenesians who would go on to play significant roles in the post-colonial era.

Post-Hoterallian occupation and the road to independence

Hoterallia handed over Pohnpenesia to Riamo in 1931, after over two decades of colonial rule. The Riamese government, recognizing the need to improve the economic and social conditions in the archipelago, embarked on a series of reforms and investments aimed at modernizing Pohnpenesian society. These efforts eventually paid off, and in 1956 Pohnpenesia gained self-government status, marking a new era of political autonomy and economic growth. Under this new system, the archipelago was able to take greater control of its own affairs, charting its own course.

Despite gaining self-government status in 1956, Pohnpenesia still faced significant challenges such as large inequality and economic instability. The newly established government struggled to address these issues and provide basic services to its citizens. The lack of infrastructure, limited education, and healthcare opportunities, as well as ongoing political corruption, hindered the country's development. As a result, many Pohnpenesians continued to live in poverty and struggled to meet their basic needs. In addition to the aforementioned challenges, Pohnpenesia also saw the emergence of an infamous elite class known as the 'Vahinà'. These wealthy individuals that trace back to the Hoterallian and Pohnpenesian elite during the occupation amassed great fortunes through their control of industries such as agriculture and mining, as well as their involvement in the government. The Vahinà class became known for their extravagant lifestyles and their corrupt practices, including bribery and embezzlement of public funds.

Aerial view of O'hira, an important resort town on the island of Samaroa, circa. 1956.

Their influence on the political climate of Pohnpenesia was significant, as they held great sway over government officials and were often able to dictate policy decisions to their own benefit. This further exacerbated inequality and economic instability, as the Vahinà class monopolized resources and opportunities at the expense of the general population.

However, despite the economic instability and political corruption that plagued Pohnpenesia in the early 20th century, the finance and banking industry still managed to thrive. The industry buffed a strong foundation laid by foreign banks during the colonial mandate period, which provided the necessary infrastructure and trained personnel to support the growth of local banks. Pohnpenesian banks benefited from favorable regulations and access to capital from foreign investors, allowing them to expand and provide a range of services such as loans, mortgages, and insurance. The finance and banking industry continued to be a major contributor to the country's economy, and its success provided help for combatting the downturn of the economy.

Country status & the rise of Equalitarianism

In the early 1970s, Pohnpenesia was still struggling with issues of inequality and economic instability. However, the country was making progress in establishing itself as an independent and autonomous legal entity. On March 1st of 1971, Pohnpenesia was granted full country status, recognizing its sovereignty as a distinct nation within the Riamese Federation.

The Equalitarian Communion, or simply the E.C., emerged as a significant political force in Pohnpenesian society in the early 1970s. The movement was founded on the principles of egalitarianism and social justice, advocating for the equal distribution of wealth and resources and the dismantling of existing power structures that perpetuated inequality. The E.C. gained momentum through grassroots organizing and social activism, drawing support from various segments of society, including workers, peasants, and marginalized groups. Their message of social justice resonated with many Pohnpenesians who had been marginalized and excluded from the benefits of the country's economic growth.

In the 1972 National Election, the E.C. rose to power in Pohnpenesia, winning a majority of seats in the national parliament. The party's leader, Tuhinga Rama, became the country's first E.C.-affiliated Prime Minister, leading a government that sought to implement radical social and economic reforms. These reforms included land and wealth redistribution, public ownership of key industries, and the establishment of social welfare programs aimed at providing basic services to all citizens. The E.C. government also prioritized education and healthcare, seeking to improve the quality of life for all Pohnpenesians.

Tuhinga Rama on Election Day, circa. 1972

The rise of the E.C. was also fueled by growing resentment towards the wealthy and powerful Vahinà class. The Vahinà had long held significant political and economic power in Pohnpenesia, using their wealth and influence to maintain their privileged position in society. However, their perceived greed and corruption ultimately led to their downfall. In 1973, a violent uprising led by the E.C. resulted in the collapse of the Vahinà's power structure, with dozens being massacred and their homes burned down. This event marked a turning point in Pohnpenesian history, as the country began to undergo significant political and social transformation. Author and historian, Mahino Watai describes the scene in the 2009 Book "To Kill 2 Birds".

The collapse of the Vahinà was marked by a series of violent clashes and brutal massacres in the late 1970s. Dozens of Vahinà elites were targeted and brutally murdered, and their homes and properties were destroyed in what was seen as a populist uprising against the privileged class. The violence was fueled by a deep-seated resentment and anger towards the Vahinà's wealth and power, which was perceived as unjust and exploitative. The massacres were a traumatic and tragic event in Pohnpenesian history, representing both the culmination of years of simmering tensions and the beginning of a new era in the country's political landscape.

In addition to the Vahinà, the wealthy class in Pohnpenesia were also targeted during the upheaval of the 1970s. Many saw the wealthy as the embodiment of the existing power structures that perpetuated inequality and sought to dismantle their influence. As a result, many wealthy individuals and families were subjected to harassment, threats, and violence. Some were forced to flee the country or give up their wealth and assets to avoid retribution.

While the E.C. movement aimed to bring about social justice and equality, its policies had severely negative economic and societal consequences. The government's expropriation of land and nationalization of industries, intended to redistribute wealth and resources, led to a decline in production and economic stagnation. The lack of incentives for private investment and entrepreneurship discouraged economic growth and innovation, resulting in a shortage of goods and services, high inflation rates, and a shrinking job market. Additionally, the government's control over media and the suppression of dissenting opinions led to a lack of freedom of speech and civil liberties, creating a climate of fear and political instability. The E.C.'s policies also led to a brain drain, as thousands of professionals and educated individuals left the country in search of better opportunities and greater freedom.

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Recognition of independence in foreign relations & the economic crisis

In the 1980s, Pohnpenesia plummeted into a severe economic crisis due to the turmoil caused by the E.C. regime. The country was one of the poorest in the world, and many of its citizens were struggling to meet their basic needs. The neglect of infrastructure, severely underfunded education and healthcare, and ongoing political instability had taken a significant toll on the country's development. Due to the failing finance and banking sector, Pohnpenesia's economy began to shift to agrarianism, and many people worked in subsistence farming, which was not enough to sustain the population. The country was also heavily dependent on foreign aid, which was often tied to political conditions and had a limited impact on the country's overall economic growth.

Photo of Dargiletown, one of the many informal settlements of Harpan, located on the rural outskirts of the city. The settlement was demolished in 1993. circa. 1983

The grant of independence in foreign relations and diplomacy by the Riamese Federation in 1988 had significant economic and diplomatic implications for Pohnpenesia. With full autonomy in its foreign policy, Pohnpenesia was able to establish diplomatic relationships with other countries around the world, which opened up new avenues for trade and economic cooperation. This allowed the country to diversify its economic portfolio and reduce its dependence on the Riamese Federation, which had previously been its main trading partner.

Moreover, Pohnpenesia was able to participate more actively in international forums and organizations. As a result, the country was able to gain greater recognition and respect on the global stage, which opened up new opportunities for diplomatic and economic cooperation. Pohnpenesia was also able to use its newfound freedom to pursue policies that aligned with its own interests, rather than being bound by the constraints of the Riamese Federation. This enabled the country to take a more assertive role in shaping its own foreign policy agenda and advocating for its interests on the global stage.

Recovery

Following Pohnpenesia's recognition in foreign relations and the subsequent lifting of trade and investment barriers, the country's economy experienced a turnaround. The government, while still under the reign of the E.C, implemented experimental policies aimed at attracting foreign investment and slightly encouraging private enterprise, leading to a surge in job creation and economic growth. This, coupled with the opening of new markets and the removal of trade barriers, allowed Pohnpenesia to increase its exports and diversify its economy.

The country's newfound position in the global community also allowed it to secure aid and loans from international organizations and foreign governments. This helped the government to invest in infrastructure, education, and healthcare, providing a foundation for sustainable economic development. As a result, Pohnpenesia was able to reduce poverty and improve living standards for its citizens, as well as enhance its international reputation and strengthen its diplomatic ties with other nations.

Despite the economic recovery, Pohnpenesia's economy remained heavily equalitarian, with a recent focus on community ownership and distribution of natural resources. This fixated ideology presented significant challenges for economic growth and development. Localized private investment was still discouraged, and the lack of a clear legal framework for private property rights made it difficult for businesses to thrive. The government's policies continued to prioritize the distribution of resources over private enterprise even through foreign policies, limiting the country's potential for economic growth.

1990s

In the 1990s, Pohnpenesia continued to experience significant economic growth, albeit with some challenges. The government implemented several policies aimed at promoting trade and investment, including the establishment of export processing zones and the liberalization of certain sectors of the economy. These efforts paid off, as foreign investment continued to flow into the country, leading to the creation of new jobs and the expansion of export industries.

Despite this progress, Pohnpenesia's economy remained heavily reliant on the export of primary commodities, such as agricultural products and raw materials. This made the country vulnerable to fluctuations in global commodity prices. Additionally, the government's continued adherence to equalitarian principles meant that income inequality remained a persistent issue, with a significant portion of the population still living in poverty. To address this, the government introduced various social welfare programs, such as subsidized healthcare and education, but progress in this area remained slow.

Furthermore, the country faced challenges related to governance and corruption, which hindered its development. The government was often criticized for its lack of transparency and accountability, and allegations of corruption were widespread. This undermined the country's reputation and made it harder to attract foreign investment. Nevertheless, Pohnpenesia continued to make progress in its economic development.

In an attempt to legitimize their control over Pohnpenesia, the Riamese government held a referendum on the issue of independence on May 30, 1991. However, this referendum was widely regarded as rigged and unfair, with allegations of voter intimidation and ballot tampering. The results of the referendum indicated that the majority of the population favored remaining under Riamese control, but many in Pohnpenesia and the international community questioned the legitimacy of these results. Despite these setbacks, the movement for independence in Pohnpenesia continued to persist throughout the decade

A demonstration against the National Independence Referendum results, circa. 1991

Throughout the late 1990s and early 2000s, despite some improvements in the economy and diplomatic relations, Pohnpenesia experienced a decline in living standards. This decline was attributed to a combination of factors, such as the lasting effects of the 1980s economic crisis, political instability, and a lack of investment in public services and infrastructure. poverty remained pervasive, and many people lacked access to basic necessities, including healthcare, education, and clean water.

Pohnpenesia's continued equalitarian policies contributed to the deteriorating living conditions. The country's resources were not distributed effectively, and the state-controlled economy proved inefficient and unresponsive to market demands. Although some efforts were made to improve living standards, including the afformentioned social welfare programs and infrastructure projects, progress was slow and often impeded by political and economic obstacles.

In 1998, Pohnpenesia had a poverty rate of 20.9%, meaning that a significant portion of the population was living under the poverty line. Additionally, over 28.1% of the population was unemployed, further exacerbating the economic struggles facing the country. In addition to high poverty and unemployment rates, Pohnpenesia also experienced alarmingly high suicide rates during this period. The lack of access to basic necessities and limited opportunities for economic and social mobility contributed to a sense of hopelessness and despair among many people, leading to a tragic increase in suicides. These conditions were compounded by the lack of adequate mental health services and support systems in the country.

Hoterallian-language suicide prevention sign on phone booth, circa. 2000

At the period, Pohnpenesia was experiencing a severe mental health crisis. The closure of mental health facilities and the lack of access to adequate care for those with mental illness contributed to the growing crisis. Due to priority culture, there was a stigma surrounding mental illness that prevented many from seeking treatment. The country lacked resources and trained professionals to address the crisis, leaving many people without the help they needed. The mental health crisis further added to the already significant challenges facing Pohnpenesia's population and underscored the need for improved healthcare and social services.

21st century

At the turn of the 21st century, Pohnpenesia continued to grapple with political and economic challenges, despite some improvements in diplomatic relations and the economy. The country remained under the control of the Equalitarian Communion, which had been in power since 1972, and its socialist policies had left the economy stagnant and marked by high levels of poverty and unemployment. The government's focus on equality had often come at the expense of individual freedoms and rights, leading to criticism from human rights organizations and some foreign governments.

2000s

In the early 2000s, Pohnpenesia was also dealing with the aftermath of the assassination of Tuhinga Rama, the country's former Prime Minister and the leader of the E.C. movement. His death had caused political instability and raised concerns about the country's future. Additionally, Pohnpenesia's mental health crisis, which had worsened in the 1990s, continued to be a pressing issue, with limited resources and facilities available to those in need of treatment. Despite these challenges, there were some signs of progress, such as the growth of the tourism industry and increased foreign investment in the country. However, Pohnpenesia's living standards remained poor in the 21st century, with several reports ranking it as the worst country to live in. These rankings were based on a range of factors, including low life expectancy, high levels of poverty, poor healthcare and education systems, and political instability, all of which the nation suffered from. Despite efforts to improve living conditions and the economy, progress was cripplingly slow, and many Pohnpenesians still continued to face significant challenges in their daily lives.

A growing resentment towards the E.C. government began to emerge among some sectors of Pohnpenesian society. Public views begin to see the E.C. as a corrupt and authoritarian regime, with little regard for individual rights and freedoms. These sentiments were fueled by reports of human rights abuses, including the suppression of political opposition and the media, and the use of violence against peaceful protesters. Despite these criticisms, the E.C. government maintained its grip on power, and tensions between the ruling party and its opponents continued to simmer throughout this period. The reputation of the E.C. was further intensified by the torture and execution of Ava Alexandretta, a prominent Pohnpenesian human rights advocate. Alexandretta was a vocal critic of the E.C. government's authoritarian policies and was known for her efforts to expose human rights abuses committed by the regime. In 2003, she was arrested and charged with sedition and terrorism, allegations that were widely believed to be politically motivated. During her detention, Alexandretta was subjected to torture and other forms of mistreatment, which led to her deteriorating health. Despite pleas from domestic and international human rights groups for her release and medical treatment, Alexandretta was executed in 2004. Her death sparked widespread condemnation and protests against the E.C. government's human rights record, further fueling public resentment towards the ruling party.

Ava Alexandretta in a 2004 interview with PohnpaiVoice.com, a month before her execution.

In the late 2000s, the E.C. government experienced a sharp decline in popularity as the Pohnpenesian people became increasingly disillusioned with the party's authoritarian rule and its inability to improve the country's standard of living, continuing to rank among the poorest globally. In addition, the E.C.'s promotion of industrialization and modernization policies had resulted in considerable environmental degradation, further reducing its support among the populace.

The existing challenges resulted in the escalation of opposition against the E.C. government, with calls for democratic reform and greater transparency becoming more frequent. Demonstrations and protests against the ruling party became more common, often met with violent suppression from security forces. In 2008, a series of protests sparked by the government's decision to sell off public land resulted in clashes with police and widespread arrests, further stoking public anger. Despite the growing opposition, the E.C. government persisted in power, relying on its control of the media and security forces to repress dissent and maintain its hold on the nation.

In 2009, Pohnpenesia was struck by the Semaine Noire tsunami, a natural disaster that devastated the southern coasts of the country. The tsunami, which was triggered by intense seismic activity in the Kaldaic Ocean, caused widespread destruction, killing an estimated 1,200 people and displacing tens of thousands more. The city of Porti-Herena was among the hardest hit, with almost 90% of its buildings and infrastructure destroyed by the massive waves. The disaster had a profound impact on the country, exacerbating its already precarious economic and social conditions and requiring a massive humanitarian response from both the government and the international community. The E.C. government's inability to effectively respond to the Semaine Noire tsunami further eroded its already weakened legitimacy. The government's slow and inadequate response to the disaster, coupled with its overall failure to address the country's underlying problems, fueled public anger and frustration. The disaster highlighted the extent to which the E.C. had failed to provide even basic services and infrastructure to its citizens, and served as a catalyst for renewed calls for democratic reform and change.

La Rue de la Reine after Semaine Noire, circa. 2009.

2010s

Template:POV section At the start of the 2010s, the government of Pohnpenesia began to prioritize economic development and social welfare programs to improve the living standards of citizens, though progress remained slow and uneven. High rates of poverty, unemployment, and inequality persisted, with basic necessities such as healthcare and education still inaccessible to many. Climate change and environmental degradation had increasingly visible effects, including rising sea levels, more frequent natural disasters, and declining agricultural productivity, which threatened the country's fragile economy and food security.

The ruling party, still the E.C., responded to growing pressure for reform by opening up the country to greater international trade and investment, promoting democratic values, and increasing transparency. The government's efforts included relaxing restrictions on the media and opposition parties and increasing accountability for human rights abuses. The country saw progress in economic growth, as well as in social welfare programs and infrastructure development, which created new job opportunities and improved access to education and healthcare. These measures led to an increase in a prosperous rise in the standard of living and a reduction in poverty rates. Despite these improvements, Pohnpenesia continued to face significant challenges in achieving political stability.

2010 Protests

In 2010, a wave of massive protests erupted across Pohnpenesia, reflecting growing dissatisfaction with the government's failure to address social and economic inequality, corruption, and political repression. The protests were largely violent and were led by a coalition of civil society groups, political parties, and ordinary citizens. Demonstrators called for a range of reforms, including greater transparency and accountability, an end to police brutality, and the release of political prisoners.

The protests had a profound impact on Pohnpenesian society, leading to a significant shift in public discourse and political consciousness. They brought to the forefront long-standing grievances and frustrations that had been simmering beneath the surface for years, and galvanized a new generation of activists and social movements. The protests also highlighted the country's deep social and economic divisions, as well as the persistence of authoritarianism and corruption within the political establishment. Despite their initial impact, however, the protests ultimately failed to bring about the systemic change that many had hoped for. The government responded to the demonstrations with repression and violence, including the use of tear gas, rubber bullets, and live ammunition against peaceful protesters. Many activists and journalists were arrested or subjected to harassment and intimidation, and the government cracked down on social media and other forms of online communication.

New Pohnpenesia Plan

From 2010 to 2014, Pohnpenesia embarked on a comprehensive urban renewal program known as the New Pohnpenesia Plan. Despite facing political instability and a precarious economic situation, the government demonstrated a steadfast commitment to implementing the program, which was spearheaded by Riamese funding aid and overseen by the economic minister, Jeanebearté Makaiote.

Throughout the 2010s, the N.P.P program demolished the vast majority of informal settlements in Pohnpenesia and replaced them with modern housing units. An example is the Luakimar neighborhood, an informal neighborhood in Medines being cleared away to create over 30 mid-rise apartments.

The primary objective of the New Pohnpenesia Plan was to address the pressing challenges of urban slums, inadequate sanitation, and insufficient infrastructure throughout the country. To achieve this, the program focused on the mass-demolition of slums and the subsequent construction of new housing projects, with the aim of improving the living conditions of marginalized communities and providing safer and more habitable environments. Emphasizing the significance of proper waste management and hygiene practices for public health, the program also prioritized the enhancement of urban cities' sanitation systems.

Significant investments were allocated to infrastructure development, including the construction of roads, bridges, and other essential amenities. These endeavors aimed to enhance connectivity, accessibility, and the overall functionality of urban areas. Additionally, the government sought to stimulate economic growth and enhance the living standards of the population by creating employment opportunities through these projects.

The ambitious scope of the New Pohnpenesia Plan presented considerable challenges, given the limited financial resources and the complex nature of urban development. The program persisted even amidst the height of political instability, though it faced difficulties in fully meeting its objectives within the specified timeframe due to the rapid pace of urbanization and the scale of required interventions. Moreover, the program attracted criticism for the displacement of residents caused by the demolition of slums, raising concerns about social and housing inequalities.

The New Pohnpenesia Plan achieved significant progress in addressing the challenges of urban renewal in the country. Despite political instability and economic difficulties, the program persisted and made notable achievements in improving the living conditions of marginalized communities, enhancing public health, and promoting economic growth. According to official statistics, the program resulted in the demolition of over 50,000 slum units and the construction of over 80,000 new housing units. Additionally, the program improved the sanitation systems of over 100 cities, both rural and urban, and created over 50,000 new jobs.

Post-Equalitarian

In 2015, the E.C. government dissolved, marking the end of an era for Pohnpenesia. The decision to dissolve was made in response to the widespread protests and international pressure for democratic reforms, which had been mounting for several years. However, the transition to a new political system was far from smooth. In the aftermath of the dissolution, violent clashes between government forces and opposition groups erupted, leading to the massacre of many E.C. party members. Many people were traumatized by the violence and instability that characterized the transition period, leading to a deep sense of mistrust and fear among the populace. Additionally, the massacre of 19 E.C. party members known as "Le Sang des Riches" left a lasting scar on the national psyche. This resulted in a mass migration to countries like Anahuac, Riamo, and Hylia.

Recovery

Pohnpenesia's growth in living standards by H.D.I from 2015 to 2020.

However, after instability settled the following, Pohnpenesia experienced a substantial revival in its living standards and economy following the fall of the Equalitarian Communion. This transformative period was marked by significant progress and improvements in various socio-economic indicators. One key measure of progress was the notable increase in Pohnpenesia's Human Development Index (HDI), which saw a remarkable growth of 10.39% from 0.712 to 0.786.

The revival of Pohnpenesia's economy was equally impressive, with a substantial increase in the country's GDP output. Over the course of five years, Pohnpenesia witnessed an impressive growth rate of 38.10%. This economic expansion was fueled by a range of strategies and tactics employed by the government to stimulate growth and attract investment. These measures included the implementation of favorable economic policies, the creation of business-friendly environments, and the promotion of entrepreneurship and innovation.

The positive impact of Pohnpenesia's economic revival was also reflected in a significant reduction in the poverty rate. Over the course of the five-year period, the poverty rate dropped from 10% to 3%, indicating a considerable improvement in the standard of living for a large segment of the population. This reduction in poverty was achieved through targeted social welfare programs, job creation initiatives, and investments in education and healthcare.

The revival of Pohnpenesia's economy and the improvement in living standards were accompanied by a comprehensive overhaul of the policies and laws that were previously associated with the Equalitarian Communion. Many of the restrictive measures and regulations implemented during that era were removed entirely, fostering a more open and competitive economic environment. However, certain aspects of the Equalitarian economy, such as the Universal Basic Income and centralization, were retained, albeit with potential modifications and adjustments to align with the changing socio-economic landscape.

In 2018, a series of new reformatory bills, collectively the 'Cekoro Act' were passed by the Keuva. The bills focused on re-structuring the administration, including transforming the country from a federal nation to a regional nation composed of 4 administrative regions (huimoku). Beforehand, each island was a federal subject and yielded administrative powers.

Geography

Pohnpenesia is an archipelago consisting of 14 islands located in the Kaldaz Ocean. These islands are situated on the fault-line between the Meredonne and Olivacian plates. The islands vary in size; with Ponape being the largest at 9,494.79 km², and Nukufetia being the smallest at 53.32 km². Collectively, the 14 islands encompass an area of over 16,785 km². The water between the islands contains deep channels and straits that separate the island plates. The depths of these channels can vary greatly, ranging from shallow to very deep. Pohnpenesia's water territory also hosts various underwater volcanoes, which contribute to the dynamic underwater landscape. The area is also affected by strong windy currents that can change direction quickly and cause significant turbulence.

Map of Pohnpenesia

Name	Nickname	Population	Most populous city	Size (in km²)	Density (in km²)
Kokonairu	Coco Island	30,230	Haumeaville	493.20	61.29
Ponape	Big Island	1,366,485	Harpan	9,494.79	143.93
Vatotou	Kiwi Island	21,309	Honatéva	197.28	108.01
Nukufetia	Festival Isle	18,392	Nukufetia-Moea	53.32	344.90
Uéhane	Treasure Island	810,249	Ka'imea	5,014.66	161.59
Moana	Sea's Island	201,298	Riqoal	1,659.55	121.29
Tumpal	Friendly Isle	12,495	Pahili	119.97	104.11
Samaroa	Thunder Island	804,290	Saòfa	2,267.39	354.78
Opara	Rolling Island	34,301	Malâik	797.12	43.03
Farona	Oak Isle	19,390	Yanaarpän	154.63	125.40
Korsannea	Target Island	608,483	Moënir	1,054.38	577.30
Naheli'i	Île aux Arbres	1,240,370	Nenavia	1,616.90	767.12
Hala'ube	Île Fleurie	203,981	Porti-Herena	777.12	262.48
Poraphon	Île de la Pointe	398,961	Arquettina	527.42	756.43

Pohnpenesia is located on the fault-line between the Meredonne and Olivacian plates, which makes it prone to frequent and intense seismic activity. The region experiences earthquakes of varying magnitudes, and the ground is often unstable due to the constant movement of tectonic plates. The area is also home to a number of active and dormant volcanoes, which are a result of the underlying tectonic activity. These volcanoes contribute to the rugged landscape of the region, and often form the major mountain chains of Pohnpenesia's islands.

Pohnpenesia's islands exhibit a diverse range of topographical features, ranging from rugged and mountainous terrain to hilly and rolling landscapes. The smaller islands, such as Nukufetia and Tumpal, are characterized by high peaks and steep valleys, with some summits reaching elevations of over 700 meters. In contrast, the larger islands tend to be more gently sloping, with hills and low-lying areas dominating the landscape. The varied topography of the islands is a result of their geological history, with most of the small isles having been formed by volcanic activity, while larger islands were formed by tectonic uplift.

Pohnpenesia's diverse mountain landscapes. To the left is the Penteverté Lake in Poraphon, to the right is the Mo'aka Aikai national forest in Samaroa

Pohnpenesia's islands are not known for having many rivers or large bodies of freshwater. The islands receive significant rainfall throughout the year, and the water is quickly absorbed by the porous volcanic rock that makes a large portion of the islands' geology. However, there are a few rivers and streams that flow through the islands The most significant river is the Davanca River, which flows through the center of Ponape island and is the widest in Pohnpenesia. The 2nd and 3rd rivers include the Abelle and Nairoqe, which are also located in Ponape.

Lakes are also not abundant in Pohnpenesia, but there are a few crater lakes located on the islands. The most notable of these is the Penteverté lake, which is situated on the island of Naheli'i. Another small crater lake known as the Kokonairu Pott is located on the island of Kokonairu, but is shallow throughout most of the year, filling up during heavy thunderstorms.

Pohnpenesia has a diverse range of geological features beyond its mountains, rivers, and lakes. The islands are home to a variety of unique landforms, including valleys, gorges, and caves. The Ponapeni Ridge is a significant mountain range that runs through the main island of Ponape. This range features several prominent peaks, including the highest summit in Pohnpenesia, Mauna Faio which rises over 4010 meters above sea level. The ridge also features several deep valleys, such as the Anpil River Valley, which is home to a series of massive waterfalls, including one of the largest in Anteria. In addition to its terrestrial features, Pohnpenesia is home to a variety of coastal formations, including cliffs, large bays, and sloping beaches. The islands' rugged coastlines are shaped by the powerful forces of the Kaldaz Ocean, which has carved out dramatic cliffs and rocky outcroppings.

In contrast to the rugged and mountainous terrain of Pohnpenesia, the Boscettian islands feature a relatively milder topography. The majority of the islands are characterized by gently rolling hills and farmlands, which provide a stark contrast to the steep cliffs and deep valleys of Pohnpenesia.

Climate

Pohnpenesia's climate is predominantly marine oceanic, which is characterized by mild and breezy weather throughout the year. During the hot and humid season, temperatures normally vary between 17°C to 20°C. In the cold and dry season, temperatures are normally at 6°C to 10°C. Despite the mildness, humidity and precipitation are high in Pohnpenesia. November and December are especially wet and prone to thunderstorms. This is due to the convergence of trade winds, which results in a significant amount of rainfall in the region. Pohnpenesia's annual precipitation varies across the archipelago, with the north experiencing about 3000mm while the south receives approximately 1500mm. The wet season typically lasts from May to December and brings heavy rainfall and thunderstorms. During this time, Pohnpenesia experiences high humidity and an increased risk of cyclones. In contrast, the dry season lasts from January to April, with less precipitation and lower humidity levels.

Pohnpenesia's climate is also heavily influenced by its geography, with the areas surrounding the mountain ranges having a subpolar oceanic climate. In these regions, temperatures are cooler, and the climate is generally drier. The southernmost island of the archipelago, Poraphon, has pockets of subarctic and boreal areas due to Pohnpenesia's extreme southern latitude. The subarctic and boreal areas experience a different climate from the rest of Pohnpenesia, with lower temperatures and unique weather patterns. The lowest recorded temperature in Pohnpenesia was -30.8°C near the Mont-Pente ranges in Poraphon while the highest recorded temperature was 40.9°C, which occurred during a 1920 heatwave in Kokonairu.

Environment and biodiversity

Pohnpenesia's natural environment hosts thousands of unique flora and fauna, which are highly diverse and endemic to the region. The archipelago is home to a variety of ecosystems, ranging from marine to terrestrial, which have evolved over millions of years in isolation from the rest of the world. Pohnpenesia's unique climate, high levels of rainfall, and volcanic soil have contributed to the development of a rich and diverse ecosystem that is home to a wide range of plant and animal species, as over 68% of species are endemic to the archipelago. This makes Pohnpenesia the most ecologically diverse region in Anteria. The region's biodiversity includes numerous species of trees and flowers, which date back to millions of years of evolution.

Salmon greybloch dolphin (Sousa samonus)

Flora

Pohnpenesia's flora is incredibly diverse, with a vast range of plant species found throughout the archipelago. The forests of Pohnpenesia are home to many endemic tree species, including the Laumé tree (Kostermanthus), which is a major species in the country's landscape. Other trees found in Pohnpenesia's forests include hardwoods such as the Tiffany's ebony (Diospyros pohnpeiensis) and Pohnpenesian mahogany (Swietenia macrophylla). Pohnpenesia is also home to Laumé forests, a variety of forest biome that is a unique blend of boreal and continental features, which are thought to have evolved from the Meredonne continent 80,000 years ago. The biome consists species such as genus-endemic "pin needle" trees, maples, and the large baion'sa pine.

Pohnpenesia's diverse flora is also home to the iconic Freician Palmetto (Roystonea faiona), a palm species that is featured on the country's flag. This palm is widely distributed throughout the archipelago and is a prominent feature of the country's coastal landscapes.

Pohnpenesia's plant life also includes a variety of shrubs, vines, and ferns. Many of these species are endemic to the region and have adapted to the unique climatic conditions of the archipelago. Some notable shrubs found in Pohnpenesia include the native hibiscus (Hibiscus pohnpeiensis) and the indigenous queenberry flower (Cappari reginus). The archipelago is also home to several species of climbing vines, including the Pohnpeian passionflower (Passiflora pohnpeiensis).

The queenberry flower is the national flower of Pohnpenesia

Pinneedle trees, Pohnpenesia.

The flora of Pohnpenesia also includes many species of orchids, which are widely distributed throughout the archipelago. The Pohnpenesian orchid (Dendrobium pohnpeiense) is a particularly noteworthy species, known for its striking white flowers with purple tips. Additionally, Pohnpenesia is home to several species of ferns, including the indigenous bird's nest fern (Asplenium nidus), which can grow to be quite large.

Fauna

Pohnpenesia boasts an impressive diversity of fauna, with many species that are endemic to the archipelago. The islands' geographical isolation has also resulted in the evolution of unique and diverse fauna that are not found anywhere else in the world. The region's fauna includes a range of mammals, birds, reptiles, and marine species, each with its distinct features and adaptations.

One of the most notable species in Pohnpenesia's fauna is the flying gagörel, a type of fruit bat that is endemic to the region. These bats play a crucial role in the region's ecosystem by pollinating many plant species and dispersing their seeds. Other mammalian species found in the archipelago include the Cascape mole, redtip squirrel, and the Watergate shrew. These species have adapted to the region's varied environments, from the lowland forests to the subalpine zones, and have developed unique morphological and behavioral features to survive in their respective habitats.

The birdlife of Pohnpenesia is also diverse, with over 100 species recorded on the islands. Some of the most notable avian species include the Pohnpei fantail, Moanan masatuse, Uéhic mountain starling, and the Vinal flower-warbler. The region's birdlife has adapted to the varied habitats, including the forest understory, coastal mangroves, and subalpine zones, among others.

In addition to its terrestrial fauna, Pohnpenesia also boasts a rich marine ecosystem, with a diverse range of marine species. The region's coral reefs are home to a wide variety of fish species, including the bapitistfish, the Kaldaic cowfish, and the Pohnpéin goby. Other notable marine species in the region include the candy urchin, the Farona sea turtle, and the salmon dolphin. The region's marine fauna play a crucial role in maintaining the balance of the ecosystem and are an essential component of the archipelago's natural heritage. Pohnpenesia's waters is home to the Great Kaldaic reef, a large coral reef that stretches 8,000 kilometers along the archipelago's coastline. The reef hosts over 800 species of coral and over 300 diverse species of fish, native to the southern Kaldaz.

Demographics

According to the 2021 national census, Pohnpenesia's population is 2,930,010. However, recent estimates in 2023 suggest an increase of population to approximately 3,090,000, indicating a massive increase of 5.5% over two years. The underlying reason for this phenomenon can be attributed to the influx of immigrants from nations situated within the Kaldaz, who have been drawn to the stability and advancement of the country. However, the native population's decline may be attributed to the persistently low fertility rates in Pohnpenesia, which has been a long-standing demographic issue in the country. Despite this, Pohnpenesia has achieved an impressive life expectancy of 82.9 years, a result of significant improvements in its health infrastructure since the 2015 crisis.

30% of the population is under 25, with the ratio of older people in the total population increasing. The total fertility rate went from 1.8 children per woman in 2016 to 1.4 in 2019.

Historical populations
Year	Pop.	±% p.a.
1940	500,420	—
1945	501,390	+0.04%
1950	528,342	+1.05%
1950	609,285	+inf%
1955	689,960	+2.52%
1960	701,203	+0.32%
1965	749,091	+1.33%
1970	828,377	+2.03%
1975	1,010,039	+4.05%
1980	952,019	−1.18%
1985	1,604,400	+11.00%
1990	2,390,301	+8.30%
1995	2,301,003	−0.76%
2000	2,402,486	+0.87%
2010	2,842,018	+1.69%
2015	2,932,002	+0.63%
2019	2,893,001	−0.33%
2021	2,930,010	+0.64%

Pohnpenesia's population density is 174.561 people per km2, a result of its high population and relatively small land area. Poraphon is the most densely populated island, with a density of 507.42 people per square kilometer, while Uéhane is the least densely populated, with a density of 41.93 people per square kilometer. The majority of Pohnpenesia's population is concentrated in urban areas, particularly in Harpan, which is home to more than 21% of the population. while the remainder of the population is distributed unevenly across the archipelago. Additionally, there is a significant rural population, which accounts for an estimated 10-30% of the total population according to conservative estimates.

The population distribution is varied across the nation, with some islands having significantly larger populations than others. The island of Ponape is the most populous, with a population of around 871,238, representing about 30% of the total population alone. The island is the economic, cultural, and political center of the country, with its capital city of Harpan serving as the main hub for commerce, education, and government. On the other hand, Tumpal, the smallest and least populated island in the archipelago, has a population of only around 12,495.

Largest cities in Pohnpenesia Pohnpenesia National Census (2021)
	Rank		County	Pop.	Rank		County	Pop.
Harpan Nenavia Nenavia	1	Harpan	Harpan District	1,152,000	11	Kamisis	Kamisis	125,301	Arquettina Medines
	2	Nenavia	Nenavia	1,040,224	12	Kitakamisis	Kamisis	100,290
	3	Arquettina	Arquettina	312,332	13	Moënir	Moënir	84,302
	4	Medines	Medines	289,815	14	O'hira	O'hira	78,390
	5	Terhune	Terhune	209,020	15	Daramai	Daramai	70,290
	6	Northbank	Saófa	185,300	16	Rapeeterre	Rapeeterre	40,309
	7	Porti-Herena	Porti-Herena	154,112	17	Diarine	Diarine	30,599
	8	Ka'imea	Pays	132,390	18	Honatéva	Honatéva	23,031
	9	Nairitse	Pays	128,988	19	Haumeaville	Kokonairu	20,292
	10	Riqoal	Riqoal	127,483	20	Nukufetia-Moea	Nukufetia	17,001

Ethnic groups

Ethnic Groups in Pohnpenesia (2021 Census)
Ethnic Groups			percent
Pohnpenesian			45.3%
White			24%
Multiracial (mixed)			9.2%
Criollo			8%
Hoterallian			7%
Indigenous			3.6%
Arab			1.2%
Other			1%

Pohnpenesia is a multi-ethnic country with a diverse population. According to the most recent national census, 45.3% of the population identifies as ethnically native Pohnpenesian, up from 44.8% in 2015. Another significant portion of the population, around 24%, identifies as White, most being descendants of Riamese, Kakish, Hylian, and other groups. Additionally, 9.2% of the population identifies as multiracial, which includes individuals with complex genetic identities due to mixed ancestry from multiple racial or ethnic groups. 8% of the population identify as ethnically mixed with Pohnpenesians and Whites (Criollo), while 7% are descendants of Hoterallians. A further 3.6% of the population self-identify as indigenous or indigenous-mixed, including groups such as Korsanneans, Yapese, and Melanics. A total of 1.2% of the population self-identifies as the descendants of Arabs, specifically those originating from the Salamati and Gassasinian migrants. The remaining 1% are classified as other, including Freician and Kakish Pohnpeian migrants, which mostly identify as other.

Until 2010, the Pohnpenesian National Census had the option to officially identify as "just Pohnpenesian", which accounted for over 15% of the population at maximum in 2000.

The Hoterallian population of Pohnpenesia is primarily made of descendants of settlers who arrived in the early 20th century during the Hoterallian Occupation era. Over time, the Hoterallians have integrated into Pohnpenesian society, and their cultural and ethnic identities have become intertwined with the broader Pohnpenesian population. The Hoterallian population in Pohnpenesia is largely concentrated in urban areas, with a notable presence in the city of Terhune. In this city, Hoterallians make up over 20% of the population. Similarly, the White population is predominantly urban and can be found throughout many major cities in Pohnpenesia. However, there is also a significant rural community of White Hylians, primarily consisting of farmers, who are concentrated in the Boscetes region.

Indigenous peoples have historically been long-standing inhabitants of the archipelago, reaching peak in the Kaldaic Empire. Currently, most soley indigenous peoples in Pohnpenesia are concentrated in bukanshirus, which are designated native reserves. These bukanshirus are primarily located in the islands of Samaroa, Tumpal, Vatotou and Farona. According to recent estimates from the government, over 90% of 'indigenous' identified peoples reside in bukanshirus. Also, pockets of indigenous and indigenous-mixed communities can be found throughout urban areas, especially in Yanaarpän and Moënir, which have significant indigenous populations.

The main indigenous groups in Pohnpenesia (2% Korsanneans, 1% Yaapese and 0.6% Melanics) are often regarded as separate from the mainstream Pohnpenesian group, as they are descendants of distinct tribes that have been historically separated from Kaldaic genetics. Therefore, they are classified separately from ethnic Pohnpenesians.

The Arabs of Pohnpenesia are descendants of Salamati and Gassasinian migrants that came to Pohnpenesia during the 1900s, primarily from expatriate work. Most of them identify as Christians, and speak Common or Pohnpenesian. Only a small amount are fluent in Arabic and practice Islam.

In the Census, two terms are commonly used to describe individuals of mixed ancestry: Criollo and Multiracial. The term Criollo is typically used to describe individuals who are of mixed White and Pohnpenesian heritage. On the other hand, the term Multiracial is an umbrella used to describe individuals who have a complex identity, typically due to a highly mixed ancestry from multiple racial or ethnic groups.

Religion

Religion in Pohnpenesia (2021 Census)

  Pohnpenesian Unity Church (37.2%)

  Riamese Orthodox (14.8%)

  Old Hylian Church (7.4%)

  Other Christianity (5%)

  Irreligious or non-afiliated (20%)

  Gaoist (8.1%)

  Athiest (6%)

  Other (1%)

  Traditional/indigenous beliefs (0.5%)

According to the 2021 Census, religion in Pohnpenesia is predominately a Christian landscape, with a significant majority of the population identifying as members of the Pohnpenesian Unity Church, comprising 37.2% of the total population. Riamese Orthodoxy follows as the second-largest Christian denomination in the country, accounting for 14.8% of the population. the Old Hylian Church is also a prominent religious group, comprising 7.4% of the population. The remaining denominations, including Protestants, are classified as "Other Christianity", comprising 5% of the population. However, a notable proportion of the population identifies as irreligious, with 20% of respondents indicating no religious affiliation. Other religious groups that have a presence in the country include the Gaoist faith, which accounts for 8.1% of the population, people who specifically identify as Athiest, which accounts for 6% of the population, and various other religious groups and adherings that account for approximately 1% of the population. Additionally, a small proportion of the population continues to adhere to traditional/indigenous beliefs, comprising only 0.5% of the total population.

The high percentage of irreligious individuals in Pohnpenesia can also be attributed to the policies of the former Equalitarian Communion, which strongly advocated for atheism and actively worked to suppress organized religion. Under their regime, religious institutions were subjected to strict regulation and scrutiny, with many being forcibly closed or absorbed into the state-controlled Pohnpenesian Unity Church. Additionally, the party's anti-religious stance was reflected in their educational policies, which emphasized scientific materialism and downplayed religious education. The legacy of these policies continued to influence attitudes towards religion in Pohnpenesian society.

Gaoism was introduced to Pohnpenesia by the Hoterallians during the early 20th century, and largely adheres to the Hoterallian population of the nation.

The Riamese Orthodox Church is mainly concentrated in Samaroa, particularly in coastal towns with a significant population of White individuals of Riamese descent, especially Northbank. The Old Hylian Church, on the other hand, is predominantly concentrated in the Boscettian islands, where the majority of adherers are located.

Harpan Cathedral of St. Waikipi.

Language

Language is a complex and diverse aspect of Pohnpenesian society. The vast majority of Pohnpenesians are multilingual, with over 95% of the population being fluent in the official language of Common. The Pohnpenesian language is also widely spoken, with over 80% of the population being proficient in the language. Hylian is another relatively common language, with over 18.5% of the population being proficient, mainly in Poraphon and Naheli'i. Hoterallian, the language of the Hoterallian ethnic group, is spoken fluently by 6.9% of the population. Ponape Creole, a creole language, is widely spoken as a lingua franca and is used by around 20-30% of the population. However, most indigenous languages, including Yaapese and Korsannean, are only spoken by around 3% of the population, all being indigenous.

In terms of the use of language in the home, approximately 50% of households reported speaking Common as their primary language at home. Pohnpenesian was the second most common language spoken at home, with approximately 36% of households reporting it as their secondary language. Hylian was the third most common language spoken at home, with approximately 15% of households reporting it as their secondary language. Hoterallian was spoken at home by approximately 5% of households, primarily by those of Hoterallian ancestry. Indigenous languages such as Yaapese and Korsannean were spoken at home by less than 3% of households.

In terms of language policy, the government has designated three official languages: Hoterallian, Common, and Pohnpenesian. Hylian is also designated as an official language in the Boscetes administrative region, while Ponape Creole is designated as a national language.

Boscettian Creole, a Hylian creole language spoken in Opara, has been designated a special status language due to its current state of endangerment. The government has initiated programs aimed at preserving and promoting the language to prevent its potential decline.

In recent years, the government has taken steps to promote language learning and preservation of indigenous languages, including supporting language immersion programs in schools and funding language revitalization initiatives in indigenous communities, most of which were passed by the Anti-Indigenous Discrimation Act (AIDA), which was ratified in 2017.

Education

Education in Pohnpenesia is a fundamental aspect of Pohnpenesian and is considered a key factor in the nation's natural culture. Primary and secondary schooling is free and compulsory for children between the ages of 4 to 17. The education system is divided into 7 school years, with each age group completing two years in each level. Elementary school covers Year 0 to 1, Primary school covers year 2 to year 4, and secondary school covers year 5 to year 6. The final year, year 7, is known as trinary and is focused on career preparation and skills training. This system was established in 1981, replacing the previous system that followed the Riamese standard of schooling. Despite Pohnpenesia's status as a developing nation, the country's educational system is highly regarded and ranked among the best in the world.

The Ministry of Education oversees the education system in Pohnpenesia and is responsible for developing and implementing policies and programs aimed at improving the quality of education. The government controls the fiscal and administrative aspects of school districts, and each school district covers the county area rather than just cities.

Pohnpenesia has a very high level of literacy despite its development and income, with an adult literacy rate of 99.5%. Over half of the population aged 17 to 30 hold tertiary qualifications. In the adult population, over 20.3% have a bachelor's degree or higher, 64% hold some form of tertiary or trinary qualification, and 15.7% have no qualification.

The government of Pohnpenesia plays a key role in overseeing the nation's tertiary education institutions, with a focus on aligning their programs and resources with the needs of the economy and society. In response to growing demand for education in fields such as science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), the government has implemented measures to increase access to tertiary education, including the provision of scholarships and financial incentives to support students pursuing higher education.

Language studies in Pohnpenesia is governed by a national curriculum that requires all students to study the official language of Common until Year 6. The curriculum also mandates that students receive compulsory education in the Pohnpenesian language until Year 5. From Year 5 to trinary, students have the opportunity to select elective courses in Hylian and Hoterallian. Starting from 2005, the secondary education system in Pohnpenesia also introduced Ponape Creole, Boscettian Creole, Korsannean, and Yaapese as specialized courses for students.

Government and politics

Pohnpenesia is a self-governing nation that operates as a parliamentary democracy and constitutional monarchy under the sovereignty of the Riamese Federation. Its constitution is not codified, but it has been acknowledged as an autonomous legal entity distinct from Riamo since 1988, which empowers Pohnpenesian officials to engage in diplomatic missions and establish treaties in its own right. The country's technical head of state is currently Monarch of Riamo, Diana II, who serves as a figurehead with limited powers de facto.

The executive branch of Pohnpenesia is led by the Keomoroulou, currently Kaimana Hilokiki, who is appointed by an election every five years and serves as the country's head of government. The Keomoroulou is responsible for directing the government's policies and managing the administration of Pohnpenesia. The legislative branch of Pohnpenesia is known as the General Keuva, which is a unicameral legislature consisting of elected representatives from each of Pohnpenesia's four regions.

Each region elects one representative who then participates in the election of members of the Keuva. The number of members from each region is proportional to its population, with larger regions having more representatives. The Keuva has a multi-party system, with various political parties competing for seats. The Speaker of the Keuva is currently Jenni Moritsaiqe, who presides over the Keuva's sessions and maintains order within the chamber.

Pohnpenesia's political parties in the Keuva as of 2020.

Since 2015, the judicial branch of Pohnpenesia is not independent, but rather run under the Federal Court of Riamo. Pohnpenesia's status as an autonomous legal entity within the Riamese Federation provides it with the ability to engage in diplomatic missions and establish treaties in its own right. However, citizens of Pohnpenesia still maintain Riamese nationality, and certain laws that apply across the federation still apply to Pohnpenesia. In recent years, Pohnpenesia has pursued a more autonomous foreign policy, establishing direct diplomatic relationships with several countries.

Every five years, the Keomoroulou is appointed by an election. This election is conducted by the General Keuva. The Keomoroulou must be a member of the General Keuva or must resign their membership before taking office. The Keomoroulou has the power to appoint and dismiss ministers and officials, with the approval of the General Keuva. The Keomoroulou also presides over the Cabinet, which consists of appointed ministers responsible for various government departments. The number of seats in the Keuva is currently set at 40, with 10 seats for each region of Pohnpenesia (Boscetes, Insular, Moanan, and Big Islands) based on proportional representation.

Foreign relations

For much of the 20th century, Pohnpenesia operated as a relatively isolated and reclusive nation, owing in large part to the isolationist policies of the Equalitarian Communion. The party's focus on self-reliance and equalitarianism led it to pursue a policy of economic and political self-sufficiency, and as a result, Pohnpenesia remained largely closed off from the outside world for much of this period.

Since Pohnpenesia's recognition of independence in foreign relations by Riamo in 1988, the nation has actively pursued a foreign policy focused on fostering good relations with other nations. Over the years, Pohnpenesia has established diplomatic ties with several countries, including Anahuac, Hoterallia, and Hylia, among others. Through these relationships, Pohnpenesia has been able to expand its influence and engage in various economic and cultural exchanges.

In recent years, Pohnpenesia has sought to further develop its international presence by engaging with regional organizations such as the Saltstil Pact. As of 2023, Pohnpenesia is an observer of the Saltstil Pact, in attempts to maintain its commitment to 'stability and cooperation' by Kaimana. Additionally, Pohnpenesia maintains strong diplomatic ties with Freice, a nation with which it shares close cultural and historical ties. These relationships also have contributed to the growth of trade, tourism, and cultural exchanges between the two nations.

Although Pohnpenesia has a defense force, it does not maintain an independent military, as defense matters are undertaken by the Riamese military. This arrangement, which has been in affect since 1999, allows Pohnpenesia to focus on economic and social development while ensuring its security through its affiliation with the Riamese Federation.

Administrative divisions

Pohnpenesia, administratively classified as a regionalised unitary state, is divided into four administrative regions: The Boscetes, Insular, Moanan, and the Big Islands. The Boscetes region has 3 islands, while the other regions have four islands each. In total, the country is composed of 30 counties and 79 communes. The majority of islands follow the pattern of three counties and three communes, except for a few exceptions. For example, Arquettina County, Diarine County, and Rapeeterre have only two communes, and the island of Vatotou has no communes but rather two counties: Honatéva and Rural Honatéva. Moreover, the islands of Tumpal, Farona, Nukufetia, and Kokonairu have only one county each.

Apart from counties, Pohnpenesia also has 9 'bukanshirus' or native areas that are home to most of the indigenous population. These areas hold the same administrative powers as counties. Furthermore, the country has one capital district, Harpan, which is designated as a seperate administrative entitiy.

Most counties are named after their capitals, except for Tumpal, Farona, Nukufetia, and Kokonairu (being singular islands), as well as Rural Honatéva in Vatotou and Pays County on the island of Uéhane.

Pohnpenesia's administrative system, as a regional state, is characterized by a centralized government that has the power to delegate certain responsibilities to regional governments. The regions are further divided into counties and communes, with counties serving as the primary administrative units. Each county has a capital and is responsible for providing basic services such as healthcare, education, and public safety to its residents. Communes, on the other hand, serve as subdivisions of counties and are responsible for implementing local policies and programs.

Economy

Pohnpenesia operates as an advanced market economy, positioned as a high-income nation with a nominal GDP per capita of $43,200.96. This economic structure places Pohnpenesia among countries with relatively high living standards. The official currency is the Ponape Hull, which serves as a medium of exchange and is pegged to the Riamese hull, fostering stability in monetary transactions. The Ponape Hull is utilized within Pohnpenesia and circulates in conjunction with the Riamese hull, promoting economic integration in the region.

Throughout its history, Pohnpenesia's economy has witnessed various sectors playing prominent roles. Extractive industries have historically contributed significantly to the nation's economic landscape. These industries encompassed activities such as sealing, whaling, flax, gold mining, kauri gum harvesting, and native timber production. However, in more recent times, the focus has shifted towards agricultural production, particularly in the exportation of various crops and exotic staples. This emphasis on agrarian exports has played a vital role in generating foreign exchange earnings, bolstering economic growth, and contributing to Pohnpenesia's overall economic development.

However, Pohnpenesia's economic development and living standards are severely hindered by the persistent challenge of internal corruption, which poses significant obstacles to the country's aspiration of becoming an advanced economy. Corruption, characterized by the misuse of entrusted power for personal gain, undermines the efficiency, transparency, and accountability of Pohnpenesia's economic institutions and processes.

The downtown of Harpan is a major financial center of the country

In addition to the agricultural sector, Pohnpenesia has also experienced the growth of its banking industry. In recent years, the nation has established itself as a tax haven, attracting international investments and facilitating financial transactions. This development has led to the expansion of the financial sector, contributing to the overall economic diversification and stability of Pohnpenesia's economy.

Pohnpenesia's tourism sector accounts for a massive portion of Pohnpenesia's economic output, contributing from 20% to 30% of its total G.D.P.

However, the nation exhibits a significant reliance on imports due to limited domestic production capabilities for certain goods and services. This reliance contributes to higher prices within the country, impacting the cost of living for the population. Efforts have been made to address this over-reliance and promote self-sufficiency by stimulating domestic industries and reducing import dependency - but slow.

Pohnpenesia has achieved impressive economic indicators, including a relatively low unemployment rate of 2.5%, indicating a generally stable labor market. Poverty levels are also low, with only 3% of the population living below the poverty line. These positive outcomes can be attributed to the country's commitment to economic development since the 1990s (New Pohnpenesia Plan), social welfare programs, and targeted policies aimed at enhancing living standards.

Pohnpenesia maintains a centralized economic system that incorporates several policies inherited from the previous Equalitarian Communion regime. Notable among these policies is the implementation of Universal Basic Income, which ensures a minimum level of income for all citizens regardless of their employment status, currently at 5,000 per month as of the 2023 continuum, but varies throughout the year. This measure aims to provide a basic standard of living and promote social equality within the country. The U.B.I also is responsible for Pohnpenesia's low GINI index at 25.2. Additionally, Pohnpenesia continues to prioritize land restructuring initiatives, which involve redistributing land ownership to address historical inequalities and promote a more equitable distribution of resources.

The centralized economic framework in Pohnpenesia incorporates various elements of economic planning and intervention aimed at fostering a more egalitarian and socialist society. While these policies retain some characteristics of the previous decades, they have undergone modifications and are now implemented with fewer restrictions compared to the past.

Trade

Pohnpenesia relies significantly on international trade, with a substantial portion of its economic output derived from exports, accounting for approximately 40% of its total output. This heavy reliance on trade exposes Pohnpenesia to various risks, including fluctuations in international commodity prices and global economic downturns. These external factors can significantly impact the country's economic performance and overall stability.

Pohnpenesia's export profile encompasses a diverse range of products, reflecting the nation's natural resources and agricultural strengths. Key exports include agricultural commodities such as soybeans, corn, and wheat, which capitalize on the nation's fertile land and favorable climatic conditions. Additionally, Pohnpenesia's export portfolio may include other goods such as textiles and machinery. further contributing to the nation's trade performance.

A civilian ferry en route from Opara to Korsannea.

The international trade environment plays a crucial role in shaping Pohnpenesia's economic landscape. Fluctuations in global commodity prices can significantly affect export revenues, influencing the country's overall economic performance. Moreover, Pohnpenesia's vulnerability to global economic slowdowns highlights the interdependence between the nation's economic growth and the health of the international markets. In times of global downturns, reduced demand for Pohnpenesian exports can lead to decreased revenue and potential challenges for the domestic economy.

Transport

Pohnpenesia, being an archipelago nation consisting of 14 islands, presents unique transportation challenges and opportunities. The transportation network within Pohnpenesia primarily relies on air and maritime modes, including planes, ferries, and boats, to facilitate connectivity and movement between the islands. Additionally, a well-developed highway system in the island of Ponape serves as a vital link, connecting major cities such as Kamisis, Medines, Terhune, and Harpan.

A9 Section at the Harpan-Medines highway link.

Air transportation plays a crucial role in facilitating travel and trade between the islands of Pohnpenesia. The nation boasts a network of airports strategically located across different islands, ensuring accessibility to both domestic and international destinations. These airports serve as important hubs for passenger travel and cargo transportation, supporting economic activities and fostering regional integration.

Ferries and boats are widely utilized for inter-island transportation, catering to the diverse needs of Pohnpenesia's residents and visitors. These modes of transport offer convenient and affordable options for commuting and transporting goods, particularly between the islands where airport infrastructure may be limited. The extensive use of ferries and boats underscores the importance of maritime transportation as a lifeline for island communities, facilitating essential services, tourism, and trade.

Furthermore, Pohnpenesia's highway system on the island of Ponape plays a significant role in enhancing intra-island connectivity. The well-maintained highways connect the 'Big 3', facilitating a large portion of movement, goods, and services in the nation. The highway system serves as a vital link for economic activities, promoting regional development, and fostering social integration within Ponape.

However, the geographical nature of the archipelago presents certain challenges. The dispersed nature of the islands and the varying distances between them can impact the efficiency and cost-effectiveness of transportation services. Moreover, the reliance on air and maritime transport exposes the system to potential disruptions due to adverse weather conditions or natural disasters.

Culture

Pohnpenesia is widely recognized as a melting pot of cultures (colloquially Ipua Hai). The nations's remarkable cultural diversity and uniqueness stem from its historical location in the southern Kaldaz, where a multitude of cultures and empires converged within the archipelago. The cultural mixing of Pohnpenesia is intricately woven with influences from local Kaldaic traditions, as well as interactions with the Riamese, Hylian, Kakish, and Hoterallian cultures. Consequently, a distinct and unified cultural identity has emerged, transcending any discernible variation based on ethnicity or background.

Pohnpenesia, recognized as an "intellectual country" since the 20th century and onwards, serves as a regional hub for numerous educational institutions and universities within the Kaldaz region. Despite grappling with longstanding human development challenges, Pohnpenesian society places a strong emphasis on education as a paramount factor for individual success. Due to this, the nation has cultivated a strong work culture, with a prevailing expectation for individuals to strive for their utmost abilities. This work ethic has been greatly influenced and expanded by the infusion of Riamese work ethic culture. However, despite the emphasis on diligence and studiousness, working hours in Pohnpenesian society are relatively low, and there is a general absence of intense competition. The focus lies more on personal development and achieving a balanced lifestyle rather than pursuing cutthroat success.

Pohnpenesian society, particularly since the late 20th century, has been deeply rooted in equalitarian values and a strong focus on equality. The notion of unfairness and unequal treatment, be it in moral or financial terms, is widely condemned and regarded as a grave offense, deemed "kavar" or inappropriate. This pervasive egalitarian ideology permeates nearly every facet of Pohnpenesian culture. A notable cultural norm that exemplifies this mindset is the principle of "Got gift, get it back," which emphasizes the importance of reciprocating kindness and generosity towards those who have treated one well. This culture of generosity has also been heavily influenced by Arab cultural practices that have had a lasting impact since the Middle Ages.

Arts

Pohnpenesian culture is deeply enriched by its diverse artistic expressions, spanning from ancient Kaldaic traditions to the contemporary period. Throughout history, the arts have played a significant role in shaping the cultural landscape of Pohnpenesia. Noteworthy figures such as Precious MaCage emerged as prominent painters in the 20th century, leaving a lasting impact on Pohnpenesian art. The city of Harpan, in particular, enjoys international acclaim for its vibrant art deco scene and architectural contributions. Contemporary Pohnpenesian arts bears distinct traces of ancient Kaldaic art. Ancient Kaldaic art, which was known for geometric shapes and uniquely surreal projections, was a large influence for the abstractionism that characterized 20th century arts in Pohnpenesia.

Muddy Window, by Belle Sashay. 1915-16

Pohnpenesia holds a unique place in the history of art movements, as it served as the birthplace of the Futurism movement during the early 20th century. The pioneering spirit of Pohnpenesian artists laid the foundation for this influential artistic movement, which celebrated dynamism, speed, and technological advancements. Surrealism and constructivism also found resonance within Pohnpenesian artistic circles, drawing inspiration from artists such as Sakura Bretonnia, Karimi Michell, and Hanes Kingston.

Pohnpenesian art also embraces the realm of photography as a significant form of artistic expression. Within the field of photography, surreal and abstract imagery emerged as influential styles during the early 1950s, led by renowned photographers like Shimaka Nakaira, celebrated for her unconventional and distinctive approach to capturing images. Pohnpenesia hosts several international photography events and abstract art festivals, with the Pohnpenesia Colors festival serving as a notable platform to showcase and celebrate the art of photography and abstract visual expressions from across Anteria.

Music

Pohnpenesian music is shaped by a diverse range of genres, encompassing dance pop, glam rock, electric pop, house, and native folk music. Notably, the late 20th century, particularly the 1980s, witnessed the emergence of an underground cultural movement known as "Nalou," heavily influenced by the pioneering work of Zona Umidan musicians. Nalou was characterized by its unconventionalism, abstract dance styles, and flamboyant performances, reflecting a spirit of artistic experimentation and pushing boundaries within the Pohnpenesian music scene. The fusion of various genres and the exploration of unique sounds continue to contribute to the rich and evolving musical landscape of Pohnpenesia.

Pohnpenesian music has seen notable contributions to the genres of dirty-rap and rap, particularly gaining prevalence in the 1990s within impoverished urban settlements across the nation. Artists such as Queenkake, Littel Sachi, and XXX-3 emerged during this period and garnered popularity for their provocative and humorous sexual songs.