Adanal

Adanal
Flag
Capital	none official
Largest city	Amadad
Official languages	none official
Recognised national languages	Tasarhit, Tazammrit, Taryazit, Tartnidit, many others
Ethnic groups	no data Predominantly various Esophic peoples Ifarehen Hazri
Religion	Gregorianism, Himaya, folk religions
Demonym(s)	Adanali
Government	Delarueist confederation
Formation
• First Revolution	1915
• Second Revolution	1969
• Abolition of state	1975
Population
• 2024 estimate	80 million
GDP (PPP)	2024 estimate
• Total	$1.1 trillion
• Per capita	$13,750
GDP (nominal)	2024 estimate
• Total	$400 billion
• Per capita	$5,000
Gini	20 low
HDI	0.775 high
Currency	none
Date format	dd/mm/yyyy
Driving side	right

Adanal is a political entity in Northern Hylasia.

Name

'Adanal', also rendered 'Adunel' or 'Adanel', is a name for a vague location in northern Hylasia long used in Palmerist and subsequently Gregorian scripture; in Palmerism it is best known as the place where several enlightened figures went into exile. The historically most common etymology proposed derives it from ʿdnʾ 'time, halting place' (compare Abbasian عدان ʕiddān, عدن ʕadn) and ʾēl 'god', meaning 'abode of God'. An alternative theory derives it from the Esophite word dengal 'monkey, dwarf'. The name was not used for a north Hylasian country until the end of the First Adanali Revolution in 1920, when it was chosen by revolutionaries over the plainer 'North Hylasia'.

The abolition of any nominal national government since 1975 has left 'Adanal' without any qualifiers registered on formal state rosters such as that of the United Congress. However, the asdukkel of Adanali communes often declares in its tazwara that it is the instantiation of the revolutionary praxes of all humanity on Teleon, and theoretically only acquiesces to this geographic designation out of convenience. In diplomatic communications successive Adanali isdukkelen have used vague terms such as 'revolutionary assemblage', 'revolutionary entity', 'revolutionary movement', or 'people-masses' to refer to what they represent.

History

Antiquity

• City-state of Azeth — Carthage, first location of Gregory's ministry, destroyed by Esophites, -300–20
• Terdant Empire — has a god-king cult of the reincarnated 'interlocutor of Gregory', 1000–1200

Hamin Hylasia

• Mustasads — Abbasian Hamin conquerors, 1300–1500
• Hylasian Heptarchy — corsair republics on coast, 1500–1750
• Mustatars — Hamin Esophite millenarians, 1700–1915
  • Increased extraterritoriality for Calesians after defeats in the 1850s
  • Hyacinthe main suzerain
  • Secessionist communes established by Hyacinthean settlers
  • Nationalist revolts from 1880s, secessionists turn contrarian from 1890s

Revolutionary Adanal

The Confederation of Adanal was established over most of the Mustasads' territory, and by 1920 it managed to repel a Hyacinthean invasion, which soon led to the cascading collapse of government in the Hyacinthean metropole and the Hyacinthean Revolution of 1922. But internally it was plagued by disputes between the Calesian-dominated Revolutionary League of Adanal and native Esophite nationalists, especially over the imposition of radical Delarueist policies. After some negotiation, a coalition government was able to preside over rapid industrial development with Hyacinthean aid, but by 1930s factional divides had re-emerged concerning the centralization of power around Calesian technocrats and their callous attitude toward traditional Hylasian society. In 1935, Hylasian nationalists attempted to instigate an uprising against the League in the Agdir Trju incident, which prompted an invasion and occupation by Hyacinthe fearing opportunistic foreign incursions in the context of the Great War. Backed up by this Occupation of Adanal, the Calesians of the Revolutionary League assumed total power in what was now a Hyacinthean puppet state.

In 1936, Hyacinthean authorities appointed the 'Meursault brothers', Arthur and Patrice Meursault, to head a new People's Republic of Adanal, which replaced the Confederation with a far more centralized party-state system. The Meursault brothers presided over a brutal purge of native intellectuals that almost rid Hylasians from high government, a genocidal campaign against Esophite pastoralists who resisted collectivization, and the development of Adanal's newly discovered petroleum resources primarily for Hyacinthean benefit. By 1945, their oppressive policies led to the Akafa uprising which embarrassed Hyacinthe; they were conveniently killed in a plane crash en route to Lisieux for an emergency meeting over the insurgency, allowing a more moderate Calesian cadre under Frederique Bardamu to take power with Hyacinthean approval.

Under Bardamu, the excesses of the Meursault brothers were denounced and rolled back, but more importantly Hylasians were to re-enter power to provide the Revolutionary League with a more stable and supported membership base. This new native cadre at last took over national leadership in 1958 with the accession of an Esophite president Izem Azemmur, who attempted to win greater independence from Hyacinthe, only to be ousted in a Hyacinthean-backed coup in 1964 in favor of Errsas Asafar. Asafar attempted to secure his power against both the Hyacinthean occupation and the League bureaucracy through instigating a mass movement against stagnation in the latter, which by 1967 developed into the Second Adanali Revolution. Soon, hundreds of thousands of fanatical students, discontent workers, and lower-ranking officials formed 'rebel groups' and seized power from the Revolutionary League. By 1969, Asafar convinced the Hyacinthean leaders in Lisieux he alone had the charisma to control the situation, and secured the withdrawal of Hyacinthean troops, winning immense popularity as he announced this victory alongside a full constitutional reform of the People's Republic toward a 'revitalized', masses-oriented Delarueism. But Asafar unexpectedly died during the celebratory feasting that followed, and a coup resulted in the mysterious Revolutionary General Headquarters taking power.

The Headquarters proclaimed a state of emergency against an alleged threat of internal counterrevolutionaries and pressure from Hyacinthe, which was used to put in motion a 'controlled demolition' of the People's Republic's bureaucratic institutions. The rebel factions were recognized and empowered to form self-governing communes and competing new autonomous political organizations. The Revolutionary League was dissolved in 1972, the national government was abolished in 1973 in favor of rule by decree from the Headquarters, and in 1975 the People's Republic was dissolved along with the Headquarters itself to proclaim the beginning of total statelessness, albeit a national leadership continued to exist secretly and maintained effective continuity of capacities. Diplomatically, the rapid deterioriation of relations with Hyacinthe saw a Adanali-Hyacinthean split in 1971 and a brief period of warming up to the emerging Nordbund, but in 1974 this realignment was cancelled in favor of a far more radical platform of world revolution beginning with a total moratorium on oil exports (albeit this was relaxed with the abolition of state in 1975). The resulting isolationism and sense of pending conflict played a major role in the massive social reorganizations of the later 1970s.

Adanal independently cultivated its own sphere of influence in Hylasia and eastern Abaria in the War of Position that raged to the end of the 20th century, which it sought to consolidate into an inversionist, anti-imperialist united front. Its trumpeted radical domestic politics further inspired 'Asafarist' communist movements around the globe, many of which it sponsored. Strategically, this militancy was largely intended to secure direct control of resources to attain autarky and overcome Adanal's isolated diplomatic position, but it became an unsustainable drain on Adanali resources instead, and faced especially strong opposition from the first generation of afsay activist-politicians. Adanal's leadership relented to a rapprochement with the socialist bloc from 1985, and relations with Hyacinthe were fully re-normalized in 1992. Domestically a vague but noticeable shift in power occurred with the full maturation of confederal politics as practiced today.

Following the Millennium Peace, Adanal re-normalized relations with the serial world, and re-entered most global institutions that it withdrew from with the abolition of the state in 1975. The economy grew rapidly thanks to the judicious management of oil revenues, though not without sowing substantial political tensions concerning the distribution of power. Despite these concessions, Adanal also remained militant in its involvement in Hylasian and Abarian conflicts.

Geography

Much of Adanal is dominated by the barren Tenere desert, separated from the Endotheric Sea in the north by the Teriel Mountains and a stretch of steppe to the mountains' south.

Politics

Public gathering of ifsayn in Anbdu Tedles for a meeting of the municipal confederation

Adanal is officially a stateless society consisting of autonomous communities known as ifsayn that constitute and cooperate on a negotiatory and participatory basis, and through the Delarueist abolition of serial social structures. This description itself is simply given by all the ifsayn inhabiting its internationally recognized territory in their constitutional tazwara without any apparent inherent coordination, and on this basis it — or rather the collective of said communities — denies the existence of state institutions. While there is easily noticeable military and economic coordination across its territory, the exact mechanisms behind this apparatus remain highly secretive and in flux. Communities gather into various councils and boards that coordinate affairs at the regional and national level, but these are never fixed and reconstituted frequently, officially out of participatory negotiation, and many large projects or policy enactments take place seemingly independent of public council decisions. Several classes of organizations known as Servers, such as revolutionary leagues, security commissions, and literature clubs, regularly embed their membership in other ifsayn and engage in work that guides or expedites the latter's activities; they are believed to serve a bureaucratic or vanguardist role but are also loosely structured and impermanent.

'All-Adanali' administration is steered by councils that represent most of the country and adopt enactments followed by said majorities. This general consensus is known as the asdukkel, although many such bodies (isdukkelen) can exist simultaneously to deliberate and adopt policies in different fields. National leadership or talemmast is presumed to consist of a central committee, either elected by isdukkelen in secret, or self-appointing, but it is generally agreed that only one exists and is relatively stable as an institution. External analysis of Adanali governance has focused on individual politicians, whose careers are published for the sake of accountability and to advertise them for council elections, but this encounters difficulty with the talemmast, which heavily uses and swaps pseudonyms; membership is deduced by analysts through public appearances. The talemmast is believed to have command over the military, and a strong but not total control over a hierarchy of Server organizations, which have in turn produced most presumed inner circle members.

Foreign analysis is conflicted about the degree of centralization in all-Adanali governance, which has been described either as an effectively rebranded and concealed vanguardist party-state (the crypto-party), or as a system of polycratic rule where ambitious activists and experts rise through the ranks through ephemeral councils to eventually become recognized among a still-competitive oligarchy. The main factions in national politics identified include the internationally aggressive and militarist Inversionists, the technocratic and development-focused Analysts, as well as the autonomist and frequently (though not inherently) diplomatically reconciliatory Solidarists.

Foreign relations

A majority of Adanali communes describe the Revolutionary Assemblage as being engaged in a 'war by nature' against the serial world, which frequently extends to even other communist countries. Most Adanali tazwara regard the institutions and principles underpinning most of the world's states as serial and illegitimate; the Revolutionary Assemblage being the very crystallization of human existentialist struggle implicitly lays a claim to overthrowing those states on behalf of their subjects. This does not prevent diplomacy through majority-adoption of relevant acts by isdukkelen, and relations are sustained through the mostly automatic adoption of legacy resolutions by new national councils succeeding old disbanded ones. Embassies are also elected and entrusted by these temporary councils, and similarly automatically inherited by their successors. Through this Adanal enjoys technical membership in the United Congress, the Global Socialist League, the Lisieux Pact, and a number of other intergovernmental organizations, and also maintains formal relations with most of the world's countries.

As a member of the Lisieux Pact Adanal has close relations with Hyacinthe and Equatoria as fellow socialist powers. It also pursues its own agenda of hegemony and revolutionary export over Hylasia and eastern Abaria through cooperation with a wide variety of regimes and movements, many of which are not socialist in ideology or even hostile to other socialist forces, most notably Mizbeh. Adanal is especially hostile to a number of Nordbund-friendly regimes in Hylasia, and actively confronts them in conflicts in the north Hylasian desert. It has also intervened extensively in several eastern Abarian conflicts.

Military

Main article: Military of Adanal

Like any institutional organization in Adanal, the military is frequently reconstituted, but this largely amounts to the rotation of units manned by what are practically conscripts and the purely cosmetic renaming of standing forces; underlying, more permanent unit numbers have been identified through intelligence analysis. Every locality-representing afsay raises conscripts in addition to organizing a self-defense militia which usually performs policing roles, while professional and standing units form ifsayn unto themselves. Units are grouped together under commands known as defense councils or operations rooms, and in practice their structure and coordination are comparable to other state militaries.

It is estimated that Adanal has about 500,000 active military personnel in dedicated military units and as many as 2 million more in various kinds of militia duty, although most of the latter are not combat-ready and instead employed as police or labor. Of the dedicated units, the largest operations room approximating the regular army has a strength of 400,000. The remaining 100,000 personnel are divided between at least 4 smaller operations rooms consisting mostly of paramilitaries and special forces who act independently (though usually according to the agenda of national leadership), engaging in border incursions in Hylasia and operating overseas as Adanali intervention forces and mercenaries.

Economy

A planned economic system predominates in much of Adanal, operating through several confederal ifsayn that effectively constitute their own separate economic regions, though at least one asdukkel is involved in coordination to them. The style of economic management and confederation varies by region and the exact concern of the moment, from centralized plans to participatory negotiation, but Servers play a crucial role in their communication and enforcement in all instances. The trend has been for participatory, decentralized planning to predominate outside of heavy-industrial and energy sectors. The basic economic unit is the commune, a generic and informal term for any confederation of all ifsayn in a locality coordinated by at least one Server. Large-scale internal exchange takes place either through 'trading' confederal ifsayn, where inter-communal negotiation is brokered by specialist Servers who calculate optimal terms for all parties in a proposed transaction; or by more centralized top-down ifsayn directly ordering the reallocation of resources for optimal redistribution.

The collective ownership of all property by ifsayn is almost universally in place. There is no currency, only exchange vouchers issued by individual communes for everyday transactions, which are non-convertible. Living standards are austere for the vast majority of Adanali; public services and infrastructural coverage are complete only in urban communes. Both communal and confederal authorities spend considerable efforts to maintain or at least target communal autarky, extending to extreme restrictions on internal migration, and this is an area where coercion is most harshly employed in Adanali society.

Foreign trade is primarily conducted by the large confederations. With the socialist bloc this mainly takes the form of negotiated barter, but the accumulation of foreign exchange reserves through trade with serial economies is of strategic interest to Adanali authorities. There are a number of special economic zones, primarily industrial parks, for foreign investment in large cities such as Amadad, but the terms of entry are very restrictive, and only other socialist countries have established facilities in Adanal.

Energy

Adanal is the largest oil producer and exporter in the world, occupying a share of 10% of global production and 11% of exports respectively, both in the order of millions of barrels per day. Its proven oil reserves, in the order of hundreds of billions of barrels, are the second largest in the world. It also has significant natural gas reserves and production. Adanal has long wielded its energy sector as a weapon of world revolution: the civil strife of the Second Adanal Revolution caused massive disruptions to oil trade from 1968, and from 1974 the militant revolutionary government imposed a total embargo that further disrupted the world commodities market, which created a massive, excruciatingly long oil crisis that global instability in the 1980s to the 1990s was attributed to. Today Adanal depends massively on its oil exports for hard currency to trade with non-socialist economies, but also provides cheap energy to its allies and clients; the otherwise demonetized economy derives much of its measurable value from oil revenues.