The First Moonstone War
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| The First Moonstone War | |||||||
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| Part of Midlo-Freestian Wars | |||||||
Major battles of the 1st Moonstone War, dates in SC years | |||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||
| File:Freethinker.png The Mainland Dominion | File:Midlonia 112928.png Greater Kingdom of Midlonia | ||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
| File:Freethinker.png Princess Alexandra, Duchess of Oban (later Queen Alexandra I) |
File:Midlonia 112928.png King Godred I File:Midlonia 112928.png King Daniel II | ||||||
| Units involved | |||||||
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Various units; - Loyalist Militias - Dominion Territorial Regiments - Midlonian Army | |||||||
| Strength | |||||||
| "3,600,000 men under arms" (varied sources, multiple regiments and militias) |
1,400,000 to 1,600,000 Loyalist Militia 400,000 Dominion Territorials 250,000 Midlonian Army | ||||||
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The First Moonstone War The Falcon Isles War The Second Moonstone War Freestian involvement in the Oyada Emergency Fargon Crisis | |||||||
The First Moonstone War (also known as the Freethinker War of Independence) was an armed conflict between the Kingdom of Midlonia and the newly emerging Freethinker Commonwealth between 1883 and 1885. Although the principal catalyst for the war was the Freethinker Declaration of Severence on 23rd March 1883, the pre-conflict rebellion is generally considered part of the same conflict, with various actions dating back to 1878 (SC).
The Moonstone War apellation derives from both the gem's importance as a component of Freestian commerce (the taxation of the mineral's export was one of the causes of war) and the adoption of it as a symbol of Freestian nationalism.
The war is often abbreviated in most media, particularly in quick reference as the 1MW. It is generally considered the first of the Midlo-Freestian Wars.
Causes and Background
The causes of the First Moonstone War are highly complicated and cover both economic and social issues which arose between the 1860s and 1880s. In particular, an understanding of the height of the Midlonian golden age, the Roaring Fifties, and its passing provide a useful understanding of the background to conflict.
Dynastic Crisis of 1863
Main Article: Dynastic Crisis of 1863
The death of Queen Ellanor in 1863 without an heir brought to a close the most successful Midlonian Royal House in history and a new ruling house was sought. This led the Palace to trace the linage of Albert II's younger children down various cadet branches of the family line and led to two candidates.
The first was Alexandra of the House of Cyneric, she was a populist, known for her extensive and seemingly tireless work with various charities, and was, often controversially in the age, a highly successful businesswoman in her own right. She often set up successful business ventures in more backwater or strife-ridden areas of the Empire which benefited tens of thousands of the most poorest. She was also a major sponsor of many cultural events and was the primary benefactor and patron of several major cultural institutions. She was, for instance the primary founder of the De Ruyter College, Swadlincote (known today as perhaps the greatest university of the life sciences in the Greater Kingdom).
While the House of Cyneric was, and is, limited in size, it had gained power rapidly from the time of its formation, and under Alexandra it had only grown in power and prestige. This was especially felt in their Moonstone mining operations in the Mainland, where the majority of their support lay. She, and her family, were frequent visitors to the Commonwealth, and embraced much of its liberal culture and values.
The second candidate was Alfred of the House of Zouch. The Zouch family were much more established than the Cynerics, more traditionalist, and derived their wealth from several large industrial enterprises in the Home Islands, as well as dominating the lucrative sugar trade from the Western Colonies. They also continued to effectively own and run the city which bore their name, Ashby-De-La-Zouch, controlling most of the mayorships and parliamentary representatives of the region. More elitist, and more established in the various Midlonian institutions, they were the favourite of the ruling establishment.
Alexandra herself was still in the Mainland Dominion at the time of Ellanor's death, and it was several weeks before she was contacted with the news that she was a candidate for the new Queen-Regnant of the Empire, however her departure from Navarre was delayed further due to the illness of a close friend and confidant (, who she elected to stay behind and help recover, alongside other (potentially deliberate) delays to her transport arrangements.
Alexandra's delay gave Alfred the time and opportunity to be able to quickly court a number of Lords and Ladies into supporting him, allegedly using a mixture of bribery, future promises of influence (such that could be given in a constitutional monarchy, such as ambassadorships and titles) and comments and gossip aimed at Alexandra's relatively liberal attitudes; and by the time Alexandria arrived in Swadlincote, the House of Lords was already declaring for Alfred. The Commons were initially in favour of Alexandria, as was the Eliot Ministry in power of the time, but Alfred soon began to sway wavering members of government with similar methods as he had applied to the House of Lords.
Eventually Parliament declared for Alfred, who was crowned in late 1863 under the regal name of Godred I. Alexandra, and most of the Cyneric family, left the Home Islands, choosing instead to settle more permanently in the Mainland Dominion. This split, as one of the major initial drivers of the autonomy movement, has been noted by historians as a possible justification for describing the later conflict as a Kingdom civil war rather than a war against occupation.
1867 Financial Crisis
The boom which began with the Roaring Fifties finally came to an end in 1867, after an unprecedented prolonged period of growth the crash was unexpected at the time, however numerous trusted financial institutions had made the unwise assumption to continue lending to various ventures due to the perception that the vast Midlonian Empire had entered a new age in which the good times would never stop, based upon continued expansion, development and progress. Indeed the continuous economic growth since 1849 had given the impression that the Empire had conquered the concept of the 'economic cycle', a concept that had newly entered the business and government lexicon of the time.
The trigger for the crisis however, was a notable scandal. The Outback Investment Scandal of 1867, rocked the very concept of endlass growth to its core. The promise of lucrative mining and prospector reports claiming that masses of precious minerals could be extracted from currently uninhabited parts of the Outback proved to be a complete fabrication. Millions of pounds had been invested into either fraudulent or worthless land deeds and prospecting fees in what was effectively a huge ponzi scheme, with original investors being paid with subsequent investors money. The Midlonian Government had also invested into this venture, as had various members of the Zouch Family. Things came to a head, however, when the scheme collapsed, with millions of Midlonian Pounds suddenly vanishing from the books seemingly overnight. A sovereign debt crisis suddenly developed in Midlonia. With numerous leading aristocratic houses also suddenly facing a serious financial problem as banks rapidly called in debts in order to shore up their institutions.
A financial panic developed in Swadlincote and lead to the Bank Riots of 1867. Many investors had been middle class professionals and aspiring workers, and the scandal effectively wiped out many savings. In addition, the immediately applied rules on withdrawals, limited what deposits could be removed, lead to a run on banks which, unable to pay out more than the imposed limits, effectively had to shut their doors.
In order to cover the massive and sudden black hole in the government's finances, the Midlonian Government began to issue new tariffs and duties, which due to the chaos occurring within the Home Islands, were applied mostly to the colonies, and in particular their trade on foreign markets. This in turn lead to rising prices of various goods, not least Moonstone which came under increasing regulation and taxation as the government tried to regain some financial stability. This had a major impact on the newly politically united Mainland Dominion, which relied heavily on trade, and it was seen that the Home Island government and banks had caused major financial problems (caused by their own actions) within the Dominion, with no real means of recourse.
Conrad Acts and other Duties Imposed
Duties were imposed especially on the Mainland Dominion. The various colonies maturity as well as their central economic role at the heart of the Empire meant that the greatest returns were considered to be made here, taxes were added to various industries which had grown in the Mainland Dominions thanks to the abundance of resources, labour and land.
In the period leading up to the crisis, private enterprise development had been primarily in the colonies with the financial services, legal professions and other white collar industries predominating back in the Home Islands. As such tariffs and taxes on private endeavour had a massive and major impact on the Mainland and other colonies. Although as a capital territory, with the bulk of its economy based on administration and government services, the Home Islands recovered from the recession relatively quickly, the massive negative impact from the Riots and the flow of capital away from the Mainland in 1867-1868 in their aftermath resulted in significant unemployment and hardship in the colonies.
The Conrad Acts of 1869 placed duties on what were considered the major trade goods, lumber, various ores, the newly important resources of oil and also on the import of various foodstuffs, which the Mainland needed to supplement its relatively meagre agricultural sector. Protestation by the Mainland Assembly came to little, the body had no authority of taxation and the Midlonian parliament considered it merely an advisory council.
Tax evasion efforts were considerable from the implementation of the Act onwards, tax collectors, espeically in more rural locations found themselves treated with either hostility, violence or bribery.
Growing Political Opposition
The Mainland Assembly continued to protest the Conrad Acts imposed on it and began printing material that was distributed within the Home Islands in an attempt to gain support from the public and to sway representatives within Parliament. This attempt to gather support, though initially making some headway in more radical press, resulted fairly quickly in an Act of Parliament that effectively disbanded the Mainland Assembly, and the Assembly building soon occupied by militia loyal to the newly appointed Governor-General, Lord Aled, who began using it, after a short period, as a palace from which to directly govern the Mainland Dominion. To maintain a semblance of propriety and democracy,
Alexandra chose at this time to begin openly supporting the Assembly and their plight. The Cyneric family too had suffered from the Conrad Acts. After the Mainland Assembly was disbanded, she began hosting weekly meetings of "League of Freethinkers and Minded Freemen" who's membership list just happened to match that of the recently disbanded Mainland Assembly. The League continued to publish material in support of the abolishment of the Conrad Acts as well as continuing meetings to decide how to respond to Lord Aled, and the central government.
Moonstone Regulation Act 1871
The Moonstone mining sector had managed to remain profitable in spite of the new duties imposed on various ores via the Conrad Acts due to the gem's rare qualities and scarcity. It had remained a cornerstone of the Cyneric's family continued prosperity and Alexandria had been diverting funds from the profits towards the maintenance of the League's activities. At this time various associated societies, often using Moonstone symbol as a sigil of community with the Cyrenics, began associating themselves with the League, in effect uniting various protest groups under a single banner. Provided with funds the effectiveness of these organizations grew exponentially.
Upon discovering this link by the Governor-General, he hastily informed the Home Island government of these activities, citing possible subversion (an accusation easily believed of the stereotypically liberal Mainland, which had been a common destination for internal exiles) and a hastily drawn up bill was put before Parliament within days. The Regulation Act vastly overstated the potential dangers of Moonstone as science understood it at the time, and declared that such a substance should be carefully rationed and regulated and not left in the hands of "dangerous free thinkers who believe that such a substance should be simply dug and sold as if it were a kind of common gemstone."
The reality was that Moonstone was carefully traced, recorded and tracked due to their scarcity and stones sold for jewellery rarely weighed above a half ounce (approximately 14 grams). The threat from such pieces was negligible. However, as the material was relatively rare and often associated with various occult activities and with the maligned reverence of the Freestian Vampires, it was a relatively simple idea to sell to Midlonians, and measures were passed and assented to in short order.
The Act, when it came into force by the end of the year, effectively nationalized the Moonstone industry, handing control of the operations over to the Governor-General. While it did temporarily reduce the effect of the League and its associates, it also started a major rise in black market and illegal Moonstone mining and exploration in order to find ways to continue the funding of the various protest groups. These operations were to later provide an ample source of recruits and funds for later rebellious forces. The isolation of such mining camps made any effort to stamp them out ineffective.
Seizure of Cyneric Estate, 1876
The League operated at a less effective level for the next five years, with its primary legal funding cut off it relied increasingly on the personal fortunes of its members. As part of the efforts of the Governor-General to further diminish the League's effectiveness, Lord Aled was given exclusive censor control of all printing presses from 1875, but the League continued to be an effective force in organizing political resistance within the Mainland Dominion.
With increasing concern aired both by Lord Aled, and by Parliament at the meetings of the League and their potentially seditionist activities, Lord Aled was allowed to issue arrest warrants and to seize the Cyneric Family Estate located on the then outskirts of Navarre, based primarily on fabricated evidence. With it timed to coincide with a meeting of the League, it was hoped that the seizure of the estate would break the back of political resistance within the Mainland Dominion.
Alexandra and a large number of her entourage managed to escape using the cellars and servants tunnels located under the estate but the Navarre Branch of the League was effectively crippled and its moderating, centralized influence was broken. With only Alexandra and a shipping merchant by the name of Merit Gresham escaping from the seizure of the estate, the two fled southwards, first to Port Blanche and then onwards to Bernabor when the city was reached and searched by forces loyal to the Governor-General. This southward flight is celebrated as one of the first active measures of rebellion, and was also a major source of sympathy in many cities to Alexandra's cause.
Division of the League
With the Navarre branch of the League crippled by the Governor-General's actions, and with a large number of its early leading figures now imprisoned, the League split along two differing lines along proposals put forward by the respective groupings in Adamsea and Benarbor, which had emerged as leading groups. To the Bernabor League, the actions of the Governor General proved that attempts at political compromise with Swadlincote was no longer a viable option and that rebellion was necessary to gain the attention of the Empire's central government in order to bring about the necessary repealing of the Conrad Acts.
The Adamsea League, fearing a rebellion in its primary overseas territory could lead to social and economic ruin for the whole Empire, called for the League to continue along less antagonistic lines. They believed, albeit mostly secretly, that the methods used by the League in Navarre had directly caused the actions undertaken by the Governor-General and that had resulted in the League being targeted. Instead were they to embrace and eventually influence the Governor, with the hope that a more amicable solution would be recommended by him to Parliament, then a political compromise was still possible. Ademsea was after Navarre the largest port for trade with the Home Islands, and relied upon Midlonian patronage to a greater degree than Benarbor.
It is interesting to note that no League members seriously proposed full independence at this time, and that this would not become a mooted upon issue until much later. Eventually the League divided in early 1878 into two factions: Secessionists in favour of a rebellion and replacement of the Midlonian imposed government and the installation of a local polity, and the Activists who still believed a political settlement was possible through negiotiation.
Alexandra at this time had chosen to step back from the League and its activities, the loss of her home in Navarre and subsequent race to Bernabor had left her unwell and she required time to recuperate. Gresham, also a moderate, chose to look after Alexandra at his home in Bernabor rather than continue to attend League meetings. Rumours of a romantic engagement were put about by both sides, the more liberal Mainlanders generally more accepting than the scandalised Midlonians. Freethinker liberalism, a slur in Midlonic press, became a source of pride in the Dominion.
Rising Tensions
With the League now divided, the Midlonian Parliament chose to bring charges against the Navarre leadership in order to cement their supremacy over the Dominion and head off any restlessness in other territories. The charges varied from seditionist actives through to tax evasion and in one instance, blasphemy, acharge that bought considerable public ire. While it was originally planned that they would be tried in the Home Islands, the Activist faction argued successfully for them to be tried within the Mainland Dominion and began raising funds for their legal defense. These costs were met in part by what remained of the League's financial reserves.
The trials took several months, most of the more outlandish charges were dropped, with only the tax evasion charges resulting in convictions. Many members of the League were subsequently imprisoned in Navarre's Iron Bar Prison. Alexandra was tried in-absentia as she was still in hiding by now in various safehouses in Benarbor, some distance from cooperative local governors and protected by many prominent, esteemed locals which frustrated any attempts by loyalist militias to find her. Stories and rumours abounded, aiding a genial admiration for the woman from the general populace. Her evasion of what were generally accepted in the Mainland to be 'her' soldiers and police were met with interest. Despite Aled's best efforts, she was able to provide both commentary and interviews to the 'unofficial' press.
Seperate to the flight of Alexandra, and prior to the political unification of the Mainland, land defence had been predominantly left to the individual provinces and colonies. With increasing standardization thanks to the industrial revolution, and new weapons and equipment being introduced, the Midlonian Government began to draft up plans from 1878 for a new standard of colonial defence force, with alleigence pledged to the Midlonian monarch.
They would adhere to one set of rules and regulation with uniform and equipment paid for by the taxes of the Conrad Acts (which did little for their initial popularity). The Dominion Territorials were formed in 1879 with the first forces founded concurrently within 'the six great cities'. The formation of the 'Dominion Territorials' was considered a logical extension of the political unification of the Mainland Dominion, with the eventual aim of creating a large, centrally controlled force that answered to the Governor-General om Navarre and would thus cut out expenditure from Midlonia for the defence of the Dominion, as well as end the seeimingly haphazard nature of the Dominion's defense. This had already happened at sea with the formation and maintenance of the Mainland Squadron some 70 years earlier, though this force had been initially setup at the disposal of the Mainland Assembly.
However, because other standing militias, whose loyalty encompassed a variety of local officials and polities (though all were nominally subordinate to the Midlonian monarch), at this time were ordered to disband, in order to leave the Territorials as the only major armed force, it was seen by many League members as a final attempt to control and dominate the Dominion from Swadlincote, rather than from the Mainland itself. News as a general rule spread slowly throughout the Mainland due to distance and remoteness, but the response of many units was to either ignore or protest the decision. There were few initial abandonments.
This importation of foreign troops was a major concern for most Mainlanders, who generally considered themselves prior an equal part of the Empire in terms of civil and political institutions and resented being treated in the same manner as a crown colony.
Drumhead Mutiny, 1880
Main Article: Drumhead Mutiny
The order for disbanding of the local militias and other forces that were not directly under the rule of the Crown didn't reach the south of the Mainland Dominion until the summer of 1880. With many Territorial regiments not in place, or even recruited in time for the disbanding order lead to even 'Loyalist' local governors delaying the carrying out of the order so as to facilitate continued security within various areas. There was already suspicion about the loyalties and effectiveness of the 'foreign imposed' formations. Most were untested, trained to fight large static formations of rebelling natives rather than the fast moving banditry and aggressive megafauna that were the primary threats in the Mainland.
The notable example, however, was the status of the 1st Drumhead Maritime Milita, a specialist organization which also operated as the local lifeboat crew for a large area of the Trembok Bay and the Drumhead Channel. As a local militia they were to be disbanded as per the orders but the city governor chose to delay this action at the behest of the local Mainland Squadron vessels and their commander. Though a Loyalist, the governor was aware of the vital role the militia played in local security and the protection of shipping. Their disbandment would have meant loss of trade. A parley, offering some disarmament and reorganisation, was rejected.
The order was issued again, ordering the disbanding of all forces with immediate effect with no recourse of further delay. When this was refused again by the city's governor, troops loyal to the Governor-General, already marched from Bernabor, were deployed to ensure the militia's disbandment.
The troops entered the city in good order, but by now several ships and their crew, augmented further by local merchant vessels chose to stand with the militia, both because of the likely rise in casualties should their security and lifesaving services not be allowed to continue and antagonism towards Midlonian excise officials and their respective duties. Orders were given for the sailors to disband or return to their ships.
It was the crew of the Spirit frigate that first hoisted colours and declared the order invalid, declaring that only Mainlanders could order their disabandonment. Following this, they set themselves off into the harbour's bay, signalling support to those on land. The sailors were contacted by messengers and were given until the dawn of June 10th to disperse or be declared in official mutiny.
The sailors continued to occupy the docklands of the city by the dawn, hosting now a new banner, a blue flag containing six stars. The Loyalist troops marched on the docklands as ordered. The sailors themselves had established barricades and were not expecting the small artillery battery which had been brought up from Bernabor in order to ensure that the mutiny would be put down definitively and a preliminary bombardment of the docklands area began. Orders issued at the time show that upper echelons of power were dealing with 'seditionists' and that little quarter was to be issued.
The cannon shot alerted the crew of the Spirit, and they chose to respond in kind to the bombardment by opening fire on the marshaling troops. This act was the first opening shot of the rebellion and the bombardment of the loyalist troops stopped their attack on the mutineer sailors. The commander of the loyalist troops, Colonel Adkins ordered his reserve troops to quickly occupy a coastal battery.
In spite of heavy casualties, the 23rd Light Infantry were able to drive off the Spirit and sink several smaller vessels now directly involved in the mutiny. With the mutineers ship gone, the loyalist soldiers were able to rally properly and attack the docklands. In all, nearly a thousand people died and the first embers of armed rebellion had been fanned.
Rise of the Rebels
The aftermath of the Drumhead Mutiny was distinguished largely by propaganda issued by both sides. In the Home Islands it was final proof that secessionists were in the Mainland Dominion as had long been suspected, and the formation of the Territorials was radically sped up with many local loyalist forces being suddenly augmented by Midlonian veteran regulars, largely veterans pulled from the borders of the Empire.
Propaganda was duly published showing that the heathens were alive and well and were trying to choke the lifeline of the Empire's trade.
The Spirit herself rapidly became a potent symbol for both sides, becoming transformed into the "Spirit of Piracy" in the popular Midlonian and Loyalist press, caricatures of this terrible creature eating boats and breathing fire on cities and fleeing civilians appearing in many of the newspapers in the months after the mutiny. It became a regular feature of the satirical magazine Mulled for much of the remainder of 1880, the most famous of these was the Spirit's figurehead, the flame of Olympia, torching papers stating things such as "Rule of Law" and "Right of Parliament". Such images were in turn used by Mainland seccessionists as proof of Midlonian attitudes towards the Dominion. For the newly uniting Mainlanders, it became a symbol of defiance, the "Spirit of Liberty". Her latin motto, en todas las cosas que somos libres, translated into common as "in all things, we are free" would become the one of the nation's defining descriptors. She was depicted in the same manner as a 'Robin Hood' figure, as she engaged Midlonian excise vessels and redistributed any substantial funds the crew acquired.
For the secessionist faction of the League, it was final proof that the Governor-General was not going to be reasoned with, and many of the activists coming to the side of the secessionists cause during the summer as news of the Drumhead Mutiny spread. The League's own propaganda efforts focused on the heavy handed Midlonian response, the injustices of the Conrad Act and the wanton destruction of Freestian lives and property by 'Midlonian' forces.
Colonel Adkins became "The Butcher of Drumhead", and claims were made that the Loyalists had plundered the city after murdering all of the sailors. (While orders stated to give no quarter, Adkins was lenient after the Spirit had been driven off.) The adoption of the flame of Olympia can be traced to this time as the symbol of the secessionists, but it's widespread adoption did not occur until the late war. It had already been used as a symbol of 'Freethinking Liberty' in several publications. Flags and banners bearing the image were a common sight at political gatherings.
By early September 1880, armed resistence to militia reallegience and taxation increased. Rebellion, at least of an informal, scattered nature, spread rapidly along the Green Valley, the largest agrarian area in the Mainland. Skirmishes between the secessionist and loyalist forces were frequent, with many former militia companies quickly reforming after their official disbandment.
There were no major set battles however, differences between the various militias and their inability to operate effectively outside of their local areas hampered early efforts. This proved to be the testing ground on the effectiveness of the Dominion Territorials and the professional force performed well against the myriad of part timers that it faced. Efforts by the loyalists meant that by early July 1882 they had restored control of the Green Sea with confidence as far as Riddle, but the public backlash against the 'aggression' inspired many to provide covert aid. Other local militias in the region simply disperse, escaping into unincorporated areas, the steppes, mountains and less developed plains rather than engage the Territorials. These displaced forces, joining with semi-nomadic ranchers and other travelling groups, soon gained effective control of many inland areas, though numbers of active participants remain initially low.
At sea, much of the Mainland Squadron's loyalty was being questioned and the Greater Royal Navy sent their own ships from the Home Fleets to bolster their defensive efforts at sea and to hunt down the Spirit and two other vessels which had fled with the Spirit, with the aim of capturing the ships and charging their crews with treason. Dispirited and demoralised, the Mainland Squadron soon became the hotbed of secessionist activities that it was initially suspected of being. Visiting ships of Home Island origin soon found most ports unwelcoming save for Navarre and Ademsea, with supplies overpriced and of poor quality, if they could even be found, and any effort to seize such goods as needed met armed resistence. Desertions became more common, and it reached a point where distant patrols were discontinued due to the increasing likelihood the entire ship and crew would disappear into the large areas of unihabited, often uncharted coastline. Some of these would eventually join up with the Spirit, others simply disbanded, others joined the rebels, particularly those with Mainland-originating crew members, or became pirates of Midlonian shipping.
Various flotillas and squadrons of Greater Royal Navy ships were deployed to the seas of the Mainland Dominion.
The 25th Flotilla of the Home Fleet under the command of Captain Griffin found the vessels hiding within the Greymoore Sea. The Battle of the Greymoore Sea took nearly 3 days as the rebel vessels worked on hit and run tactics against the much larger and slower GRN vessels. Prior to this engagement
Ghoul movement and the rebellion
Another notable vein of support arose in the form of the native Ghoul population, whose loyalties and sympathies had been with niether group in prior decades, with most political mobilisation being concerned with civil rather than political rights.
The Ghoul Relief Act of 1859 was narrowly defeated during its vote in Parliament and the Elliot Ministry had seemed reluctant to reintroduce it at any point on the statute books. The same was said of the subsequent governments elected, with the degrading political situation of the Mainland being a convenient excuse. The Mainland assembly had already passed legislation in this regard to allow
In contrast, the native vampire population remained aloof from the conflict. The Navarre Blood Pact tied the loyalty of the Lord of Navarrok to the Midlonian crown, though there was a general expectation of neutrality for internal concerns.
Declaration of Severance
The War
Timeline
Summer 1863: Dynastic Crisis of 1863
Autumn 1867: Outback Investment Scandal
21st October 1867: Bank Riots of 1867
18th June 1868: Conrad Acts First reading in Parliament
23rd Febuary 1869: Conrad Acts of 1869 becomes law
19th September 1870: Mainland Assembly disbanded, Governor-General Aled appointed
28th September 1870: League of Freethinkers and Minded Freemen formed
23rd Septeber 1871: Moonstone Regulation Act 1871 becomes law
8th May 1877: Cyneric Estate seized, League members arrested
21st February 1878: League splits into two competing factions
January 18th 1879: Dominion Territorials founded
12th June 1880: Drumhead Mutiny
23rd March 1883: Declaration of Severance Signed
5th May 1883: Battle of the Delta
21st September 1883: Expulsion at Bernabor
12th November 1884: Battle of the Bane Sea
7th April 1885: Final Surrender of Midlonian Forces in Navarre
Major Battles
Battle of the Greymoore Sea(1882, Naval)
Battle of the Delta(1883, Land)
The Explusion at Bernabor (1883, Land)
Battle of the Bane Sea (1884, Naval)
Second Battle of Navarre (1885 Naval, Land)
Aftermath
The peace reached after the defeat of the
The Freethinker Commonwealth
Main Article: The Freethinker Secession War
The end of the war would see the Mainland Dominion become the Mainland Federation from 1885-1890. During these years a new name was sought for the nation in order to further distance themselves and their former colonial masters, and the new nation duly became the Freethinker Commonwealth on 7th of April, 1890, the name having previously been used in an unofficial capacity from 1883.
The realities of self-government, the need to formulate coherent foreign policy as well as the establishment of numerous civil service bodies to replace those of the distant Empire would dominate much of the Commonwealth's efforts for the first decades of independence. The issue of autonomy for local government (lead by the Cities League) would not be settled until the "Succession War" of 1910-1915.
Midlonia
The Midlonian Empire was thrown into financial chaos by the loss of their primary colonies, with both the direct excise and taxation revenue and the loss of supply of many natural resources in the Mainland Dominion. This resulted in the plans for a full-scale invasion of the Mainland being postponed indefinitely as imperial focus instead turned towards the colony of Akuma and developing the natural resources there, as well as to quell any formenting rebellion in other colonies.
The Greater Kingdom did retain a tiny archipelago to the far south, the Falcon Isles, an isolated chain occupied only by a few fishing communities and a Greater Royal Navy coaling station. These islands would come under threat during the Falcon Isles War, where the Midlonians were able to salvage some martial distinction by retaining control over the area. Realising the vulnurability of the chain, efforts were stepped up to settle the islands after the war.
The civil service had to be massively reformed. Not only were the Mainland offices now redundant (though for the Falcon's some officials were retained, which also served to maintain the Midlonian claim over the Commonwealth until officially renounced in the 'Second Friendship Treaty'), but large swathes of the excise gathering apparatus were now also massively overstaffed and more notably underfunded. The Greater Kingdom lost thirty percent of its estimated economic output and over fifty percent of its trading duties over a couple of years. As the Home Islands economy had become dominated in part by government services, especially in Swadlincote, this led to a notable recession that lasted until the late 1900s (SC).