Council of Correspondence
尚書臺 ghljangs-s'ljag-ghlog | |
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Central government overview | |
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Formed | 22 November 265 |
Preceding central government |
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Jurisdiction | Themiclesia |
Headquarters | Kien-k'ang |
Employees | 322 (council proper) |
Annual budget | $560 billion (OSD, 2017 nominal) |
Minister responsible |
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Parent central government | Privy Treasury |
Key document |
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The Council of Correspondence (尚書臺 ghljangs-sʼljag-ghlog or 尚書省 ghljangs-sʼljag-shrengʼ) is the highest-ranking executive body in Themiclesia and one of six councils that are part of the Royal Court. The Council consists of a number of ministers, politically responsible to the Council of Protonotaries (中書省, trjung-sʼljag-shreng), junior ministers, and a secretariat staffed by administrative officials.
Names
The two Shinasthana terms that refer to this body differ in their emphasis. The first describes it as a public body and assembly of individuals, while the second technically refers to the place where the body sits. This second sense overlaps with the first readily when the body is described as an institution, particularly as a static one. Both phrases share the phrase ghljangs-s'ljag, meaning "to manage correspondence".
The Council has several names in Rajian and Tyrannian, varying in fidelity to the literal meaning of its name or description of its function. In Rajian, the terms Royal Court, Royal Council, Great Council, Council of Affairs, Council of Letters, and Council of State have all been applied to the body at some point. Some of them have also been applied to other institutions, even by the same authors, generating much confusion. In Tyrannian, the terms Council of State and High Council seem most common, but Privy Council has also been used, probably in analogy to Tyrannian political institutions. In the 19th century, the Tyrannian term Council of Letters has been settled as the standard translation of the Shinasthana original.
Current composition
Position | Holder | Party Affiliation |
Appointed | Portfolio |
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President of Correspondence 尚書令 ghljang-s'ljag-mlengs |
徐衷涒 sghljag-trjung-hwlon | Liberal | 泰安九十年十三月丙戌 Dec. 2nd, 2016 |
Prime Minister |
Minister of the Left 左僕射 'wsjar-bok-ljak |
槐溟 grwod-meng | Liberal | 泰安九十年十三月丙戌 Dec. 2nd, 2016 |
Foreign Affairs, Royalty |
Minister of the Right, Rites Secretary 右僕射祠部尚書 ghjwo-bok-ljak-ljo-bah-ghljang-s'ljag |
倠長瑍 hwljoi-drjang-gwans | Liberal | 泰安九十年十三月丙戌 Dec. 2nd, 2016 |
Education, Culture |
Civil Secretary 吏部尚書 gleg-bah-ghljang-s'ljag |
蘇絡寬 sa-glak-kwan | Liberal | 咸安元年二月己丑 Nov. 14, 2017 |
Appointments, Honours, Public Pensions |
Public Secretary 民部尚書 mrjen-bah-ghljang-s'ljag |
蔣忡茞 tsjang-trjung-gljen | Liberal | 泰安九十年十三月丙戌 Dec. 2nd, 2016 |
Environment, Local Government, Census & Records, Citizenship & Borders, Public Order, Prosecutions |
Appropriations Secretary 度支尚書 dak-kljeg-ghljang-s'ljag |
中牟瓠 trjung-ngjwowg-gha | Liberal | 泰安九十年十三月丙戌 Dec. 2nd, 2016 |
Public Revenues, Currency, Finance, Customs |
Defence Secretary 九兵尚書 kwljo-prjang-ghljang-s'ljag |
捼甯 nor-neng | Liberal | 咸安元年二月己丑 Nov. 14, 2017 |
Defence |
Social Secretary 社會尚書 slja'-ghrwad-ghljang-s'ljag |
捄丙歆 gju-prjangʼ-hjom | Liberal | 咸安元年二月己丑 Nov. 14, 2017 |
Social Security & Welfare, Health, Private Pensions |
Transport Secretary 輸通尚書 shljag-hlowng-ghljang-s'ljag |
閽明勑 hmjon-mrjang-rogs | Liberal | 泰安九十年十三月丙戌 Dec. 2nd, 2016 |
Transport |
Industry Secretary 工商尚書 kung-st'jang-ghljang-s'ljag |
胡冬考 gha-tung-k'uʼ | Liberal | 泰安九十年十三月丙戌 Dec. 2nd, 2016 |
Industry, Technology, Energy |
Commerce Secretary 貿易尚書 mrow-lek-ghljang-s'ljag |
歐開芝 ʼow-kʼoi-tjog | Liberal | 咸安元年二月己丑 Nov. 14, 2017 |
Trade & Markets, Securities |
Secretary of the Left 左丞 'wsjar'-gljeng |
吳璡 nga-ʼsjons | Interdepartmental Affairs | ||
Secretary of the Right 右丞 ghjwo'-gljeng |
牢邦豁 lu-prowng-hwat | Interdepartmental Affairs |
History
Menghean precursor
The Council has its deepest origins in Meng-era Menghe (2nd c. BCE to 3rd c. CE), in which the office of Correspondence Manager is one of six managers responsible to the Meng Dynasty emperor. Initially, the emperor had a minor role in governance, and most policies were made by high ministers of the Outer Court and implemented by them, upon an expected approval from the throne; from time to time the empreor did voice his opinions and ordered discussions to be opened on them, but he rarely compelled ministers to accept his will. In the 1st c., a more assertive emperor began to issue edicts through his Correspondence Manager and sidelined the Outer Court. Becoming the centre of policy, the Correspondence Manager gradually became a department, and officials there specialized into specific portfolios. Though the assertive ruler died, the department became a self-sustaining-cum-aggrandizing college of ministers that accrued sufficient power through the reigns of weaker rulers to become the de facto government, even though the Outer Court still retained a broad range of functions. It was at this point that Themiclesia's government was first constituted along Menghean lines.
Historical function
As opposed to the Outer Court, whose operation was much more charismatic and hierarchical, the Council adhered to a set of customs more resembling that of a committee, since its members were initially (and in terms of court rank even now) equal in status and power. A "prime minister" was not appointed until fairly late in the history of the Meng Dynasty, and even then it was acknowledged as a badge of seniority, not one of authority over other members of the council. It was (and is) customary for its members to meet in the morning to discuss affairs of state and report their conclusions to the emperor afterwards. Even less frequently than in Menghe the monarch vetoed the Council's opinions, though it was not uncommon for members to continue arguments for days before a decision (often bitter) was reached.
The composition of the Council has not changed much since the 3rd c., since Themiclesia's early government revolved around preserving Menghean norms as they stood before the Meng Dynasty fell to civil war. By the following century, the Council acquired the monicker Eight Mattresses in reference to the number of positions in it. The actual membership was often six or seven, but rarely eight, since the portfolios of Minister of the Right and Rites Secretary were customarily bestowed on a single member. Only in the 19th c. were new positions added to address more modern issues, such as industry, commerce, transport, social services, health, and justice. As a rule, Council members lived inside the palace complex, in residences built for them and their families, who lived with them. The office section was separate from the residential one. Until the previous century, members of the council also regularly hosted debates and feasts within the residential quarters, though recently such events rarefied in prominence.
Structure
All members of the Council are appointed by edict and thereby with the confidence of the Council of Protonotaries. Visa versa that body can also pass an edict to withdraw confidence in the Council. The confidence of the Protonotaries is effective as far the status of Council member is concerned; the specific portfolios that each member takes is, legally speaking, not subject to the approval of the Protonotaries, though in practice conflicts rarely arise over this discrepancy. Likewise, there is no legal requirement that a minister also be a protonotary, but this is most often observed. The leader of the parliamentary party will almost always be the President of Correspondence, though exceptions have occurred. If party leader has made an especially clear commitment to one policy area, he may take that portfolio himself to ensure the implementation of the policy, since amalgamating two portfolios for this purpose has been feared to attract criticism. If this situation is true, then the President may not be the powerful member on the Council.
President of Correspondence
The head of government of Themiclesia is the President of Correspondence (尚書令), though in Tyrannian media this title almost universally is rendered as "Prime Minister". As a Tyrannian analogy, the translation is hardly inappropriate. As the senior member of the Council, he is expected to lead the discussion in interdepartmental matters and to settle disputes between other Council members. Custom dictates that he cannot unilaterally formulate new policies and introduce edict drafts to the Protonotaries without the consensus of his colleages. A President unable to maintain a united Council and the confidence of the Protonotaries is vulnerable to intrigue from within the Council and dissatisfaction in the parliamentary party. If most of the Council chooses to endorse another person as President, they may introduce bills to compel the President to switch places with someone else. This last happened in 1896, and its constitutionality has been challenged in view of the consensus requirement. Most jurists recognized the right for any protonotary, including members of the Council, to introduce bills as long as they do not alter public policy or increase taxation.
The style and conduct of each President varies considerably. The President is conventionally permitted to make the first and last speech on any topic relating to public policy. Some leaders, such as the reviled Ga Trjed (presided 1778–1785), regularly argued with colleagues and interrupted them while they spoke; this issue was serious enough that multiple ministers complained of it in their diaries and other publications. Ga's immediate predecessor, Mru' (1771–1778), in contrast, rarely spoke. One of the President's main prerogatives was the supervision of the Council's secretariat, which was responsible for drafting policy papers and bills for the Protonotaries; he could influence these documents substantially, even after a consensus has been reached over the issue in question. His colleagues are free to refuse to countersign the drafts if they considered the President's emendations grossly repugnant to the original agreement. Such objections may create lasting fissures in the Council, and it seems acceptable for the head of government to make minor changes if he can cite an overlooked or emergent fact. Because originally the Council met in the early morning and reported to the emperor after the meeting, the President has the implied power to constrain time on each debate. As a political weapon, the President could deploy it against an initiative he did not like, though prolonged reliance on this prerogative generates acrimony and casts a negative light on his ability to matintain unity in the Council.
By statutory description, all members of the council have the same set of powers and responsibilities; this is the source of the fluidity in portfolio-switching.
Left & Right Minister
Both the Left Minister and Right Minister are titled "Archery Assistant" (僕射), a title rendered as Deputy Prime Minister, though this can be misleading interpreted literally. This office has nothing to do with archery as a martial skill, but as an important recreational activity in Themiclesia, and the monarch's assistants in archery practice were usually his more trusted advisors. The Left Minister is the responsible minister over foreign affairs, and he does regularly act as President when the latter is absent from regular meetings, which happens frequently. The Right Minister almost always simultaneously holds the title of Rite Secretary. The phonetic similarity exists only in Tyrannian. Though historically this position had more oversight in the maintenance of royal mausolea, state-sponsored temples, and local shrines, these institutions often accumulated large stores of literature and functioned as studies for aspiring scholars. Jurisdiction over them evolved into jurisdiction over education, and today that has become the Right Secretary's function.
Other members
The most senior member less the three above is the Civil Secretary, who is responsible for maintaining the civil service through recruitment, regulation, compensation, and honours. He has the final say in filling positions of the Seventh Class (county magistrate) and lower, which represent more than 99% of all positions. For those higher, he is also expected to nominate competent candidates, and it is not unknown for holders of this position to resign after particularly poor appointments have been made. It should be noted that the Civil Secretary must still abide by statutory restrictions in filling positions in the civil service, and a considerable portion of them do require prior experience in related fields or qualifying through competitive examinations; within these bounds and subject to conscientious practice, the Civil Secretary can generally act according to his own will.
Practices
The Council of Correspondence generally meets every day in the early morning, a custom held over when the Council met the emperor later the same morning to report their conclusions and ask for sanction. Since morning court historically begins at the first instant of dawn (eight ticks or 115.2 minutes before sunrise), Council meetings generally occur in the two hours before that time. Thus, in winter the Council meets 4-5 in the morning and 2-3 in the summer, the actual hours observed have drifted late steadily, sometimes as late as 5-6 in summer and 6-7 in winter, to be better synchronized with modern habits. The canonical hours for Council meetings is still observed a few times a year, ahead of major ceremonies.
Reading bills
Most former-members of the Council agree in their accounts that meetings invariably begin with reading of bills passed the day before, and an open floor to any member who has since developed new opinions or received new information about them. The Left Secretary reads bills relating to finance and foreign policy, while the Right Secretary reads all other bills. If a bill that has been agreed to was not co-signed in the previous day, it will now be before filing with the Protonotaries. For the most part, only bills' titles are read, to conserve time. Specific sections may be read in more detail at members' request. If new information has emerged, the bill may be adjourned to a later time for further discussion. Co-signed bills are then dispatched to the legislature.
Policy discussions
Discussions of policy questions then follow. New policies are tabled after existing policies, though sources contradict what the definition or boundary of what a policy is, in this context. Some analyses provide that, on average, questions that suggest revisions are considered existing, while the cancellation of some policy that is already in statute is considered a new policy. Other sources instead state that existing policies are discussed first, since these tend to take less time and generate fewer disagreements, and what a member think may require a new policy might, after all, be resolved by revising an existing one. A policy question needs only be supported by a simply majority to be adopted as a legitimate subject for drafting a formal bill. It is not unprecedented for a Council member to forward the policy question, obtain its approval, and on the same day reveal (see below) that he has already taken the liberty of drafting a bill on that basis. This is unusual and frowned upon by some Council members as coercive, but for urgent matters it is not esteemed as negatively.
In the 5th c., Emperor Mrjang arrived at the Council of Correspondence while it was deliberating, to be stopped by the enforcement of martial law around the premises. The President of Correspondences was notified and came to greet the Emperor, asking what he wanted to do. The Emperor replied that he wanted to send letters (probably of a political nature). The President said, "Writing Your Majesty's letters is what I, your servant, am paid for by the state's coffers to do. Your Majesty may remove me if I am inadequate, but Your Majesty may not prevent me from discharging my office while I still receive compensation. Moreover, how can Your Majesty be certain that none of Your Majesty's retinue will compromise the most stringent secrecy of government policy?" The Emperor was greatly humbled and ordered his procession to turn and return to his private complex. |
Individuals adjudged capable of giving valuable information may be invited by any two or more members of the Council. This restriction ensures a Council member could not, on account of misjudgment or malice, allow its secrets to be revealed to a stranger invited to listen and speak. Violation of the Council's secrecy (which applies unless lifted specifically) is illegal and, at one point, treasonable. As state policies originate here, the Council historically enforced martial law (臺省戒嚴) around its premises to prevent any unauthorized personnel from spying on its proceedings; anyone without rank could be killed on sight if found within the lines of exclusion, though such instances were very infrequent.
New bills
New bills are then read, in the same wise as previous bills, before the Council. Junior ministers are typically entrusted with this task when it is within their portfolio. The bill may or may not be read verbatim, according to the preference of the Council. Contents of this bill is considered privileged and will not be made public until all members have co-signed the bill; revelation before its official approval as a government bill could be interpreted as a political condemnation of all other Council members. At least four general elections have been held as a result of such political tsunamis. Here, the Council feels its policies have been seriously challenged, and only a general election will settle the matter in one direction or another. If a bill is met with general approval, members will impress their seals on the official copy.