Carucere
Post-independence period
To administer the District of Carucere, the Trusteeship Council appointed Pierre Belain as Governor. A member of Carucere's wealthiest family who sided with the Grand Alliance, Pierre was also appointed due to his broad support among the old planter class of the island. His administration worked closely with other prominent members of the oligarchy to repair and clean up the damage to the island's plantations and other infrastructure caused by the Great War. However some attempts to help urban workers and farmers who were made homeless and unemployed by the war were hampered by a lack of support, corruption, and poor bureaucracy. Furthermore land that were previously owned by small farmers and abandoned during the war were often confiscated by the District government, despite one or more legitimate claims. Confiscated land were usually sold to new owners, who were often wealthier than the previous ones.
The slow recovery of private farms compared to large plantations owned by the upper class led to resentment and encouraged the rise of a broad class-based reform movement in 1937. The movement aimed to unite the urban working class and agricultural laborers to promote labor rights and land reform. As the movement grew, calls for political and economic reform became widespread. The movement was spearheaded by a local Gaullican Section of the Workers' International, popular with the urban workers and the Social Liberation Party of Carucere, popular with farmers. Carucerean Fraternalism began spreading throughout Carucere during this time due to its focus on social and economic justice. While many were uneasy due to its unorthodox doctrine, the movement as a whole was largely sympathetic to its teachings and many supported the church. The movement as a whole, was strongly opposed by the local elite and by the Arucian Federation and the Grand Alliance who feared the spread socialism within the Federation. The government began a series of measures to crackdown on the movement including strikebreaking, arbitrary arrest and detainment of the movement's leaders, police harassment of its supporters, and legal threats. Finally poor rural and urban voters were further defranchised to prevent the Section and the Liberationists from gaining more seats in the District Senate.
Despite suppression by the government, the Reform Movement was a key part of a time period known as the Arucian Naissance in Carucere, a period of immense social, political, and economic change. As the country transitioned away from its former status as a colony to being a part of a sovereign state, the most radical change occurred with the economy. Despite opposition by local planters and the reluctance of Governor Belain, the Arucian Senate pressured Carucere into persuing moderate land reform to stem further radicalism. The government purchased land to sell to farmers at heavily discounted prices as well as returning most of the confiscated land to their original owners and establishing a court of arbitration to handle disputes over land. These modest reforms, only satisfied a few well off farmers and the land reform movement continued to gain popularity. The government was only able to stave off violent dissent by up opening further land for development by independent farmers. While many farmers chose to continue producing sugarcane, some decided to plant other crops, like coffee and tropical fruit, especially bananas and breadfruit. This marked the beginning of the islands' diversification and transition away from an agricultural sector that was originally centered based upon sugarcane production.
The era marked a new era of positive Gausa-Bahian relations, largely driven by the younger generations. As hostility declined, cross-cultural interactions became common, allowing both cultures to influence the other. This cultural exchange was most prominent in music and cuisine, leading to new musical styles and food dishes that would form the basis for Carucerean cuisine. In addition as traditional stigma for interethnic interactions declined, relations between Gausa and Bahian men and women grew more common. While interracial relationships had existed, they were often subject to hostility and prejudice. These interactions between the Gausa and Bahian peoples in the 1920s and 1930s would form the basis of a Medi or "mixed" Gausa-Bahio culture in Caurcere.
Crucially the period saw the first rise of a unique Carucerean identity