Carmòn Solévereu

Jump to navigation Jump to search
Carmon Solevereu
Solvereux.jpg
Directaire Primiéro dul Républiqua Vanguardia de Gentes
First Director of the People's Vanguard Republic
In office
1956–1968
Personal details
BornJuly 13th, 1921
Sant Dijoa, Inyursta
NationalityInyurstan
Political partyPartída de la Vangaurdia Populaire (PVP)
SpouseNone
Domestic partner(s)Alizéa Morena Solévereu (1949-1958†)
Terèssa DeLusa Solévereu (1958-1968)
ChildrenNone
ProfessionLe Marionetté

Carmòn Iglé Solévereu de Pêsche was an Inyurstan dictator who ruled from 1956 until his death in 1968, though due to the Inyurstan Civil War his territorial reign was progressively diminished until his demise at the hands of counter-revolutionary forces.

Early Life

Deconstruction Theory

In regard to the failure of prior movements to bring about organic communist or socialist revolution in Inyursta, Solévereu blamed three major elements of Inyurstan culture: 1) private land ownership; explicitly the "Granjèchampé" system where most rural property was plots owned by small family units and held over generations as both business and heirloom (contrasted with the latifundia system of neighboring Cuscatlan); 2) the church; primarily the Néopròtestantaire church which preached Jesus as higher than any earthly authority, but also the Catholic church which he viewed as "in the pocket of the bourgeoises"; 3) the decentralized nature of Inyurstan politics and economics (by proxy of its geography).

Prior to his coup, Solévereu quietly devised a process he called "Aggressive Deconstruction"; wherein top-down programs would be used to directly control and counter these cultural elements. Solévereu and his contemporaries believed that the groundwork for a true socialist people's republic could only be laid when the existing "cultural infrastructure" had been removed. In their eyes, grassroots or organic uprisings would not work in the face of a decentralized Inyursta, where at best any gains would be isolated and fragmented by geography and at worst they would simply fail to take hold among the locals. Ergo, only a strong centralized state authority could bring about nation-wide progress, break down the church and land ownership, and invest in infrastructure to counter decentralization.

Another element of Solévereu's Aggressive Deconstruction theory was that the military and police (with extreme exception to officers either part of or on the payroll of the upper class and local, rural sheriffs) were not inherent allies of the bourgeoises, but in fact a neutral element that could be captured and turned against capitalist elements.

Communist Economic Theory

As a form of communist, Solévereu claimed that most industry or services were forms of production, henceforth should belong in the hands of the proletariat. Generally, state funding would not be achieved through traditional taxation, as taxation was still over-reliant on the continued existence of capital, but rather varying mandatory donations from industries (particularly those of direct need by the state) in order to fund or supply its activities. Under these conditions, Solévereu described three types of "production":

Basic Production: Basic production refers to the general production of goods and services which uphold the nation. Contrary to the opinions of foreign contemporaries, Solévereu (and other Inyurstan leftist scholars) believed that allocation of basic production would be best left to the workers of that industry.
Fundamental Production: The production of goods such as food, fresh water, medical services, etc., which he and his contemporaries argued was "fundamental for human life". Goods & services labeled as Fundamental Production were to be directly placed under the control of the proletarian caretaker state to ensure their fair distribution among the people.
Personal Production: Goods and services which have little practical use or widespread need. While classical Marxist theory generally advocated leaving personal property alone, Solévereu claimed that these forms of goods and services were inequitably distributed with the majority owned by the bourgeoises, ergo they must be subject to heavy regulatory oversight, redistribution and confiscation for the benefit of the state.

Eventually, the proletarian caretaker state would no longer be necessary, and could be abolished. This could only come about after a self-sustaining (i.e. independent of foreign imports) post-scarcity society. Solévereu believed international communist or socialist institutions were only a means to an end, and (ironically in agreement with his right-wing enemies) the door to future imperialism; and could be slowly withdrawn from once a communist Gran Inyursta had been established. Additionally, the resulting society would have to have rigorous social education and norms to ensure that future anti-social individuals did not proceed to discard values installed by the revolution & caretaker state (for example ending equitable food distribution or sowing the seeds of profiteering).

Coup

As First Director

His first policy was abolishing private property, which was largely laughed off by Inyurstan blue collar and white collar workers alike as everyone still de-facto controlled their own land. Another initial target was all religious institutions for which his administration began levying extreme taxes on the church, including income taxes on all donations and income, "rent taxes" for use of "public land", and excise taxes for all manner of things deemed "anti-social". Hit hardest was the Néopròtestantaire church, which was also targeted for sedition due to its teachings against

Civil War

Solévereu named the compilation of all forces loyal to him and his cause the "Armiéa Vanguardia D'Inyursta" (AVI).

After the devastating Battle of Pais au DuBord, Solévereu ordered the death of General Luis-Vega Machaude; in spite of the fact that General Machaude was acting on Solevereu's explicit orders to launch a second relief of Fjorda de Rivera (likely due to Solévereu's obsession with the city). He gave Machaude the choice of suicide or public execution, for which the disgraced general chose the former.

Death

By August 1967, Javez's forces had surrounded Sant Dijoa and much of what was left of the AVI in the south (with the exception of Porté Tirméno). Solévereu knew that his former defense minister, Hugo de Malistédo had began a successful counter-attack in Guerroca - but did not realize that Malistédo was instead content to let his old boss perish and carve out an independent republic in the north for himself. Through the fall and winter of 1967, Solévereu continued to obsess over the fantasy that Malistédo would soon push the rebels out of Guerroca before landing in the Southern Territories; meanwhile, an "international volunteer force" would land in Porté Tirméno and push north to catch all his enemies in a pincer. So bad was the delusion among Solévereu and his close personal circle, that his wife Terèssa and her lady-friends would casually discuss spending the drier winter boating in the San Meresque Strip when the war was won.

In early 1968 Malistédo then began negotiations with Javez and his counter-revolutionary alliance without asking Solevereu. Additionally, international leftist countries and organizations threw their support behind Malistédo's Guerrocan faction, effectively writing off Solevereu and his dwindling circle of supporters as dead men. At some point in February, these facts finally broke through to Solévereu. Having heard of how DRSE Director Gustavo Peñon, Secretary of the Economy Eduardo De LaCosta, and General Trujio Bernardino all violently met their end at the hands of the rebel forces, he opted to go out by his own hand. On April 10th, 1968, with rebel forces less than eight blocks away from his headquarters, Carmòn Iglé Solévereu de Pêsche put a gun to his head and pulled the trigger.

Within minutes of his suicide, the remaining AVI forces surrendered. His body was found within the day, and dragged through the streets of Sant Dijoa before being tossed in the river.

Legacy

Ideological Authenticity