Ro Salvation Socialist Front
| Ro Salvation Socialist Front | |
|---|---|
| ꂽꅧꂿꃋꃰꃅ Mot ndur mo my vo mu | |
 Flag of the RSSF | |
| Leader | Unknown |
| Foundation | 18 July, 1972 |
| Headquarters | Syrqindo |
| Active regions | Ro Autonomous Tribal Region |
| Ideology | Ro nationalism Millenialism Agrarian socialism |
| Status | Active |
| Size | 5,000 (2020 estimate) |
| Opponents |  Duran |
The Ro Salvation Socialist Front (Ro: ꂽꅧꂿꃋꃰꃅ Mot ndur mo my vo mu), also referred to in Estmerish as the Army of the Just King of Heaven which is a more direct translation of the group's original name, is a Ro-ethnic insurgent group active in Duran. Though the group's foundation is traditionally linked to the Duranian government's decision to construct a Hydroelectric dam in designated Ro ethnic territory during the 1970s, its roots are linked to the strong religious traditions of Momism, the faith of the Ro people, which centres upon the immenent return of the Just King, a Messianic figure embodied by Hni Wo, the leader of the Black Turban Revolt.
Starting in the 70s, the RSSF has waged an insurgent campaign against the Chenpodrang government. Its primary tactic has been ambushes of police convoys and armed forces installations, though the group has at times waged direct attacks on villages and other targets. Its location within the under-developed Ro ethnic enclave, where it is supported by a large portion of the population, has allowed the group to escape from much of the central government's counterinsurgency operations. According to some experts, the group recieves funding and training from the Shangean government.
History
The origins of the RSSF's insurgency can be placed within the history of the Ro people, who have long resisted the influence of encroaching Valley states out of fear that their livelihoods would be affected. This has led to a tradition of millenarian revolts, the largest of which was the Black Turban Revolt against Shangean occupation during the 16th century. This revolt gained the support of many diverse hill peoples, but was eventually defeated with heavy casualties. In the aftermath of this conflict, the Ro developed a strongly isolationist outlook and withdrew higher into the mountains.
Initial stage 1972-1990
Following the Vauntoo accords and implementation of the Dratsung system, the Ro people were granted a significant amount of land in which their autonomy was recognised. Unlike the Hua, who accepted limited cooperation with the central government on infrastructure projects, the Ro were an acephalous people and the government's negotiation with several headmen for the construction of the Kartrinpa Dam was rejected by the vast bulk of the population. When the governement went ahead with these plans, it provoked a wave of anger among the Ro.
In this environment of animosity, a local Bimo is reported to have claimed visions of a new golden age approaching. As word of this spread, Ro congregated on the town of Syrqindo and pledged their support for the return of the Just King. Nampa-owned shops were razed to the ground and Duranian flags burned, while the black flag of the group was raised. As such disturbances spread across the Ro Autonomous Tribal Region, the central government was slow to respond, but when violence spread to Ro villages within those provinces directly administered by the government and showed signs of agitation within other ethnic areas the government began a military response. Skirmishes took place for much of 1973, before the conflict stagnated as Chenpodrang were unable to effectively maintain a presence within the Ro areas.
In 1978, the group began an offensive which targetted Zohist shrines in rural areas. An estimated 67 people died as a result of this violence. This provoked a wave of anti-hill tribe violence in Chenpodrang and other urban centers.
In 1981, a targetted strike on RSSF militants killed 20 militants. Tit for tat retributions by the RSSF killed 7 RDAF soldiers.
Offensives by the RSSF in 1989 allowed the group to take several villages on the border with Shangea. Fearing that this connection would be used to funnel arms to the group, Duran agreed to enter negotiations with the group to establish a ceasefire. Negotiations were conducted in Shangea, and permitted the RSSF to maintain the administration of villages under their control.
Dialogue and ceasefire 1990-1999
The ceasefire allowed both sides to reassess their strategies, but intermittent violence continued as individual civilians were killed off by both sides. Efforts were made to incorporate the RSSF into the political process, which permitted affiliated parties to win several local elections.
In 1998, Ke Si, a Ro democratic activist not affiliated with the RSSF, was found dead in his home. Ke Si had been the first Ro to be elected outside of an all-Ro constituency, was university educated, and presented a voice for moderate federalism and reforms to the Dratsung system which he saw as holding back the hill tribes and empowering reactionary elites. His death, which was attributed to the RSSF, sparked a new wave of civil disturbances against the Ro and this in turn led to the breakdown of the ceasefire.
Modern activity 2000-present
Despite the breakdown of the ceasefire between the RSSF and central government, the insurgency has been limited in its intensity with occasional flareups.
2003 was the most violent year in the conflict since the 1980s, as the RSSF claimed responsibility for a series of Bus bombings which claimed 200 lives. The RSSF also succeeded in shooting down an RDAF helicopter, killing 7 soldiers.
In 2008, the RSSF rejected offers from the government for negotiations. In response, the RDAF carried out several assassinations of RSSF members.
A large part of the government's strategy against the RSSF has been in trying to reduce the strength of local beliefs which are believed to be the major driver of the insurgency. The government has published a series of leaflets which are distributed in Ro areas which attempt to debunk fortune telling and other activities of the Bimos. Missionaries have also been invited into Ro areas.
Ideology
The RSSF have an eclectic ideological basis, which has led several northern political scientists to struggle to classify them. Their official Estmerish name, the Ro Salvation Socialist Front, was chosen by a member in the 1980s to project an image of a modern socialist movement as it was believed that this would aid the group in gaining outside support. While the group practices communal ownership of property, and collective agriculture in the regions it controls, and oppressive headmen in villages are often killed, the group's beliefs are strongly influenced by the traditional religious beliefs of the Ro people. The socialist label is merely an external identifier which has been applied for convenience. Despite the identification of the group with the Ro ethnic group, other hill tribes have taken part in the insurgency. Their monarchism is also a source of dispute, as this differentiates them from most socialist movements.
The concept of the Just King is a central part of the religious mythology of the Ro people. According to their beliefs, the 16th century rebel Hni Wo was this promised redeemer, but at his hour of need had been betrayed by the Ro and their revolt defeated. He then went into a period of occultation and, according to the legend, will return to bring an era of prosperity to the world and end the Ro's period of exile in the mountains. As the leadership of the group are highly secretive and journalists are shunned out of fear of assassination, it is not known whether the leader of the group claims to be this Just King or if they are attempting to create a state in which he will rule.
Funding
As an illegal organisation, the RSSF resorts to a range of methods to fund itself. Revolutionary taxes are exacted in areas which are controlled by the group, often in the form of food to feed fighters. They have also been associated with the opium trade, as opium has traditionally been cultivated by Ro for centuries. The Shangean government has been accused of supplying the group with money and weapons, though this has not been proven.