Bogoria War

Bogoria War
Part of Fall of Communism in Holynia
Location Socialist State of Bogoria, (then part of the Union of Holyn Socialist States) Spillover into Movargovina and Stesopol Result Treisberg Agreement Holyn forces withdraw from Bogoria Expulsion of Hornat and other non-Bogor civilians Holynia grants independence to Bogoria Territorial changes Borders of the Socialist State of Bogoria became the de-facto borders of the Republic of Bogoria
Belligerents
BLA Support: Federal States of Cusco (1997-1998) Stesopol Republic (1998-99)	Holyn Socialist Union (1997-98) Republic of Holynia (1998-2000) Holyn Kingdom (2000-01) Socialist Republic of Movargovina (1997-1998) Stesopol Democratic Republic (1997)
	Republic of Movargovina (1998-1999)
Commanders and leaders
Bartosz Korda Marceli Rostkowski Błażej Karlik †	1997-98: Vlastimil Prusík Gen. Army. Benedikt Jelínek 1998-2001: Jonáš Široký Jaromír Mach Gen. Army Klement Brož Rafał Golas 1998-2001
Units involved
Bogorian Liberation Army Support: Centro de Inteligencia y Seguridad Nacional 1997-1998 Stesopol Armed Forces 1998-99	Holyn Armed Forces 1997-99 Holyn Defence Forces 1999-2000 Socialist Army of Bogor 1997-99 Army of Christ 1998-2001 Movargovina Armed Forces 1997-1998 Stesopol Armed Forces 1997
Strength
110,000–150,000 troops 95,000 rebels	710,000 regular troops (~100,000 troops in vicinity of Bogoria) 1,000,000+ reserves 31,000+ pro-Holyn militias
Casualties and losses
42,000+ troops and rebels killed 21,000 troops and rebels injured 17,913 civilians killed	7,313 troops killed 14,310 troops injured 4,087 civilians killed

The Bogoria War was an armed confict in Bogoria that began on 7 August 1997 and concluded on 19 June 2000. It was fought by the military of the Holyn Socialist Union, its succesors, the Republic of Holynia and briefly the Holyn Kingdom, and the Bogorian Liberation Army. Holynia controlled the territory of Bogoria prior to the outbreak of the war. The war formally concluded in June 2000 when the Treisburg Treaty was signed between the warring parties. This followed significant political upheaval and waining public approval of the conflict in Holynia after numerous terrorist attacks by Bogorian rebels.

Background

Holynia was formed by a union formed by the Duchy of Hornat and Duchy of Masovia. Bogoria was an independent state known as the Bogor Order. The Bogor Order was invaded by the Holyn Realm during the Catastrophe, a war between the Holyn Realm and several of its neighbors. In 1330, Holynia defeated the invaders and annexed Bogoria into the Holyn Realm. Violence erupted between the populace of Bogoria and the new Holyn rulers. This was tamed down by the 1400s as the economy began to improve. In 1611, the first national legislature of Holynia convened in Cizekporok. The Bogoria delegation was the smallest of all the constituent countries. As Holynia industrialised in the 1800s, Bogoria, home to warm water ports, became home to several shipyards. The transformation from a largely agrarian economy into an industrialised economy saw Bogoria gain prominence in the Holyn Kingdom. Despite this, Bogoria was still the poorest region of Holynia, with Hornatyia having an average income 3 times higher than Bogoria's average. In the early 20th century, the Holyn Workers' Party began to openly challenge the authority of the ruling Monarchy in Holynia. As the country descended into civil war in 1923, parts of Bogoria gained de-facto independence, forming the Bogor Republic. In 1924, communist troops and militias invaded the independent parts of Bogoria and defeated the Bogor Republic.

Volen Hajek was able to cool simmering ethnic rivalries in Holynia, especially in Bogoria. The strong, centralised authoritarian leadership of Hajek saw attempts at succession by Bogoria stamped out. State security forces deported thousands of Bogorian civilians to Hornatyia to work in coal mines. Hornat civilians migrated into Bogoria. The state schools only taught Hornatyian, not the Bogorian language. This, among other strategies, were to remove any nationalist feelings within Bogoria.

In 1957, Bogoria descended into violence as Bogor civilians were outraged at the death of 3 civilians at the hands of the state police forces. The government responded by opening fire at protestors in Utena. Bogoria was largely ignored by the massive infrastructure campaigns of the 1970s and 1980s. The economic disparity between Bogoria and the rest of Holynia became more apparent. In 1984, unrest again broke out as Bogorian civilians were outraged at the removal of popular Bogorian state leader Filip Sieja. Sieja, an ethnic Bogor, was removed as he disagreed with the economic policies being pursued in Cizekporok. The unrest was supressed after months of lockdowns and mass arrests of thousands of civilians. In September 1989, the Łuków Volcano erupted, devastating the River Chełm valley and killing roughly 11,000 civilians. Allegations of the central government prioritising rescue operations on the Hornatyian side of the valley led to protests in Utena. Kamil Sládek forced the Environment Minister and the Energy Minister to resign, with the former being imprisoned. Holynia's economy slid into recession by late 1989 and only emerged from this recession a year later.

Political and economic reforms

The sluggish national economy hit Bogoria particularly hard. Heavy industries and services began to be concentrated in other regions of Holynia. This resulted in Bogoria suffering rising unemployment throughout the 1990s. Kamil Sládek died and Vlastimil Prusík took over leadership of the country. Prusík hoped to reduce simmering ethnic tensions in Bogoria by introducing political and economic reforms. The political reforms introduced "one-party democracy" where multiple candidates would be elected to party seats. Sládek emphasised that party elections should be entirely free and allow multiple viewpoints. Heavy opposition from the conservative wing of the Workers' Party was defeated and the reforms went through.

Vlastimil Prusík introducing his reform plan to the Central Committee in late 1994

Prusík's economic reforms initially increased industrial output and slowly increased the availability of consumer goods. However, the bueraucratic and top heavy state run industries were unable to effectively handle operating without 5 year plans, worsening availability of products. Empty shelves and food shortages became common by late 1995. In October 1995, the central government began distributing ration cards for the first time since the late 1940s.

Constitutional reforms were passed by the Narodna Rada. These reforms introduced new executive roles in the government. Both a national President and state Governor posts were created. The Govenors would wield significant power over their respective States. Prusík was elected to as President of Holynia. The power of the national Narodna Rada and by extension, the Workers' Party, would be curtailed. Bartosz Korda, a former army general who commanded the Bogorian military district from 1991 to 1995, was elected as Governor of Bogoria.

Communists lose control

The reforms had the unintended effect of weakening the power of the government in Cizekporok. This was by design as the Governors of Hornatyia and Masovia were both close allys of Prusík. Bogoria was the sole outlier as Korda was a nationalist. Despite a Constitutional requirement that all executive members of government be members of the Workers' Party, Korda resigned from the Party the day after he became Governor.

Prusik, as General Secretary and President, demanded Korda resign as Governor as he could no longer hold the office. Korda refused to resign and called the legitimacy of the Party sole right to rule into question. Members of the Bogorian state parliament followed suit and announced their resignation from the Workers' Party.

Prusik, initially indecisive, was reluctant to remove Korda by force. Korda was democratically elected within Party organs and removing him would likely delegitimize the electoral process. Prusik had to keep in mind that the civilian populace was suffering from a struggling national economy.

In February 1997, Korda announced the Bogorian government would begin to levy taxes against imports from the states of Holynia. Many members of the Bogorian government and legislature formed the Bogorian Independence Party in late February 1997.

In March 1997, the Constitutional Court sided with the Holyn government in Cizekporok that the Constitution demanded party membership to be a member of government. Despite this, Korda resisted efforts to either rejoin the party or resign.

On 8 May, Korda ordered the police forces under his control to search the state Workers' Party headquarters in Utena. An angry Prusik ordered the state security services and loyal national police to protect the Party headquarters.

Conflict

Preparing for war

In May 1997, the Bogorian state parliament passed legislation declaring state sovergienty where Bogorian laws would have supremacy over national Holyn laws. The central government in Cizekporok declared this act illegal and the issue was taken up by the Constitutional Court. Korda refused to allow Bogorian lawyers to appear in court, challenging the legitmacy of the court to rule on the matter.

Despite the Constitutional Court siding with the Holyn government, Korda challenged the issue in the Bogorian state court. This court sided with the Bogorian side and declared the national constitution void in issues where the Bogorian constitution contradicted with the former.

On 17 May, the state police leadership declared allegiance to Korda and arrested their political officers. On the same day, the Bogorian state parliament drafted legislation to reinstate the Bogorian national flag and emblems.

Prusik and the national parliament responded by removing Korda from office and dissolving the state government. However, this had little effect as the few bodies in Bogoria still answering to Cizekporok were unable to effectively carry out this order.

The Bogorian green, white and red flag was raised from the Bogorian state parliament building for the first time.

Government troops facing off with pro-independence protestors in Utena.

On 25 May, pro independence demonstrations were held throughout Bogoria with roughly half a million people attending. Thousands of party members renounced their membership. Members of the Bogorian Independence Front, a radical pro-independence movement, stormed the Workers' Party headquarters in Utena, killing interim First Secretary Filip Šenkeřík.

On 29 May, the Bogorian government seized control of the radio and television studios in Bogoria. A police and internal army convoy attempted to retake the main television and radio studio in Utena, however a group of 5,000 Bogorian nationalist protesters forced the convoy to turn back.

The month of June saw both sides take retalitory measures against each other. The Bogorian state government refused to pay taxes to the government in Cizekporok and began implementing its own taxation system. The government in Cizekporok responded by shutting down all state banks in Bogoria.

The bank closure backfired as thousands of Bogorian civilians lost access to vital funds. With hyperinflation gripping Holynia, citizens needed almost constant access as prices for goods varied by the hour.

Police officers arrested the commander of the Bogorian Military District on 10 June 1997. This arrest was contested by the government in Cizekporok. On 21 June 1997, the Committee for Independence was formed with Korda as its chair.

On 3 August 1997, Korda issued a decree banning the activities of the Workers' Party of Holynia. All Party property was to be seized by the Bogorian state government. Little resistance was put up by Party members within Bogoria, but when news reached Cizekporok, an emergency Politburo meeting was convened.

On 4 August 1997, Prusík and the Politburo declared the actions by Korda illegal. The Prosecuter General issued arrest warrants for Korda and other leaders of the Bogorian independence movement.

The aftermath of the shelling of the Bogorian parliament.

A combined force of the State Security Service, Interior Army and the National Police entered Utena with the goal of carrying out the arrest warrants. They were supported by elements of the 3rd Guards Tank Army from Uhrov. Local police, defecting soldiers and protesters surronded the State Security Service headquarters in Utena. Meanwhile, other pro-independence forces took positions around the Bogorian parliament.

War breaks out

On the night of 6-7 August 1997, the central government forces attacked the State Parliament building in Utena. Fierce fighting broke out throughout the city as rebels attacked government convoys with seized weapons. The Holyn troops, not expecting such fierce fighting, were ill-equipped to counter and a significant portion withdrew. Rebelling soldiers in other parts of Bogoria began to seal off roads and take control of the state. On 10 August 1997, Korda oversaw the Bogorian Parliament as it declared indepdence from Holynia. The central government in Cizekporok responded by launching a second attack on the building, this time causing considerable damange.

On 12 August, Korda announced the formation of the Bogorian Liberation Army.

The Bogorian Military District, essentially all the Holyn military units stationed in Bogoria, faced upwards of 75% of its force defecting to the independence movement. The collapse in the chain of command saw the situation in Bogoria rapidly deterioate. Korda and other senior independence leaders moved from Utena to Gniewkowo. Gniewkowo was home to the 53rd Motor Rifle Division which had mostly defected. Most of the officers of this unit were ethnic Bogor and non-ethnic Bogor conscripts fled.

By 15 August, the BLA had a strength of roughly 30,000 officers, NCOs and conscripts that had defected and 5,000 volunteers, many of which had military experience. Another 20,000 national police officers, border guards and militiamen declared allegience to the BLA. The disintegration of the security forces in Bogoria saw calls for the declaration of martial law.

Disorganization in Cizekporok led to a chaotic response to the crisis. The Politburo and Central Committee were at odds on how to handle the crisis. Hardliners demanded a quick, violent response with military units deployed, while reformers sought a measured response to avoid bloodshed. The reformers, led by Prusik, won out and limited the depolyment of forces to lightly armed internal army troops and police units.

This force faced difficulty in establishing control over Bogoria. While the force managed to establish control of Utena, the remainder of Borgoria was increasingly under the control of the BLA.

On 29 August, the Holyn government forces attempted to attack Gniewkowo, however faced fierce resistance from the Bogorians. They withdrew after 12 hours of fighting. On 1 September, Defence Minister Benedikt Jelínek authorized the Central Military District to respond to the crisis.

Operation 1700

On 10 September, Operation 1700 commenced. The Holyn Air Force began a massive bombing campaign of Gniewkowo. Holynia's allies of Mozorgovina and Stesapol mobilized troops in support of the communist government. The BLA began using anti aircraft weaponry including shoulder launched surface to air missiles. Several aircraft were downed within the first few days of the bombing campaign.

On 19 September, a force of 3,000 Holyn soldiers advanced on Gniewkowo. The armored force consisted of almost 100 main battle tanks and supporting vehicles. This force, however, faced logistical challenges, low morale and disjointed chain of command. The Holyn military was geared to combating a peer sized military. Instead they faced a force of highly motivated and well armed rebels.

Aftermath of urban combat in Gniewkowo.

The Holyn miilitary at the time was in dissaray. The political reforms in Holynia saw major shifts in how the armed forces were viewed. In the preceding years, most officers were promoted for loyalty to the party over actual competency. With the growing economic crisis, the military budget had begun to shrink. Officers and soldiers were owed months of back pay by late 1997. The BLA took advantage of this and used bribes to gain information on Operation 1700. In some cases, Holyn troops deserted their posts and abandoned weaponry in the middle of operations. Many Holyn soldiers were unaware of where they were being sent. Some were told the operation was just a training exercise. Units also became fractured as ethnic Bogor officers and soldiers who did not defect were sidelined or transferred to logistical or construction units.

The chain of command was also unclear during Operation 1700. Military commanders, internal army and police commanders were unsure of who was in command. Defence Minister Jelínek, despite making public comments that he would be personally in charge, failed to formally delegate tasks to subordinates. The unclear and confusing situation grew worse as a result.

On 24 September, the first force reached the city center but was almost entirely destroyed by this point. Poor communications led to several deadly friendly fire incidents, where Holyn aircraft used cluster munitions on thier own soldiers. The highest ranking field commander, Lt. General Ladislav Adámek was killed by BLA snipers. After four days of heavy urban fighting, the Holyn military was forced to withdraw from the city.

Roughly 90% of Gniewkowo lay in ruins. Holynia's military used cluster munitions and indiscriminate artillery barrages. The massive destruction hindered the ground forces advance into the city. Heavy casaulties resulted from Operation 1700. BLA forces took advantage of the slow, meandering convoys the Holyn military deployed and used hit and run tactics. Almost 7,000 Holyn soldiers, 9,000 BLA fighters, and 11,000 civilians died during Operation 1700.

The embarrasment saw several military officers removed from their positions. Army General Jan Svoboda, an ethnic Hornat, took charge of the situation in Bogoria, after Defence Minister Jelínek was relieved of command of the operation. Svoboda led the ground force's Special Operations branch.

Operation Storm

Aftermath of a BLA ambush on a Holyn military convoy.

On 10 December, Army General Svoboda organized Operation Storm. Svoboda formed an ethnic Bogor unit, the 871st Motor Rifle Brigade, of recruited ethnic Bogor conscripts and officers. On 18 December, after numerous air strikes in Gniewkowo, a force of roughly 15,000 Holyn soldiers advanced.

2 weeks of combat ensued, with the Holyn military finally routing the BLA out of Gniewkowo. Again, heavy casaulties had been sustained but not on the level as the previous offensive. BLA rebels resorted to guerilla style attacks on the Holyn military.

BLA fighters look at the burnt out Gniewkowo administration building in December 1997.

Army General Svoboda was heralded as a hero in the aftermath of the offensive, and was widely believed to be on track for promotion as Chief of General Staff or Defence Minister.

Ethnic violence begins

On 4 February 1998, the Hornat Patriotic League, a radical, nationalist, ethnic Hornat militia attacked a Bogorian refugee camp in southern Holynia. 130 refugees, all Bogors, were killed in the attack. The HPL's attack radicalized the BLA to conduct a counter attack.

Another ethnic Hornat militia, the Army of Christ, a radical Christian group burnt down Bogor protestant churches.

The Resko massacre was blamed on the Army of Christ and other smaller Hornat militia groups. A refugee camp in Hornatyia was attacked by Army of Christ fighters resulting in another 200 deceased. Despite both Holyn and international condemnation, a renewed bombing campaign by the BLA caused hundreds of injuries and deaths to Hornat civilians.

First ceasefire

Public dissaproval of the war saw massive demonstrations against the war and the Workers' Party. Citizens rallied around Jonáš Široký who made a high profile speech during a Central Committee meeting broadcast live on TV. He displayed classified photos from the battle showing the immense human casualties of both civilians and soldiers. He called the Politburo inept and responsible for the "bloodbath" in Gniewkowo.

Široký resigned from the Workers' Party shortly after and began leading demonstrations against the government. As the political situation in Cizekporok began to deterioate, so did the situation in Bogoria.

During this time, the BLA resorted to insurgent activities to prevent the Holyn government regaining stability in Bogoria.

Representatives of the Holyn government and the BLA reached a ceasefire deal on 12 February 1998. The Politburo and Narodna Rada approved the terms of the ceasefire on 13 February.

During May 1998, demonstrations against the Holyn government again broke out. Anti-communist groups demanded an end to single party rule, meanwhile larger anti-war groups demanded an end to the war in Bogoria. Despite promises of both reform and peace, Prusík was forced to resign with the Politburo from the Workers' Party. Prusík temporarily remained Premier in a caretaker government with Široký as his Deputy. Široký wielded more power in this interim arrangement and began making significant changes to the military command.

On 2 June, a series of chemical attacks occurred in Ożarów. A radical Bogor nationalist group, Bogor Public Defense Assembly, claimed responsibility for the attacks. The Holyn government refused to differentiate between the BPDA and BLA and launched airstrikes on BLA territory.

Ethnic Hornat militias massacred hundreds of Bogor refugees in Masovia on 11 June in retaliation for the Ożarów chemical attack.

International intervention

The United Nations General Assembly condemned the war and escalating violence in a non-binding resolution. The Holyn government used its veto to prevent the United Nations Security Council from taking action on the Bogorian conflict.

In August 1998, Stesopol fell into civil war as the Communist government collapsed and ethnic rivalries boiled into conflict. Fighting from both the Bogorian conflict and Stesopol spilled over into each other. This allowed the BLA to recapture the border crossings with Stesopol. By September, the Holyn government was on the defensive as the situation continued to deterioate in Bogoria.

Cusco and the Spero Economic Council announced severe sanctions on the Holyn government and urged all sides to seek a ceasefire. This saw economic assistance to Holynia being cut, tarrifs placed on Holyn exports and travel bans for many members of the communist government.

Elections were held in November 1998, with Široký's political party winning the majority of seats in the Narodna Rada. Široký was opposed to total independence for Bogoria, but agreed to limited autonomy. Široký, in favor of a negotiated settlement to the war sought a ceasefire.

A Stesopol military aircraft bombing rebels in Stesopol was shot down by the Holyn military after it crossed the Holyn border. In response, Stesopol troops attacked Holyn military checkpoints. Stesopol's government declared support for Bogorian independence. Kroz and much of the BLA leadership crossed the border into Stesopol and began to coordinate operations with the Stesopol military.

Ceasefire collapses

On 29 January 1999, Błażej Karlik, a senior leader of the BLA, was killed in a Holyn military airstrike after he crossed the border from Stesopol into Holynia. On 3 February 1999, several bombs exploded in Cizekprok, Bystrica and Uhrov, which the BLA took responsibility for. On 5 February 1999, a Holynavia flight from Cizekporok to Slestkost exploded midair, which the BLA was blamed but never took responsibility for.

The Holyn military launched a number of air strikes and assaulted BLA positions and hideouts. The BLA continued its bombing campaign, with several attacks taking place throughout February and March. Violence began to escalate in Bogoria in the spring of 1999.

Public outcry to the bombings forced the government to seek a ceasefire in Bogoria. On 1 May 1999, a second ceasefire deal was reached. As a result of the ceasefire the Spero Economic Council agreed to ease sanctions on Holynia.

Ethnic violence

The ceasefire would be disrupted during June 1999 when ethnic Hornat militias massacred 700 ethnic Bogor civilians in Resko. The Resko massacre was blamed on the Army of Christ and other smaller Hornat militia groups. A refugee camp in Hornatyia was attacked by Army of Christ fighters resulting in another 200 deceased. Despite both Holyn and international condemnation, a renewed bombing campaign by the BLA caused hundreds of injuries and deaths to Hornat civilians. This caused the ceasefire to collapse as Holyn Air Force jets bombed BLA positions.

The growing casaulties in Bogoria and Hornatyia led to moves within the Narodna Rada, Holynia's parliament to force the government to reach a peace deal. A human chain of ethnic Hornat, Masov and Bogor civilians took place on 11 July 1999 in Cizekporok. The growing dissaproval of the war saw formal Spero Economic Council moderated negotiations between Siroky and BLA leader Korda in the city of Treisburg.

A second ceasefire was reached on 21 August 1999. Holynia agreed to an internationally observed referendum on Bogorian independence to be held solely in the state of Bogoria. Korda stated publicly that if the referendum was a majority against independence, the BLA would lay down its arms. On 21 November 1999, the referendum was held in Bogoria and in refugee camps throughout Holynia. Indepdence for Bogoria won with 72% of the votes cast. Despite attempts by Holyn nationalist groups to disrupt the vote and an assasination attempt on Siroky, a peace treaty was signed in Treisburg.

Bogoria would be granted full independence on 1 January 2000, with a orderly withdrawal of all Holyn military and government organs out of Bogoria.