Bogoria War
| Bogoria War | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of Fall of Communism in Holynia | |||||||
 | |||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||
 Bogorian separatist movementSupport:  Federal States of Cusco (1997-1998) Stesopol Republic (1998-99) |
 Holyn Socialist Union (1997-98) Republic of Holynia (1998-2000) Holyn Kingdom (2000-01) Socialist Republic of Movargovina (1997-1998) Stesopol Democratic Republic (1997) | ||||||
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Republic of Movargovina (1998-1999) | |||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
|
Bartosz Korda Marceli Rostkowski Błażej Karlik † |
1997-98: Vlastimil Prusík Gen. Army. Benedikt Jelínek Gen. Army. Jan Svoboda 1998-2001: Jonáš Široký Jaromír Mach Gen. Army Klement BrožRafał Golas1998-2001 | ||||||
| Units involved | |||||||
|
Bogorian Liberation Army Bogorian Popular Defence Front Support: Centro de Inteligencia y Seguridad Nacional 1997-1998 Stesopol Armed Forces 1998-99 |
Holyn Armed Forces 1997-99 Holyn Defence Forces 1999-2000 Socialist Army of Bogor 1997-99 Army of Christ 1998-2001 Movargovina Armed Forces 1997-1998 Stesopol Armed Forces 1997 | ||||||
| Strength | |||||||
|
110,000–150,000 troops 95,000 rebels |
710,000 regular troops (~100,000 troops in vicinity of Bogoria) 1,000,000+ reserves 31,000+ pro-Holyn militias | ||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
|
42,000+ troops and rebels killed 21,000 troops and rebels injured 17,913 civilians killed |
7,313 troops killed 14,310 troops injured 4,087 civilians killed | ||||||
The Bogoria War was an armed confict in Bogoria that began on 7 August 1997 and concluded on 19 June 2000. It was fought by the military of the Holyn Socialist Union, its succesors, the Republic of Holynia and briefly the Holyn Kingdom, and the Bogorian Liberation Army. Holynia controlled the territory of Bogoria prior to the outbreak of the war. The war formally concluded in June 2000 when the Treisburg Treaty was signed between the warring parties. This followed significant political upheaval and waining public approval of the conflict in Holynia after numerous terrorist attacks by Bogorian rebels.
Background
Holynia was formed by a union formed by the Duchy of Hornat and Duchy of Masovia. Bogoria was an independent state known as the Bogor Order. The Bogor Order was invaded by the Holyn Realm during the Catastrophe, a war between the Holyn Realm and several of its neighbors. In 1330, Holynia defeated the invaders and annexed Bogoria into the Holyn Realm. Violence erupted between the populace of Bogoria and the new Holyn rulers. In response, all three constituent countries of Holynia were granted significant autonomy. Seperate cultures and identities were allowed to coexist. In 1611, the first national legislature of Holynia convened in Cizekporok. The Bogoria delegation was the smallest. Despite this, significant autonomy was granted to Bogoria in order to keep the populace content with being apart of Holynia. Bogoria remained largely peaceful for the next several centuries.
The aristrotic Bogors gained prominance in Holynia and managed to advocate on behalf of Bogorians. As a result, reforms continued in the 1700s, with regional Radas being formed in the 3 principalities. The growing autonomy allowed significant agricultural reforms to be implemented in 1779.
Holynia began to industralise in the 19th century. The transformation from a largely agrarian economy into an industrialised economy saw Bogoria gain prominence in the Holyn Kingdom. Despite this, Bogoria was still the poorest region of Holynia, with Hornatyia having an average income 3 times higher than Bogoria's average.
In the early 20th century, the Holyn Workers' Party began to openly challenge the authority of the ruling Monarchy in Holynia. Growing opposition in Bogoria to central rule from Cizekporok resulted from the Bogor Dust Bowls of 1911. Overfarming and a particularly dry spring in 1911 resulted in massive dust storms which destroyed much of Bogoria's farmland. 400,000 people died from the Dust Bowls and resulting famine. As the country descended into civil war in 1923, parts of Bogoria gained de-facto independence, forming the Bogor Republic. In 1924, communist troops and militias invaded the independent parts of Bogoria and defeated the Bogor Republic.
Volen Hajek was able to cool simmering ethnic rivalries in Holynia, especially in Bogoria. The strong, centralised authoritarian leadership of Hajek saw attempts at succession by Bogoria stamped out. State security forces deported thousands of Bogorian civilians to Hornatyia to work in coal mines. Hornat civilians migrated into Bogoria. The state schools only taught Hornatyian, not the Bogorian language. This, among other strategies, were to remove any nationalist feelings within Bogoria.
In 1957, Bogoria descended into violence as Bogor civilians were outraged at the death of 3 civilians at the hands of the state police forces. The government responded by opening fire at protestors in Utena. Bogoria was largely ignored by the massive infrastructure campaigns of the 1970s and 1980s. The economic disparity between Bogoria and the rest of Holynia became more apparent.
In 1984, unrest again broke out as Bogorian civilians were outraged at the removal of popular Bogorian state leader Filip Sieja. Sieja, an ethnic Bogor, was removed as he disagreed with the economic policies being pursued in Cizekporok. The unrest was supressed after months of lockdowns and mass arrests of thousands of civilians.
In September 1989, the Łuków Volcano erupted, devastating the River Chełm valley and killing roughly 11,000 civilians. Allegations of the central government prioritising rescue operations on the Hornatyian side of the valley led to protests in Utena. Kamil Sládek forced the Environment Minister and the Energy Minister to resign, with the former being imprisoned. Holynia's economy slid into recession by late 1989 and only emerged from this recession a year later.
Political and economic reforms
The sluggish national economy hit Bogoria particularly hard. Heavy industries and services began to be concentrated in other regions of Holynia. This resulted in Bogoria suffering rising unemployment throughout the 1990s. Kamil Sládek died and Vlastimil Prusík took over leadership of the country. Prusík hoped to reduce simmering ethnic tensions in Bogoria by introducing political and economic reforms. The political reforms introduced "one-party democracy" where multiple candidates would be elected to party seats. Sládek emphasised that party elections should be entirely free and allow multiple viewpoints. Heavy opposition from the conservative wing of the Workers' Party was defeated and the reforms went through.
Prusík's economic reforms initially increased industrial output and slowly increased the availability of consumer goods. However, the bueraucratic and top heavy state run industries were unable to effectively handle operating without 5 year plans, worsening availability of products. Empty shelves and food shortages became common by late 1995. In October 1995, the central government began distributing ration cards for the first time since the late 1940s.
Constitutional reforms were passed by the Narodna Rada. These reforms introduced new executive roles in the government. Both a national President and state Governor posts were created. The Govenors would wield significant power over their respective States. Prusík was elected to as President of Holynia. The power of the national Narodna Rada and by extension, the Workers' Party, would be curtailed. Bartosz Korda, a former army general who commanded the Bogorian military district from 1991 to 1995, was elected as Governor of Bogoria.
Communists lose control
The reforms had the unintended effect of weakening the power of the government in Cizekporok. This was by design as the Governors of Hornatyia and Masovia were both close allys of Prusík. Bogoria was the sole outlier as Korda was a nationalist. Despite a Constitutional requirement that all executive members of government be members of the Workers' Party, Korda resigned from the Party the day after he became Governor.
Prusik, as General Secretary and President, demanded Korda resign as Governor as he could no longer hold the office. Korda refused to resign and called the legitimacy of the Party sole right to rule into question. Members of the Bogorian state parliament followed suit and announced their resignation from the Workers' Party.
Prusik, initially indecisive, was reluctant to remove Korda by force. Korda was democratically elected within Party organs and removing him would likely delegitimize the electoral process. Prusik had to keep in mind that the civilian populace was suffering from a struggling national economy.
In February 1997, Korda announced the Bogorian government would begin to levy taxes against imports from the states of Holynia. Many members of the Bogorian government and legislature formed the Bogorian Independence Party in late February 1997.
In March 1997, the Constitutional Court sided with the Holyn government in Cizekporok that the Constitution demanded party membership to be a member of government. Despite this, Korda resisted efforts to either rejoin the party or resign.
On 8 May, Korda ordered the police forces under his control to search the state Workers' Party headquarters in Utena. An angry Prusik ordered the state security services and loyal national police to protect the Party headquarters.
Factions
Holyn Socialist Union (1997-1998)
The Holyn Socialist Union was a major faction in the Bogor conflict, opposing the Bogorian seperatists. It collapsed in late 1998 after economic, political and social issues caused the main unifying force in Holynia, the Workers' Party, to collapse.
Holyn Armed Forces
The Holyn Armed Forces consisted of the Holyn Ground Forces, Holyn Navy and Holyn Air Force. The Holyn military was one of the largest within Spero in the preceding decades. It consisted of over 1,000,000 active duty troops, most of which were conscripts. The military had a very large officer corps, but lacked a professional soldier base and non-commissioned officers. The military was not geared for counter insurgency operations, instead it was designed for fighting a peer sized military in large scale operations.
The military, suffering from disintegration in 1997, struggled to combat the fledgling Bogor seperatists. Poorly planned operations resulted in heavy casaulties. Morale issues, training deficencies, logistial issues and other problems plagued the Holyn military in 1997 to 1999. Combined arms operations were not attempted, instead small operations were conducted against Bogorian seperatists.
Ministry of Internal Affairs
Socialist Army of Bogor
Republic of Holynia (1998-2000)
The Republic of Holynia succeeded the Holyn Socialist Union in late 1998. It formally existed when an interim Constitution was ratified in September 1998. It inherited the most of the state organs, including the military and security forces of the Holyn Socialist Union.
Bogorian seperatists
The Bogorian seperatists were largely organized into two major groups. The Bogorian Liberation Army was the largest armed wing of the Bogorian seperatist movement. It consisted of defectors from the Holyn military and police, as well as civilian volunteers. The other main armed faction was the Bogorian Popular Defence Front. This group conducted terrorist attacks inside Holynia proper. Its actions were condemed by the leadership of the BLA.
Bogorian Liberation Army
The Bogorian Liberation Army came into existence between June and August 1997. Defecting soldiers and police officers formed the basis of the BLA. The BLA was led personally by Bartosz Korda, one of the most influential Bogorian seperatist leaders. The BLA conducted both traditional warfare operations and guerilla warfare. The BLA had roughly 75,000 fighters at its peak in March 1998.
The Stesopol government provided support to the BLA in 1998, after the Communist Party of Stesopol fell. The new, democratic government in Stesopol was openly hostile to the Holyn communist government. Recruitment centers were established in areas with large Bogor ethnic populations. The BLA also established command and control facilities in Stesopol. The Stesopol government provided funding, weapons and supplies to the BLA. The Stesopol government was sympathetic to the BLA until late 1998, when the democratically elected Siroky government came into power.
The Bogor People's Party in Movargovina also provided funding and support to the BLA between 1998 and 1999.
Bogorian Popular Defence Front
The Bogor Popular Defence Front was led by Wacław Budka, a radical Bogor nationalist.
Foreign involvement
Conflict
Preparing for war
In May 1997, the Bogorian state parliament passed legislation declaring state sovergienty where Bogorian laws would have supremacy over national Holyn laws. The central government in Cizekporok declared this act illegal and the issue was taken up by the Constitutional Court. Korda refused to allow Bogorian lawyers to appear in court, challenging the legitmacy of the court to rule on the matter.
Despite the Constitutional Court siding with the Holyn government, Korda challenged the issue in the Bogorian state court. This court sided with the Bogorian side and declared the national constitution void in issues where the Bogorian constitution contradicted with the former.
On 17 May, the state police leadership declared allegiance to Korda and arrested their political officers. On the same day, the Bogorian state parliament drafted legislation to reinstate the Bogorian national flag and emblems.
Prusik and the national parliament responded by removing Korda from office and dissolving the state government. However, this had little effect as the few bodies in Bogoria still answering to Cizekporok were unable to effectively carry out this order.
The Bogorian green, white and red flag was raised from the Bogorian state parliament building for the first time.
On 25 May, pro independence demonstrations were held throughout Bogoria with roughly half a million people attending. Thousands of party members renounced their membership. Members of the Bogorian Independence Front, a radical pro-independence movement, stormed the Workers' Party headquarters in Utena, killing interim First Secretary Filip Šenkeřík.
On 29 May, the Bogorian government seized control of the radio and television studios in Bogoria. A police and internal army convoy attempted to retake the main television and radio studio in Utena, however a group of 5,000 Bogorian nationalist protesters forced the convoy to turn back.
The month of June saw both sides take retalitory measures against each other. The Bogorian state government refused to pay taxes to the government in Cizekporok and began implementing its own taxation system. The government in Cizekporok responded by shutting down all state banks in Bogoria.
The bank closure backfired as thousands of Bogorian civilians lost access to vital funds. With hyperinflation gripping Holynia, citizens needed almost constant access as prices for goods varied by the hour.
Police officers arrested the commander of the Bogorian Military District on 10 June 1997. This arrest was contested by the government in Cizekporok. On 21 June 1997, the Committee for Independence was formed with Korda as its chair.
On 3 August 1997, Korda issued a decree banning the activities of the Workers' Party of Holynia. All Party property was to be seized by the Bogorian state government. Little resistance was put up by Party members within Bogoria, but when news reached Cizekporok, an emergency Politburo meeting was convened.
On 4 August 1997, Prusík and the Politburo declared the actions by Korda illegal. The Prosecuter General issued arrest warrants for Korda and other leaders of the Bogorian independence movement.
A combined force of the State Security Service, Interior Army and the National Police entered Utena with the goal of carrying out the arrest warrants. They were supported by elements of the 3rd Guards Tank Army from Uhrov. Local police, defecting soldiers and protesters surronded the State Security Service headquarters in Utena. Meanwhile, other pro-independence forces took positions around the Bogorian parliament.
War breaks out
On the night of 6-7 August 1997, the central government forces attacked the State Parliament building in Utena. Fierce fighting broke out throughout the city as rebels attacked government convoys with seized weapons. The Holyn troops, not expecting such fierce fighting, were ill-equipped to counter and a significant portion withdrew. Rebelling soldiers in other parts of Bogoria began to seal off roads and take control of the state. On 10 August 1997, Korda oversaw the Bogorian Parliament as it declared indepdence from Holynia. The central government in Cizekporok responded by launching a second attack on the building, this time causing considerable damange.
On 12 August, Korda announced the formation of the Bogorian Liberation Army.
The Bogorian Military District, essentially all the Holyn military units stationed in Bogoria, faced upwards of 75% of its force defecting to the independence movement. The collapse in the chain of command saw the situation in Bogoria rapidly deterioate. Korda and other senior independence leaders moved from Utena to Gniewkowo. Gniewkowo was home to the 53rd Motor Rifle Division which had mostly defected. Most of the officers of this unit were ethnic Bogor and non-ethnic Bogor conscripts fled.
By 15 August, the BLA had a strength of roughly 30,000 officers, NCOs and conscripts that had defected and 5,000 volunteers, many of which had military experience. Another 20,000 national police officers, border guards and militiamen declared allegience to the BLA. The disintegration of the security forces in Bogoria saw calls for the declaration of martial law.
Disorganization in Cizekporok led to a chaotic response to the crisis. The Politburo and Central Committee were at odds on how to handle the crisis. Hardliners demanded a quick, violent response with military units deployed, while reformers sought a measured response to avoid bloodshed. The reformers, led by Prusik, won out and limited the depolyment of forces to lightly armed internal army troops and police units.
This force faced difficulty in establishing control over Bogoria. While the force managed to establish control of Utena, the remainder of Borgoria was increasingly under the control of the BLA.
On 29 August, the Holyn government forces attempted to attack Gniewkowo, however faced fierce resistance from the Bogorians. They withdrew after 12 hours of fighting. On 1 September, Defence Minister Benedikt Jelínek authorized the Central Military District to respond to the crisis.
Operation 1700
On 10 September, Operation 1700 commenced. The Holyn Air Force began a massive bombing campaign of Gniewkowo. Holynia's allies of Mozorgovina and Stesapol mobilized troops in support of the communist government. The BLA began using anti aircraft weaponry including shoulder launched surface to air missiles. Several aircraft were downed within the first few days of the bombing campaign.
On 19 September, a force of 3,000 Holyn soldiers advanced on Gniewkowo. The armored force consisted of almost 100 main battle tanks and supporting vehicles. This force, however, faced logistical challenges, low morale and disjointed chain of command. The Holyn military was geared to combating a peer sized military. Instead they faced a force of highly motivated and well armed rebels.
The Holyn miilitary at the time was in dissaray. The political reforms in Holynia saw major shifts in how the armed forces were viewed. In the preceding years, most officers were promoted for loyalty to the party over actual competency. With the growing economic crisis, the military budget had begun to shrink. Officers and soldiers were owed months of back pay by late 1997. The BLA took advantage of this and used bribes to gain information on Operation 1700. In some cases, Holyn troops deserted their posts and abandoned weaponry in the middle of operations. Many Holyn soldiers were unaware of where they were being sent. Some were told the operation was just a training exercise. Units also became fractured as ethnic Bogor officers and soldiers who did not defect were sidelined or transferred to logistical or construction units.
The chain of command was also unclear during Operation 1700. Military commanders, internal army and police commanders were unsure of who was in command. Defence Minister Jelínek, despite making public comments that he would be personally in charge, failed to formally delegate tasks to subordinates. The unclear and confusing situation grew worse as a result.
On 24 September, the first force reached the city center but was almost entirely destroyed by this point. Poor communications led to several deadly friendly fire incidents, where Holyn aircraft used cluster munitions on thier own soldiers. The highest ranking field commander, Lt. General Ladislav Adámek was killed by BLA snipers. Heavy casaulties resulted from Operation 1700. Seperatists took advantage of the slow, meandering convoys the Holyn military deployed and used hit and run tactics.
Roughly 90% of Gniewkowo lay in ruins. Holynia's military used cluster munitions and indiscriminate artillery barrages. The massive destruction hindered the ground forces advance into the city. Almost 7,000 Holyn soldiers, 9,000 BLA fighters, and 11,000 civilians died during Operation 1700.
The embarrasment saw several military officers removed from their positions. Army General Jan Svoboda, an ethnic Hornat, took charge of the situation in Bogoria, after Defence Minister Jelínek was relieved of command of the operation. Svoboda led the ground force's Special Operations branch.
Operation Storm
On 10 December, Army General Svoboda organized Operation Storm. Svoboda formed an ethnic Bogor unit, the 871st Motor Rifle Brigade, of recruited ethnic Bogor conscripts and officers. On 18 December, after numerous air strikes in Gniewkowo, a force of roughly 15,000 Holyn soldiers advanced.
Heavy urban combat ensued. The Holyn military sufferred immense casaulties as vehicles became stuck in snow and mud. Poor weather soon complicated air operations. Communication issues still plagued the Holyn government forces, as military branches were not able to communicate with each other. In addition, friendly fire was common as Interior Ministry troops and police had little to no communication or coordination with the military.
The battle concluded on 21 February, when BLA forces fled the city. Holyn troops had captured what remained of the city. Months of airstrikes, artillery and urban combat had leveled the city. A humanitarian crisis ensued as the remaining civilians lacked electricity, running water and health care.
Army General Svoboda was heralded as a hero in the aftermath of the offensive, and was widely believed to be on track for promotion as Chief of General Staff or Defence Minister.
In the aftermath of Operation Storm, the Bogor seperatist forces resorted to an insurgent campaign. The BLA employed improvised explosive devices and small scale raids on the Holyn military, police and government. The Holyn military in Bogoria was poorly suited for a counter-insurgency campaign. It would respond with heavy handed, brutal tactics. These included massive, indiscriminate artillery barrages and air raids. Despite counter-insurgent operations overseas a decade prior to the war, those operations were largely left to the profesional soldiers of the airborne troops or naval infantry. The conscripts in Bogoria were not trained to conduct these sort of operations.
Ethnic violence begins
On 4 February 1998, the Hornat Patriotic League, a radical, nationalist, ethnic Hornat militia attacked a Bogorian refugee camp in southern Holynia. 130 refugees, all Bogors, were killed in the attack.
Another ethnic Hornat militia, the Army of Christ, a radical Christian group burnt down Bogor protestant churches throughout Bogoria.
Retaliatory attacks by Bogor nationalist groups saw Hornat civilians inside Bogoria being massacred and buried in mass graves.
Široký leaks
Jonáš Široký, a senior Central Committee member and alternate member of the Politburo, revealed details of the Holyn military operation in Bogoria during a speech to the Central Committee which was broadcast live on television. Široký revealed the true casaulties and other attrocities which had occurred in Bogoria. Široký resigned from the Workers' Party at the conclusion of the speech and stormed out.
The information that Široký revealed had been previously covered up by the government, with much of the information flowing out of Bogoria being whitewashed and tightly censored by state media. The few privately owned media organisations in Holynia had been prohibited from entering Bogoria due to "safety issues". This caused widespread public dissaproval of the Holyn government.
Anti-war demonstrations broke out in Cizekporok, demanding an end to the war.
International intervention
The United Nations General Assembly condemned the war and escalating violence in a non-binding resolution. The Holyn government used its veto to prevent the United Nations Security Council from taking action on the Bogorian conflict.
In February 1998, Stesopol fell into civil war as the Communist government collapsed and ethnic rivalries boiled into conflict. Fighting from both the Bogorian conflict and Stesopol spilled over into each other. This allowed the BLA to recapture the border crossings with Stesopol.
Cusco and the Spero Economic Council announced severe sanctions on the Holyn government and urged all sides to seek a ceasefire. This saw economic assistance to Holynia being cut, tarrifs placed on Holyn exports and travel bans for many members of the communist government.
Easter Day attacks
Utena, which had remained in relative peace after August 1997, descended into violence on Easter Day 1998. A series of coordinated attacks by both BLA and other Bogor seperatists caused immense damage to the logistical capabilities of the Holyn military. The main railway bridge over the River Tulpe in Utena was destroyed. This was a major chokepoint, which the Holyn military depended on to move supplies and equipment eastward to the unstable regions of Bogoria.
Several bombings by Bogor seperatists groups also hit Hornat Catholic churches, causing thousands of casaulties. The fighting escalated as Hornat nationalist groups retaliated. The Holyn military joined in the escalating violence, launching raids in Bogor majority neighborhoods.
Utena plunged into anarchy as the weak government rule in the city collapsed. Utilities and public services had all but failed by this point, as a three sided battle raged.
Hornat militias massacred 100 ethnic Bogors during a wedding in Utena on 12 April 1998.
Fall of the Prusík government
Prusík's government was increasingly losing influence and control over the entirety of Holynia. Nationalist feelings in Masovia began to appear in mid 1998. Prusík, in a desperate attempt to hold onto power, removed the Workers' Party constitutional right to rule. Prusík subsequently resigned from the Workers' Party and attempted to run the government solely through the executive office. However, the Workers' Party, through its various offices, organization and outreach attempts, was the largest organ of power for Prusík. By leaving the Party, Prusík had lost his influence in much of Holynia. Even in the capital, Prusík was challenged by an immensely popular Široký.
Elections were held in November 1999, with Široký's political party winning the majority of seats in the Narodna Rada. Široký was opposed to total independence for Bogoria, but agreed to limited autonomy. Široký, in favor of a negotiated settlement to the war sought a ceasefire.
A Stesopol military aircraft bombing rebels in Stesopol was shot down by the Holyn military after it crossed the Holyn border. In response, Stesopol troops attacked Holyn military checkpoints. Stesopol's government declared support for Bogorian independence. Kroz and much of the BLA leadership crossed the border into Stesopol and began to coordinate operations with the Stesopol military.
First ceasefire
The new press freedoms in Holynia saw widespread coverage of the Bogorian conflict. A lack of understanding about press freedoms, censorship and other matters meant journalists were given free access. In the spirit of transperancy, military officers revealed classified information on television. Other embarrasing media gaffes saw the true scale of the war in Bogoria reach the Holyn populace. The human and economic cost were widely reported by the media, which the government accused of being "defeatist".
Growing public opposition to the war led to peace rallies in Cizekporok. The Narodna Rada pushed Siroky and the government to seek negotiations with the Bogor seperatists. The first meetings were held in Uhrov in January 1999.
Representatives of the Holyn government and the BLA reached a ceasefire deal on 12 February 1999. The Narodna Rada approved the terms of the ceasefire on 13 February.
Ceasefire collapses
On 29 January 1999, Błażej Karlik, a senior leader of the BLA, was killed in a Holyn military airstrike after he crossed the border from Stesopol into Holynia. On 3 February 1999, several bombs exploded in Cizekprok, Bystrica and Uhrov, which the BLA took responsibility for. On 5 February 1999, a Holynavia flight from Cizekporok to Slestkost exploded midair, which the BLA was blamed but never took responsibility for.
The Holyn military launched a number of air strikes and assaulted BLA positions and hideouts. The BLA continued its bombing campaign, with several attacks taking place throughout February and March. Violence began to escalate in Bogoria in the spring of 1999.
Ethnic violence escalates
Violence in Bogoria continued to escalate when ethnic Hornat militias massacred 700 ethnic Bogor civilians in Resko. The Resko massacre was blamed on the Army of Christ and other smaller Hornat militia groups. Despite both Holyn and international condemnation, a renewed bombing campaign by the BLA caused hundreds of injuries and deaths to Hornat civilians.
Treisburg negotiations
The growing casaulties in Bogoria and Hornatyia led to moves within the Narodna Rada, Holynia's parliament to force the government to reach a peace deal. A human chain of ethnic Hornat, Masov and Bogor civilians took place on 11 July 1999 in Cizekporok. The growing dissaproval of the war saw formal Spero Economic Council moderated negotiations between Siroky and BLA leader Korda in the city of Treisburg.
Second ceasefire and SDI peacekeeping
A second ceasefire was reached on 21 August 1999. Holynia agreed to an internationally observed referendum on Bogorian independence to be held solely in the state of Bogoria. Korda stated publicly that if the referendum was a majority against independence, the BLA would lay down its arms.
In return for the consent of the Holyn government, the Spero Economic Council agreed to negotiate a free trade treaty with Holynia. In addition, economic aid and loans were given to the Holyn government.
The Treisburg Treaty was signed on 25 August. A UN backed, Spero Defense Initiative peacekeeping operation would be conducted to seperate the two warring sides and allow safe conditions for a referendum.
On 1 September, the Spero Defense Initiative peacekeeping operation began. This operation was spearheaded by Cusco. Roughly 10,000 peacekeepers from six countries began landing at Utena International Airport. A narrow flight path was approved for the foreign military aircraft to travel through Holyn airspace. Peacekeepers established checkpoints between ethnic Hornat and ethnic Bogor neighborhoods.
The peace treaty was only between the Holyn government and the Bogorian Liberation Front, the political faction of the BLA. The other major seperatist force, the Bogorian Popular Defence Front, boycotted the Treisburg negotiations and vowed to continue to fight. The SDI agreed that the Holyn government and BLA could continue to combat the BPDF, which the SDI designated a terrorist organization.
The SDI stabilisation mission faced considerable issues, especially lawlessness. The Holyn military police were geared towards keeping conscripts in line, rather than policing the populace. The Holyn National Police that remained in Bogoria were focused on supporting military operations, rather than traditional law enforcement. The same existed in BLA controlled areas.
In addition, the Holyn military remained openly hostile to their once enemy, the SDI, operating freely within what was still Holynia.
The SDI initially arrived to a welcoming Bogor populace in September, but by November and with winter approaching, the attitudes had shifted. Riots broke out as Bogor citizens were fed up with food shortages, unreliable electricity and other utilities.
Bogorian gains independence
On 21 November 1999, the referendum was held in Bogoria and in refugee camps throughout Holynia. Indepdence for Bogoria won with 72% of the votes cast. After two days of tense debate in which scuffles broke out, the Holyn Narodna Rada ratified the neccesary legislation approving independence for Bogoria.
The Bogorian Liberation Front began to form an interim government. The SEC/SDI terms for the stabilisation mission required Bogoria to hold elections. SEC advisors drafted a Constitution and assisted the Bogorians in inheriting the tasks of governing the war torn nation.
Bogoria formally became an independent state on 1 January 2000. Border crossings were immediately established by the Holyn government. The last Holyn troops left Bogoria on 21 January 2000.