Orthosocialist Focus

Ordosocialist Focus
ዬማዘዚሶሻሊሲቲ ትኩሬቲ
Also known as	Ordosocialist Front OSF Yemasoti Second Focus (post-2016)
Leader	Yohonatan Dawīti # (1954-1965) Ānidirīw Mīka'ēli X (1965-1986) Nīk Ānidirīwi X (1986-1988) Yohon Ānibesawi # (1988-2000) Milikit Jakali X (2000-2006) OSF Vanguard Conclave (2016-present)
Dates of operation	1952 (1952)–2007 (2007) 2016 (2016)–present
Country	Kembesa
Motives	Overthrow of the Kembesan monarchy Establishment of an ordosocialist state
Active regions	Southern and eastern Me'bala
Ideology	Ordosocialism Focus theory Werner-Tsenpoism Internationalism Revolutionism Anti-monarchism
Status	Active
Size	30,000-40,000 (2020 est.)a 100,000-120,000 (2022 est.)b a Official estimate from the Kembesan government b Collated estimate from the international associated press
Opponents	Kingdom of Kembesa
Designated as a terrorist group by	Kembesa Latium Yisrael
Flag

Ordosocialist Focus (Kembesan: ዬማዘዚሶሻሊሲቲ ትኩሬቲ; Yemazezisoshalīsiti Tikureti), alternatively known as the Ordosocialist Front or by the initials OSF (Kembesan: ዬማሶት; Yemasoti), is a militant ordosocialist movement active in Kembesa. Originally founded in the mid-20th century, the organization seeks to overthrow the Kembesan monarchy and install a popular government with a centrally planned economy. OSF has engaged in both nonviolent and violent forms of political activism. By 2006-2007, the organization effectively disbanded. However, it ultimately reemerged a decade later in 2016.

Ordosocialist Focus has been designated a terrorist organization by the Kingdom of Kembesa, the Latin Empire, and the Kingdom of Yisrael. Since its reemergence, the organization has primarily resorted to violent means to achieve its ends. OSF attacks on political figures, public buildings, and cultural monuments associated with the monarchy have intensified. Bombings and crossfire ambushes are among the most common violent acts committed by OSF members. The organization often claims responsibility for major attacks, but has at times denied involvement in other attacks. Investigators have noted that the focus theory utilized by OSF creates a disjointed network of insurgents that may or may not act independently in furthering the organization's goals.

The organization's membership is frequently disputed. The Kembesan government considers OSF the greatest domestic threat that the Kingdom of Kembesa faces. Official estimates place the number of members between 30,000 and 40,000. Independent journalists collating a variety of sources have placed the estimate much higher; between 100,000 and 120,000. The latter estimate considers individuals who hold ordosocialist sympathies or may occasionally work or provide services for the organization without acting as full members while the official government estimate claims to be inclusive.

History

In the latter half of the 19th century, socialist movements and political advocacy were officially outlawed in Kembesa. Despite repressive measures, socialist discourse remained current through to the 20th century. In 1927, the foundation of the Union of Socialist People's Republics in South Ochran solidified ordosocialism as the major stream of leftist theory in Kembesa to the exclusion of anarchism and syndicalism. Ordosocialists were among the agitators of popular revolt leading up to the 1948 constitutional reform. In the anticipation of an absence of meaningful changes from the government in response to the clamour, Kembesan socialists began to import and develop revolutionary techniques appropriate for the Kembesan context. In doing so, core elements of focus theory were imported and further developed as a variant of Werner-Tsenpo vanguardism.

The organization of Ordosocialist Focus itself has undergone two separate but related phases. The first phase, from 1952 to 2006-2007, was characterized by the leadership of a series of charismatic leaders and big tent support among many opponents of the 1948 constitutional reforms. While focus theory remained core to the structure of the organization, numerous alternative avenues for activism were practiced. By the 1980s, the OSF began to decline in influence and with the death of Chairman Milikit Jakali in 2006, the organization quickly fell. In 2016, Ordosocialist Focus reemerged with a sudden bombing campaign. Thus far, the new iteration of the organization has been characterized by enigmatic leadership and a revolutionary programme.

Size and composition

At its height in the 1980s, Ordosocialist Focus officially claimed to have more than 200,000 members. However, the historical consensus holds that the overall membership was likely half as much. From the 1980s onward, membership declined steadily, with no more than 30,000 members by 2000. The decline in membership is also comparatively greater when accounting for the large population boom that Kembesa experienced over the same period of time.

The size of the revived OSF has been the subject of great discussion. The OSF Vanguard Conclave rarely communicates with the press and is secretive regarding OSF's total strength. Despite this, numerous journalistic investigations have corroborated a number between 100,000 and 120,000. This would make the present size of the organization a historic high. Relative to the total population of Kembesa, it remains proportionally lesser than during the height of the first iteration in the early 1980s. Since 2016, the government of the Kingdom of Kembesa has maintained that the strength of OSF has wavered between 20,000 and 30,000 members. The alleged sources for these figures are classified military intelligence reports. Foreign journalists have critiqued this claim, alleging that the number underestimates the size of the organization and its capabilities as a tool of propaganda.

Regardless of the size of the organization, the composition of the organization is widely accepted by most reporters. The major bastions of ordosocialist support are predominantly found in the region of Me'bala, specifically in the southern cities of Kima and Omomu. Several rural settlements in the same region and possibly others beyond Me'bala. The broad demographic composition of the membership is suspected to be primarily of Kembesan ethnicity. Some Kembesan outlets have suggested that Janubi, Swahili, and Gharib minorities make up a disproportionate element of the organization.

See also

• People's Army for the Revolution
• International Democratic Revolution