Greznea

Unified Republic of Gresnaya Ónĭcědag Rĭspóblĭkiy nĕz Grĕsnaya
Flag
Motto: Vįcałaray, Ĭkanbodayjag, ĭg ĕ Ócedagla Kĕrnįya Justice, Perserverance, and a United Heart
Anthem: Gresnaya, Łašad ĭg Vocnak
Capital	Beredino
Official languages	Gresiye
Recognised national languages	Ludic Varcig Dmuvic
Ethnic groups	96% Greznean 4% Other
Demonym(s)	Gresiy
Government	Semi-Authoritarian Republic
•  President	Iantoniu Milcesu
•  Head of the National Assembly	Manton Padariya
•  Minister of Foreign Affairs	Alexei Natalias
•  Minister of the Interior	Vasili Makarov
•  Minister of Defense	Alana Georgiy
Establishment
• Greznean Duchies	600
• Formation of the Confederation	1400
• Federation Formed	1415
• War of the Coalition	1770
• Military Rule	1801
• The Flower-Flag Coup	2001
• Formation of the Republic	2022
Population
• 2022 estimate	29,874,102
GDP (PPP)	2022 estimate
• Total	1.17 Trillion $
• Per capita	40,344 $
GDP (nominal)	2022 estimate
• Total	654.4 Billion $
• Per capita	21,900 $
Gini (2022)	0.90 low
HDI (2022)	0.81 very high
Currency	Greznean Royal [GR]
Date format	dd-mm-yyyy
Driving side	right
Calling code	1 +
ISO 3166 code	.GU

Greznea, also known as the Republic of Greznea or the Unified Republic of Gresnaya, is a young democratic nation located on the continent of Belisaria, in Ajax. It is bordered by Ludvosiya to the north, Drevstran to the west, and Mesogeia to the east. Greznea is a part of numerous organizations, such as the Forum of Nations, x, and x, with its membership in each vital to Greznea's continued stability and independence as a whole.

Greznea's history is frought with war and destruction, with the Greznean Federation fighting at least five separate wars in the same decade during its rise to power. Greznea has also seen oppressive, authoritarian rulership under a military junta after the overthrow of that federation in the War of the Coalition, a civil war that left over a million dead or displaced, the ramifications of which Greznea is still recovering from in the modern day. Greznea underwent a coup-de-etat in 2001 orchestrated by the nation's Army and Air Forces against the junta rulership, which ultimately led to a bloodless deposition of the regime and the installment of the transitional government, with elections having been postponed due to political instability. However, they were held on February 1st of 2010.

History

Ludic Migration

First Luds

In 525 AD, the first evidence of the Ludic peoples in Gresnaya begins to emerge. The Krtakvy, the Ludic group that reached the banks of the Vitula river, came into conflict with the local early Gresiy tribe, the Oloobin, over rights to live on the land. Little is known about the conflict, or about ensuing conflicts between the two peoples, however information becomes much more abundant in 557, when the Ludic and Motegresiy peoples came into harsh conflict over Gresnaya itself.

Just prior to 557, in December of 556, the high chief of the gresnayan Northern Confederation, which was a loose alliance of tribes on the banks of the Vitula, married the daughter of a Ludic lord, and in return for the wedding and an alliance with the Ludic Kingdom of the Vitula, granted a portion of land south of the Vitula river as a dowry. This greatly angered the tribe that the land belonged to, the Brasoogani, whom rose up in revolt in January of the next year, shortly after Ludic nobles had taken up residence within the territory.

This rebellion consisted mostly of Gresiy tribal warriors raiding the disputed territories, burning villages, and using generalized terror tactics against the armies of the local nobility, which caused a notable population shift in the area as local Gresiy civilians fled south into Gresiy tribal territory, and as Luds moved in to try and get better living conditions, as promised by the nobility as an effort to get control of the area. This caused greater and greater tension between the Luds and the Northern Confederation, which eventually culminated in the War on the Vitula in 559.

The war saw initial gains for the Gresiy armies, however due to differences in both technology and organization, the Luds were able to quickly push back the Gresiy tribes and conquer into Gresnaya, and soon the war evolved as the Luds continued south of the Vitula to neuter the other tribes before they could cause problems, prompting further raiding and terror tactics across Ludic Gresnaya by the tribes. By late August of 560, all of Gresnaya had been conquered by the Ludic peoples.

Slavication

After the conquest, the Luds established the Kingdom of Greznea, from which the modern-day name for Gresnaya has derived, and began attempts to integrate the local population into their culture to prevent future rebellions or revolts by the locals. This, combined with several notable massacres such as the Kroznigoo Massacre and the Nbrasti Massacre, caused a very significant mix between the two ethnic groups and their cultures, which is considered to be the beginning of Gresiy Slavication.

By the year 800, only a few years before Gresnaya would be conquered by the Mesogeians, was the year that historians mark as the completion of Slavication. By this time, due to interbreeding, cultural mixing and ethnic merging over decades, the two groups had effectively merged together into a single ethnicity, with a newly-emerging language, culture and identity, which is the modern-day Gresiy ethnicity's origin.

Greznean Duchies

The first step in the breakup of the Kingdom of Greznea took place in August of 791, during a time of political turmoil. The long-reigning King Sartoo Baslievic, a mixed Lud-Gresiy of a very respected reputation, had died in his sleep late in the night, and had not left an heir to the throne. Due to the policy of domestic marriage held by the Kingdom to keep nobles' allegiances correctly aligned, King Sartoo's death is largely attributed to a potential heart disease that killed him due to lack of proper medical care. The intermarriage policy of the Kingdom backfired without a recognized heir to the throne, and immediately a succession crisis began.

In late August, the lord of the Vitula province of the Kingdom, named Parpa Artu, openly declared that his son, Arti Artu, would take the throne of Greznea, and that the boy, only 9 at this time, was the legitimate heir through ties to the late King's father's sister. Although this claim had little to no political weight behind it, Parpa had connections with not only the captain of the guard in the capital, but also with the lord of the Akranya province, Temedoo Marpisv, the most powerful lord in the Kingdom. These connections enabled him to enforce his declaration, and so on the 1st of September of 791, King Arti I Artu was coronated in the capital city, Brdina.

This coronation was met with outrage by the other lords in the Kingdom, whom all either had their own, more enforcable claim to the throne, or whom outright wanted to improve their own holdings, or just gain more wealth for themselves. This greedy mindset held by most lords, accompanied with those lords having armies loyal to them before the king, led to the foundations for rebellion. In March of 792, as spring was beginning to arrive, the lord of Clayna, modern day Celohay, declared that the king of Greznea was not his rightful king, and that his ternoy (Gresiy for 'Lordship', or alternatively, 'Duchy'), was to be rightfully independent from the Kingdom. This declaration is from where the term of the Gresiy 'duchy' comes from, despite not being wholistically accurate.

This declaration was followed by the same from the other lords of the Kingdom barring the lord of the Vitula and the lord of Akranya, meaning that over 70% of Greznea was now in open rebellion. This led to the loyalist Lords raising their armies under the King's banner, and meeting at the capital to discuss battle plans. At the same time, the now-independent Dukes raised their own armies, and to better their own interests, decided to cooperate and met together near the city of Dnieperpetrovsk.

Shortly after, the Greznean Determination War began, and the two sides would repeatedly clash with intensity near the Dnieper and Vitula rivers, with casualties estimated to be over ten thousand from both sides combined. This war ultimately ended in 795 with the Kingdom signing peace with the duchies, recognizing their secession, which began to downfall for the rest.

In 798, the lord of Akranya would be assassinated by an unknown assailant in his bed chambers, with his wife often implicated as the perpetrator. Following the assassination, his brother, the Duke of Aranija-Sestuva, would march into Akranya and claim the throne of the Duchy, effectively annexing the territory. This takeover was unapposed by the King, which caused mass rioting in the capital city, and soon led to a peasant revolt that saw thousands die in the course of a few days, and saw both the King, his father, and several other nobles executed in favor of the Duke of the Dnieper, whom installed his two brothers as the Dukes of Akranya and Brdina (later Beredino), thus beginning the Greznean Duchies.

Formation of the Confederation

The signing of the Confederate Constitution in July of 1400, marking the birth of the first unified Gresiy state, is an event which has a heavy history behind it directly following Greznea's independence from Mesogeia.

The first step to the signing would occur in January of 1400, only a week after independence had been achieved. Duke Ludan of Beredino, the most powerful duke across the duchies of Greznea, betrothed his 9-year old son Cantomir to the young granddaughter of the Duke of Akranya, Nataliya. This betrothal united two of the most powerful and influential Gresiy noble houses in alliance, which created a piece of the foundation required for unification. Of course, this betrothal was greatly contested by other dukes, and notably the Duke of the Dnieper, Ludan of Beredino's close friend.

This betrothal created rifts between the Beredino-Akranya alliance and the Duchy of the Dnieper, which had several smaller dukedoms under its suzerainity. These rifts between the two would cause the Duke of the Dnieper to seize the lands of several of the minor dukes under his overlordship in late January, intent on using the increased levy and revenue to break apart the Beredino-Akranya alliance.

Ludan of Beredino, however, is believed to have been informed about the Dnieper's intentions, as on February 19th of 1400, he issued a call to arms to his barons and knights, summoning the levies of the nation for war. He also sent a letter to his son's father in law, The Duke of Akranya, calling for him to prepare for war. These preparations lasted until April of 1400, when Ludan of Beredino led an army 14,000 strong against his rival, fighting him at the Battle of Brzkala and killing him in combat.

This brief conflict would signal to many of the pro-Beredino duchies in Greznea that a polarizing and major war was about to occur, and so in order to avoid the turmoil of being invaded, the northern duchies and some of the eastern duchies met in the city of Beredino alongside the Dukes of Beredino and Akranya, and there signed the first Gresiy Constitution and united under the Ducal Confederation in July of 1400. This event greatly angered the Dnieper and its subjects, which began the construction of keeps along the border and raised several thousand men to garrison them.

Unification Wars

In late 1400, the stage was set and the pieces were in place for the newly-formed Ducal Confederation to take power in Gresnaya, and the ruling King Ludan I was eager to ignite a war for unification. However, his main rival, the Duchy of the Dnieper, was well prepared and defended, and so Ludan I would be unable to invade unless he created a good opening to exploit. The Duchy of the Dnieper was geographically and numerically superior to the Ducal Confederation, and this meant that Ludan I would have to be creative to defeat them.

First Unification War (February-June 1403)

In February of 1403, the chance to pounce finally arrived when Duke Tamas I Broyatesu of the Dnieper died of surgery complications, after a surgeon had attempted to remove his leg to save him from an infected hunting wound. Upon his death, the Duchy suffered a slight succession crisis, as the late Duke had two sons and both claimed to be heir to the throne. The eldest of the two, Matyas I of the Dnieper, would inherit the throne on February 19th 1403. He was considered by many as strong-willed but rash and too impulsive, and Ludan I saw this as the perfect chance. He sent messengers across his realm to notify his lords to muster with the approval of the Dukes under him, and in March of 1403, Ludan crossed into the Duchy of the Dnieper with 25,000 men and over 30 guns.

Unprepared and unorganized for this, Duke Matyas I would scramble to assemble an army, knowing that his retinue of 2,000 men would not be able to contest this invasion. However, due to his lack of leadership and lack of an organized response to the expected invasion, Matyas' younger brother Yanek began to gain support among the nobles, and soon he assembled his own army, with contemporaries counting this army as roughly 12,000 strong. However by the time this army had assembled, the loyal lords under Matyas I and the local knights and levy had also assembled at the capital, numbering over 40,000 men with more than half being skilled fighters.

Ludan I was aware that this was a perilous situation, which would lead him to make one of the most important decisions in Gresiy history, changing the course of time. Knowing he was outnumbered and mostly outskilled, Ludan I would position his army on one side of the Dnieper, and would raze over a hundred villages to the ground in retribution for the Dnieper's refusal to join the Confederation. Ludan would also dispatch raiding parties, ordering them to destroy every bridge across the Dnieper save for one, Beleki Bridge in the town of Valslav, in order to funnel the Dnieper army into a slaughter. Local militias and armed villagers, in a display of resistance, would block the bridges and attack the raiding parties, causing further devastation in the region and more casualties.

Running out of time and having failed to destroy the bridges, Ludan I would then send scouts to screen him as he once again repositioned his army, this time setting up camp near the town of Pyekovka, where he would await a chance to act. Three days later, he was notified that Matyas I's army had linked up with the militias in the area and was marching toward them, about a week away. This meant that battle was inevitable, and that the fate of Gresnaya was soon to be decided.

Ludan I got to work immediately, preparing his men and the terrain around him, and then standing to fight against Matyas I's army. The battle itself was brutal (see article: Battle of Pyekovka), however despite the heavy casualties Ludan I would be victorious against the Dnieper. This crushing defeat, which included the death of Matyas I and several prominent nobles, prompted the new king, Yanek I, to sign peace terms granting the Confederation all lands south of the Dnieper river, the richest provinces of the Dnieper, and forcing the remainder to dismantle castles on the border of the river. This treaty, the Treaty of Pyekovka, ended the first unification war.

Third Unification War (April 1412-July 1415)

After nine years of peace following the second war of unification, Gresnaya would once again be thrown into warfare and destruction following a political crisis which tore the Confederation and the Duchy of the Dnieper apart once again. Yanek I, whom had grown further and further belligerent towards Ludan I after the signing of the peace treaty nine years ago, had recently died at a very young age under suspicious circumstances. Due to the political climate at the time, the state was thrown into a succession crisis, as Yanek I had no sons and assassination ordered by the Confederation was suspected. A prominent nobleman with maternal ties to the royal family, Jonas Velekjemarl, raised his armies with the support of most of the eastern nobility, and marched on the capital Dnieperpetrovsk, seizing the royal palace and proclaiming himself the Duke of the Dnieper. In response, and in anger, Ludan I would raise his armies and declare his support for the very pro-unification Osilov Meken, which further confirmed Dnieper suspicions of Confederate involvement in Yanek I's assassination. In response to this, many of the more minor claimants and the yet-declared nobles would raise their banners in support of Jonas I, marching out with 44,000 men against the 23,000 men commanded by Ludan I.

The two armies would meet in the Battle over the Dnieper, which saw men drown in the river, slaughtered by the Confederates, and even saw many burned alive in front of Dnieperpetrovsk after the battle. Once again, the Dnieper had suffered a major defeat against the Confederate army, losing more than two-thirds of their own army in the process. However, unlike his predecessor, Jonas did not capitulate. Instead, in defiance, he emptied the Duchy's finances, hiring over ten thousand mercenaries and raising a further twenty thousand peasants, stopping the duchy's economy and incredibly damaging it due to lack of a work force. This new makeshift army of 30,000 men then marched to cut off the Confederate advance, and won a miraculous victory at the Battle of Olana.

The victory at Olana would force both sides to retire from campaign for the year, and the next year saw political turmoil in the Confederacy, preventing the Confederates from invading that year and granting the Duchy time to recuperate. But, in 1414, the war resumed, with Ludan I, having settled the political issues at home, raising his army once more to try and end the Unification war once and for all.

In June of 1414, Ludan I crossed the Dnieper with his army and laid siege to Dnieperpetrovsk, burning the surrounding lands and mass executing anybody he captured while doing so. These bodies were launched into the walls of the city in one of the first recorded instances of biological warfare, and this tactic caused repeated outbreaks of disease, notably cholera, which severely depleted the city's ability to resist. Unable to face Ludan I's army in open battle and therefore unable to lift the siege, Jonas bided his time in the city of Yokarska, which he'd been ruling from due to Dnieperpetrovsk's proximity to the Confederation. The siege dragged on until January of 1415, when the city finally surrendered. Once Ludan I's army had burnt the city to the ground and looted it clean, they then marched towards Yokarska.

Without any other choice, Jonas I shut his gates to the masses running from the carnage, with thousands of people stuck outside the gates of the castle and begging for him to let them in. This incredibly tragic scene would last for days, but once Ludan I arrived, there was no hope. His men set up siege lines, and as the defenders watched the civilians trapped between the armies slowly starving and dying in droves as they begged for mercy, it was too much. In July of 1415, Jonas surrendered, and the war was over.

The rest of the duchy was annexed into the Confederation, with a randomly selected noble gaining the title of Duke over the duchy and many of the prominent local lords being replaced with lords loyal to the Confederation. The damage done to the Dnieper duchy was immense, with over a million people having been killed or displaced and over seventy million modern-day royals of damage done to the land. It would permanently affect the region, which can be seen today as the area in the modern day is not as developed as the historical lands of the Confederation, sparing several cities such as Dnieperpetrovsk and Yokarska, which recovered quickly.

The Federation is Formed

Following the end to the war, a meeting was called between all the dukes and King Ludan I, whom now had to handle the issue of integration. The Duchy of the Dnieper was still considered a legal domain, which granted it several autonomous privelages and the right to a seat on the Council of Lords according to the Gresiy Constitution. On top of this, the damage done by the war had caused a massive economic hit to the region, which would need to be repaired should the region's previous prosperity and trade networks be restored. During this meeting, several of the dukes raised the prospect of reforming the nation into a Federation, with there being no king, and instead a 'Ducal College' would rule over the nation. Ludan I liked this idea, but strongly opposed the prospect of abolishing the Crown. A federation would show the Duchy of the Dnieper that the Confederation was on their side, keeping the people there calm and keeping unrest at bay, but would also further unify the duchies under the confederation economically, politically and militarily, allowing a more-unified Gresiy state to fend off any neighboring threats such as a potential resurgent Mesogeia, or a second Bayarid invasion, or any other possible threat that could appear. Furthermore, formation of a Federation would also prevent any widespread instability as long as the proper institutions were maintained, securing Ludan I's realm. Due to these considerations, on April 4th of 1415, Ludan I signed the Unification Proclamation, marking the birth of the Gresnayan Federation.

Early Federation

The rule of the kings of the Federation, which would last from 1415 to 1798, would be the most stable and prosperous period in Greznea's history prior to its rise in the modern day.

Reign of Cantomir I

The first King of the Gresiy, King Cantomir I Antonu, who was elected and coronated in late 1415, is considered to be a key factor in the Federation's lasting success and its capability against the larger powers around it that coveted it. Early into his reign, Cantomir I would sign the Beredino Charter alongside the Ducal College, establishing a parliamentary system of government with the King acting as the head of state and government, however beholden to the Royal House of Lords, comprised of the Ducal College, the College of the Clergy, and the College of Mayors. The charter as a whole would grant the dukes a portion of the power they had sought to have from the established institution of the Gresnayan crown during the independence war and unification wars in 1400 and 1401.

A portrait of King Cantomir I, painted by Jeanik Pertanej, a famous Gresiy artist

the Federation would also see the economy halt its decline under the reign of Cantomir I, due to investment into agricultural output and the reorganization of tax collection, irrigation infrastructure, and the promotion of artisanship in the urban zones of the Federation, helping increase food output as a whole to free up more of the population and more of the people's time as a whole for specialization and military training. This, along with the construction of sentry stations along highways and toll stations on the bridges over the Vitula and Dnieper, would finally see the decline of the treasury and the Crown's income as a whole come to a halt, and begin a slow but consistent regrowth, with the foundation for an economic boom should future Kings manage the economy well.

In 1452, at the age of 61, Cantomir I would address the Ducal College on the topic of succession. Cantomir I had no male heir of his own, however he had a daughter with his late wife, named Stephania. As Gresiy law barred any female from being elected to the throne, and only those of high noble blood could be elected, Stephania was not eligible. However, Cantomir I was popular among his dukes and the dukes wished to keep his family line on the throne, and so with the rubber stamp of the Ducal College, Stephania would be named heir to the throne.

In 1453, only a year after Cantomir I had settled the matter of his succession, a coalition of mayors in the north demanded that a cousin of Cantomir I, Vladomar Antonu, be declared the heir instead of Stephania, seeing a male cousin as more legitimate than a daughter of the King. Upon Cantomir I's refusal, they would rise up in rebellion and lay siege to Andevin Castle, along the Vitula river. Cantomir I would immediately raise an army of over twenty thousand men to meet the five thousand fielded by the mayors, and would march to crush them. Cantomir I would decisively defeat the mayors at the Battle of Andevin in late 1454, and this would dissuade other potential acts of rebellion against Stephania's succession.

In 1474, at age 83, Cantomir I would pass away in the middle of the night from a heart failure, attended by only his wife, daughter, and his closest friend, the Duke of Akranya. The morning of his passing, the Ducal College would announce to the public the death of the King, and this announcement was met with widespread grief and mourning by the populous, as Cantomir I was extremely popular due to his reforms. In this same speech, the Ducal College would announce their decision to honor his wishes, and place Stephania on the throne of Greznea.

Reign of Stephania I

Stephania's early reign was fraught with chaos and tensions, not only due to the nature of her coronation. In August of 1475, the nearby Velikoslavian Empire would be proclaimed, and Stephania I would respond to this by ordering the construction of several keeps along the Vitula river, and the construction of a large castle, named later the Redglass Row due to the red-tinted glass in every row of windows, on the border with Velikoslavia near the Vitula's east crossing. This investment was met with resistance by the colleges of the Royal House of Lords, with Duke Barviejicz V of Celohay famously stating, "Whom of this noble House of Lords advised you, my queen, to treat the Veliks as a conqueror without a state conquered?"

Portrait of Queen Stephania I, unknown artist

In 1481, as Stephania turned 60, the House of Lords would be thrown into disarray as the Queen suddenly died during the annual dinner conference held by the Ducal College. Many of the sitting Dukes were implicated in her death, and for two weeks the Federation would be without a monarch as the Ducal College scrambled to figure out why the Queen had died so suddenly. Ultimately, they would never produce a culprit for the death, and would decide on it being an attempt by Velikoslavia to weaken Greznea for conquest. This was used to pass over Stephania's eldest son Brata, whom was sympathetic to Velikoslavia, in favor of her grandson through her second son, Luka. Luka, only 15 years old, was not of age to rule independently, and so the Ducal College took over rulership and administration under the law of Regency.

Reign of Luka I & Ascension of the Naskovics

During the Regency in 1481-1484, the Ducal College had more power than they had ever possessed during the reigns of previous monarchs, and this was not lost on them. In February of 1482, as the Velikoslavians began to get more powerful, the Dukes would pass the Act of Aggression, granting themselves the power to dismiss the members of the other colleges and replace them, and granting themselves the power to reorganize the state's system of military. Once the dukes had the legal foundation in place, they would pass the Charter of the Star in August of the same year, changing the military system from one of levies and feudal armies, to one of a smaller but professional and organized standing military commanded by the Ducal College and the Crown. During these reforms, Luka I, a belligerent boy at age 16, would continuously and publicly contest the power the Dukes were granting themselves, resisting his regency and refusing to sign off on any of the legislation passed by the House of Lords, despite his signature not fully mattering.

In 1484, Luka I would turn 18, and as such would be coronated as King in the Royal Palace. The day after his coronation, Luka would order the dissolution of the Ducal College and the acts of his predecessors, and would instead pass the Act of the Crown, centralizing the powers of the House of Lords to the Crown instead, and instating absolute rule. The act would also abolish the electoral system, and these reforms would be widely condemned by the dukes, the clergy, and even the people. This would spark unrest across Greznea, and Luka I would utilize the professional army organized by the Ducal College during his regency to crush revolt after revolt by the mayors and the peasants. However, all of this chaos would eventually boil over.

Portrait of King Brata I, unknown artist

In 1491, the Dukes of the Dnieper, Celohay, Akranya, and Juzevic (modern-day Vmegorsk) would proclaim the reign of Luka I illegitimate due to him being born from the son of a Queen, which was technically still illegal in Greznean succession laws, and would enter open rebellion against the Crown. Commanding forty thousand soldiers, a third of the Federation's army, the dukes would proclaim their support for the most powerful of them, Duke Brata IX Naskovic of Akranya, and his claim to the throne through the wife of Cantomir I, Brata's great great aunt. This claim, although blatantly hypocritical, was supported by the less powerful dukes, mayors and clergymen of Luka I's court, and the King was forced to abdicate the throne four days after the rebellion began, on September 4th of 1491, after the Captain of the Watch in Beredino stormed the palace and took Luka I captive. Two days later, on September 6th, King Brata I Naskovic of Greznea would be coronated before the cheering crowds of the capital.

Reign of Brata I

After his ascension to the throne of Greznea in 1491, Brata I would face several pressing issues threatening the federation. As part of his deal with the dukes, he would reinstate the powers of the House of Lords and reinstate it as a legitimate branch of government, undoing the damage Luka I had done during his brief reign. With their power restored, the Ducal College would appoint Brata I's cousin, Vladislav Naskovic, as Vlad II of Akranya, preventing a power struggle in the powerful duchy that could lead to instability for the Crown.

The powerful Velikoslavia, north of Greznea, was also a notable issue for Brata I's reign as King. Fearful of a Velik invasion, Brata I would invest numerous times into the defensive structures of the Vitula River, intent on creating a barrier between him and the Veliks that could keep the nation safe from conquest.

In 1504, Brata I would enact the Grain Act of 1504, which established a system to distribute grain reserves to the most destitute of Greznea, and which opened up a second military service, the Viskovar, which consisted of paid peasants trained in formation discipline and armed with cheap tools of war. This service would be used for logistics and as emergency manpower should the professional army be too small a force to handle any given crisis.

Reign of Bran II

The first three years of Bran II's reign as King was spent under the heavy hand of the Lord Attendant appointed by his father, Boyar Artr Posnicov. Posnicov was a harsh ruler, and often overstepped the limits set by the Ducal College, especially when he revoked the grain act in 1526. Although he was not yet of age to rule, Bran II was already a capable speaker and was smart for his age, allowing him to start working behind his regent's back much like King Ludan I did decades before him. This time, however, Bran was more subtle, and instead used promises and speeches behind closed doors to garner the support of the Ducal College, eventually convincing them to consistently thwart Posnicov's legislations at every turn.

This opposition to his acts, alongside the belligerence of his charge and his unpopularity, caused Posnicov to pass the Second Act of the Crown in early 1527, a duplicate act of King Ludan's Act of the Crown. This consolidation of power further convinced the Ducal College of his treachery, and in retaliation the Ducal College would pass the Act of Aggression once more, justifying the act by accusing Posnicov of committing high treason against the Crown and against his charge, Bran II. Posnicov denied these accusations, and in response the Ducal College demanded Posnicov attend a trial in the Palace of Lords, or be given a default verdict of guilty, and be removed from his regency, which would put Bran II in power early. Posnicov refused to attend, and instead ordered the capital's city watch to arrest the dukes, and brought 200 men from the royal army to the Palace of Lords on February 4 of 1527, barring all access to it until the Dukes were captured and tried. Bran II was escorted by 20 more of the King's men from the Palace of Lords toward the Royal Palace, however en route, a group of 50 men, bearing the royal colors, attacked and killed Bran's escorts, capturing him and bringing him to the Castle Biurni outside the city. This buildup of tensions would erupt in the Second Rebellion of the Council in March, and by April, Posnicov had been captured and had been named a traitor to the Crown, and sentenced to death. Bran II was 17 at this time, and due to the outcome of the rebellion he was brought to St. Mikhael's Church early, and was coronated as King in front of a crowd of cheering onlookers.

Bran II was popular with the people of Gresnaya, especially during the rebellion, and this gave him a lot of operating room. Bran II would order the Ducal College to rescind the Act of Aggression following his coronation, which was done, and in its place Bran would propose a revision to the Ducal Charter, integrating the Act of Aggression into it, however also revising the act itself and adding two addendums to the Charter, all of which would give him a more solidified position as King, and a broader range of powers. Bran would immediately set to the use of these powers, restoring the Grain Act and expanding it, establishing the 1529 Schools Act, and most notably establishing the Paid Peasantry Act, granting a minimal salary of pay to laborers in exchange for their enlistment as reserves in the Royal Army, bypassing the reforms of his predecessors and once more allowing the Crown to raise levies in times of war.

The Paid Peasantry Act and the Schools Act would end up causing minor rifts with the nobility, but would skyrocket his popularity with the people, and due to the political climate of the time in Belisaria, these reforms also encouraged immigration from other countries, vastly spiking the nation's overall population and its production ability. This snowballed into increased levels of specialization and artisanship, increased levels of trade and commerce, and increased production of raw resources and most importantly, a heightened production of food. All of these rapid economic improvements, encouraged by further, more minor reforms passed by Bran, would bring widespread prosperity and enrichment to the nation, which gave Bran the foundation he needed to begin looking outside of Gresnaya's borders in 1540.

In 1540, as Velikoslavia continued expanding, and as Mesogeia continued its inconsequential years, King Bran would begin negotiating with the Mesogeians, arranging a marriage between his young daughter and a Mesogeian prince, securing the Mesogeian Empire as a major Gresnayan ally. Using the increased and plentiful incomes the Crown received due to his reforms, Bran would then invest a vast sum of money into the Royal Army, increasing the quality of their equipment and training, and expanding their numbers from 35,000 men and 10 guns to 50,000 men and 25 guns. Bran would also pass the first defense charter in Gresiy history, the Charter of the Crown's Security, which granted the Royal Army the power to absorb the retinues of the Dukes in the nation, and allowed the Royal Army to station men in the lands of the Dukedoms. Bran would also invest into the construction of a canal, running along the border of the Kupalnitsa Crossing territory and connecting the Vitula to the Periclean Sea. However, this project would fall through after several Dukes refused to allow the construction and as many in the area protested being cut off from the territory, as it was widely considered as a de-jure Gresiy territory at the time.

Having secured Mesogeian support and having expanded the military, Bran would then establish the Royal Army's first rifle regiments, converting several thousand infantry into riflemen and re-organizing the army into a more modernized force, training new tactics and doctrines into it in order to effectively utilize their improvements.

King Bran would die on his 70th birthday in 1580 from a heart failure early in the morning, and reportedly his last words, which he allegedly spoke to his son upon his arrival to his father's summons, were: "May I be forgiven by God, for I have ruled with both virtue and sin. My son, I pray you reign with His blessings." As Bran was especially devout, an Aletheic priest was present at his death to present to him his final rites before his passage. The priest heard his words to his son, and as Bran died, the priest allegedly ended his rites by saying 'God may forgive you, for you reigned in His name, and carried His will, no matter how cruel or kind it be." Bran allegedly smiled at this, and then passed away a minute later.

Bran's death was announced later that same morning to the public alongside the coronation of his son, and during his funeral, hundreds of thousands came from all over the country to witness the event and to mourn his death. His son would maintain and solidify his reforms, and long after his death they would still be in place, making him almost as consequential as Cantomir I Antonu.

Late Federation

The later years of the federation, those that came before the Thirty Years War and the rise of military rule, saw the beginning of the end for parliamentarianism and constitutional monarchy in the Federation, and the beginnings of reactionary ideals.

Reign of Brata III

In 1680, the famous King Brata III, also known as 'Brata the Kind', began with a proverbial bang. Shortly after his coronation as King, Brata III would address the Ducal College, giving his famous speech of lies, the transcript of which is still intact to this day. This speech would declare to the Ducal College the vulnerability that the mayors and lower lords, coupled with decentralized rule, had brought to the Federation because of the expanding Velikoslavian Empire in the north, and declared to the dukes that his reign would see centralization, the creation of an organized ducal Parliament, and the expansion of the military to counter Velikoslavia.

painting of King Brata III, unknown artist

As part of his plan to stay true to his promises, Brata III would order the seizure of thousands of acres of lowborn-owned land in 1683, which he would then redistribute to the Dukes of the Ducal College and, where needed, to the nation's high-status Clergy. A large portion of this land would also be kept by the Crown for its high revenue and general land value, increasing annual income of the royal treasury and providing some of the foundation needed to expand the Federation's professional military. The seizure of all this land would greatly infuriate local nobility in several of the duchies, however due to the military reforms of Brata III's father, Ianton I, these local lords were pratically powerless, and so no revolts occurred as a result of the appropriation of land.

In 1702 Brata III would also pass several reforms with the approval of the Ducal College, expanding the food programs granted to the poor and creating a national labor force which provided paid jobs for the poor and destitute. This new act combined with the Grain Act passed in 1504 would be one of the most effective social welfare programs in Greznean history, seeing tens of thousands of the poor lifted out of poverty.

Reign of Brata IV before the Thirty Years War

The last King of Greznea, King Brata IV Naskovic, would begin in August of 1752. Brata IV would be crowned during a time of turmoil for the Federation, in which the threat of Velikoslavia had become so intense that it was now a matter of prime importance for the Crown and Ducal College. This, combined with the expansion of more republican policies during the later years of his father, had also sparked reactionary unrest in the east of the Federation, and a portion of the military was sympathetic. Brata IV's first act as King was to order the arrest of all known collaborators with the Reactionaries, and the officialization of the short-lived Gresiy Parliament, comprised of half nobility and half peasantry.

Portrait of Brata IV, painted in 1782 by painter Kievom Matad.

In 1768, due to an influx of reports detailing the Velikoslavian intent to invade Greznea, King Brata IV would declare a state of emergency to the Parliament, temporarily granting himself unchecked power, allowing him to raise extra men, cut the incomes of the Dukes for the war effort, and allowing him to absorb the retinues of the dukes into the army of the Crown. All of these acts, along with his appointment of famously-lowborn Commander Vitaly, a competent but lowborn tactician from his court, would spark the beginning of the Reactionary Revolt. Thousands of peasants, supported by several hundred former crown soldiers, rose up in rebellion in the east in 1770, and King Brata IV would ride with his army out to crush the rebel force. Two days later, Velikoslavia would invade, and the War of the Coalition would begin.

War of the Coalition

See Also: Thirty Years War

Military Rule

Military rule in Gresnaya would last from 1798 until 2001, an overwhelming 200 years of reign over the country, however the regime would only become the kind that the world knows it as in the late 1900s.

Early Junta

In 1798, shortly after the coup that put them in power, the Republican General's Council, the new governing body of Gresnaya until a new, more traditionalist ruler could be installed, dissolved the Gresnayan constitution and revoked the Ducal rights, creating the openings needed to centralize the state, but greatly angering the dukes in the process. Due to Gresnaya's damaged state, caused by the Thirty Years War, the dukes were not as strong as they needed to be to resist the new government, however in 1799 they would still organize an armed revolt against the government, however ultimately they would be defeated by the much better organized Republican army, and the Council would seize their lands and titles as a punishment for the uprising, destroying the system of nobility in Gresnaya for good.

This act greatly angered the most prominent anti-Monarchist councilor, Viktar Maleskenayov-Kitrat, whom had consistently advocated for himself to be elevated as the new ruler of Gresnaya, hoping to fully dissolve the system of Monarchy and instead install a more sturdy military government. He had considerable backing within the council, however as none of the moderates were willing to support him, he did not have enough to push his proposal through the council and into action.

As a result, Viktar would order those loyal to him to abstain on every vote the council held, which prevented major votes from passing and caused political deadlock that the nation couldn't be freed from. Due to the deadlock, combined with the fear of an invasion by the Ludic republic to the north, pushed the military to side with Viktar, whom promised to fight to keep the coup in power should any foreign nation attack. Viktar was also popular with the people, however, as he would frequently use his personal funds to finance social programs such as expanding the Grain Act and granting subsidies for early industrialization within the nation, greatly helping Gresnaya in the long term.

In 1805, after several years of patient campaigning and political lobbying, Viktar would confront the council. He ordered the military to seize control of the Royal Palace and arrest the council, and he led the march into the council chamber in the middle of the night, which enraged the remaining members of government. Viktar would have the council shot in the streets by his men, and that morning he proclaimed himself the Commissioner of Gresnaya.

Viktar was not particularly popular with the people, with notable artist Metenik Dobrudja even creating a mocking sculpture of him in 1821, but despite his unpopularity Viktar would, in the long run, be one of the most influential rulers of the nation. He abolished the serf system in the nation, instituted military reform and reorganization to match the rapidly advancing nature of warfare, expanded the trade sector of the nation, and even promoted the expansion of education in the nation during his reign. In 1860, however, Viktar would die of lung cancer, and his nomination, Commissioner Patarik, would become the new ruler.

Birth of Liberalism

As the Junta began to age, the people of Gresnaya, often utilizing the newly-established Kratovaca Newspaper, followed closely the developments in Ludvosiya, and the republican ideals it was spreading across East Belisaria. Many people knew about the Ludvosiyan's aggressive spread of their revolution by this point, however many favored the junta to the republican system of Ludvosiya, seeing the dictatorship as much more secure and beneficial to them.

However, in late 1864, a prominent immigrant from Ludvosiya, a man named Vladimir Obrushkovo, would rise to prominence in northern Gresnaya. Vladimir had for a long time preached to his community the ideas of liberalism and the freedoms and privileges it gave, and it had gained traction as the Junta continued to expand the military and as its diplomatic ties across Belisaria began to decline due to the differing ideologies between the Junta and its monarchist neighbors. This political decline, accompanied with military expansion, lack of rights for the people, and a neighboring nation with plenty of rights, stirred the beginnings of Liberalism within Gresnaya.

The Ludic War

See: The Ludic War

Liberalism spreads

By the year 1882, Liberalist ideals had fully risen to prominence in Gresnaya, with a prominent organization known as the Democratic Unionist Movement growing rapidly and now having significant influence over the local governors of the northern provinces. The outspoken membership of the DUM was largely composed of university students, workers, soldiers, and other young adults who related far more with liberalist ideas than those of the traditionalist government. This friction between the two political groups caused an outbreak of protests from 1882 to 1890, and these protests and riots caused the exponential growth of liberalism in the nation as more people were drawn to the scenes unfolding across the nation.

In April of 1890, the Commissioner, Commissioner Atator Viskim, signed legislation banning the expression of liberalism across the nation and marking the DUM as an illegal political group, warranting their arrest by the constabulary. This act sparked massive riots, including in the capital, with a record 155,000 people rioting in the streets of Masavija.

Radicalization of the Government

As rioting against the government worsened significantly, and as the DUM gained more and more traction with the military, the Commissioner would begin to worry about his position. He could sense the way the wind was blowing, and knew some kind of coup would be on the way. His suspicions were confirmed however in late November of 1891 when one of his aides, a man named Temas Visebic, notified him of a conspiracy to depose him within the military. The organizers of the conspiracy, several lieautenants in the Federal Guard, the capital's defense garrison, quickly found out about their secret being bust as the Commissioner issued the warrants for their arrests, and the constabulary began tearing apart the capital in search for them, which the population resisted through rioting.

Having to act quickly, the Federal Guard, numbering two divisions of 4,000 men total, marched to the Royal Palace and laid siege, seizing the rest of the city and skirmishing with constables in the streets of Beredino as they attempted to seize control of the nation. However, the remainder of the army was on the side of the Junta, and so when the General-Commissar of the army received word of the ongoing coup, he marched 12,000 men to the capital and confronted the Federal Guard. An intense battle would ensue, with many civilians and soldiers alike dying in the crossfire, but by the time the Battle of Beredino was over, the conspirators had been put down, the ringleaders arrested, and the seeds planted for Invictism to spread.

Late Military Rule

Prelude to the Coup

By the year 1974, Gresnaya, under the oppressive regime of the new Diktator Oldevic, had suffered diplomatic tragedy after another, a million deaths after a million deaths, and the use of oppressionist, criminal policies that returned Gresnaya's civil progression back to the Ducal period from over a millenia before. Workers were tied to their workplaces, governors held a lot of power, and the National Assembly, the central political body of the nation, had no power and always ratified whatever the Diktator ordered it to. Many nations internationally were opposed to the regime, which to a large degree isolated the nation as well, limiting its economic growth and causing it to fall behind the nations around it, especially in social policies.

The people of Gresnaya, by this point in time, had become completely separated from the Junta regime, with the vast majority, an estimated 99.3% of people, being either moderates or liberalist-leaning by the year 1970. Oldevic maintained complacency with a powerful military and armed constabulary, but by this point, the tides were beginning to turn.

In 1978, the DUM began to gain supporters in the constabulary of northern territories, and soon the law was not being enforced in the north, and with the government losing their grip Oldevic ordered the mobilization of the miliatry, hoping to stop any secessionist movement or attempted coup by the DUM. He would never get to see this through, as one of his personal bodyguards would shoot him while he bathed, killing him instantly and forcing the country to select a new diktator.

In December of 1978, Diktator Vasiliori rose to power after being selected by the National Assembly as the newest ruler. This was met with widespread condemnation and anger by the international community, as Vasiliori had always proclaimed he favored a second cleansing of the Romani people, of Mesogeians, Ludics, any ethnicity other than Gresnayan. This standpoint, along with his execution of 500 beloved politicians, cultural icons, and even military staff in 1992, plus his pattern of removing skilled leaders in favor of loyal ones, greatly angered the populous, and due to his weak control over the military, the junta was about to die.

2001 Flower-Flag Coup

The 2001 Flower-Flag coup took place from the 3rd of February 2001 to the 13th of February 2001, after the Military regime ruling over Greznea at the time attempted to remove the Chief of the Air Force, Viktor Sormata, from his office and replace him with the regime hardliner Gregor Aprio, who had no prior experience in the air force, nor was even a commissioned officer, but instead a politician who had expressed public and fanatical support of the regime. Viktor Sormata was a political moderate, and publicly so, and had only held onto his office due to his experience as a commander. However, the recently-elected dictator at the time however believed that Sormata would depose him, and so wished to replace him with a loyalist. This triggered the beginnings of the coup.

On the 2nd of February, Sormata reportedly met with several major leaders of the Greznean Democratic Movement, which was a pro-democracy movement that had many followers in the lower echelons of the ground forces, such as with junior officers and lieutenants. This would give Sormata a major support system for his planned stand against the junta, as he was scheduled to leave office on the 5th. These meetings would be where he allegedly met Mikhaeli Nyakorovod, a former Army general and an avid democratic supporter whom Sormata would choose as his candidate for a new leader, should the worst be necessary.

At 5:24 AM on the 3rd of February, the Greznean dictator, Ivan Vasiliori, officially charged Sormata with treason and collaboration with terrorist activists, marking him as a criminal and ordering for him to be detained and brought to the capital for a hearing in the rigged National Tribunal. In a public statement an hour later, Sormata would refuse the demand that he appear at the capitol, and would instead affirm that he would not leave office. This was met with the resignation of seven Army and Air Force commanders who opposed the regime, who wished to protest the charges. Three hours later, the Greznean Air Force National Headquarters building in Beredino was stormed by federal policemen, and gunshots were heard as the building's guard detail resisted the raid. This would end in several dead federal officers, and the official beginning of the coup-de-etat.

On the 4th of February, several Army garrisons across the capital and other major cities such as Karnograd and Veleka deserted their posts and seized the administrative buildings and police stations in the city, neutralizing the federal government and restricting their ability to resist the coup. The police forces of these major cities were detained or joined the coup, and soon the flag of the Democratic Movement, the modern-day flag of Greznea, was raised above these cities to the amazement of tens of thousands of onlookers. The distinctive orchid flower on the flag, representing peace and unity, would give the coup-de-etat its name among the public: The Flower-Flag Coup.

Army soldiers secure the streets nearby the Karngrata City Hall, 4 February 2001

Dictator Vasiliori would respond to the sudden mutiny by deploying the Home Guard to the capital and major strategic positions across the country, prepping for civil war. He would also order the arrest and execution of thousands of political dissidents that informants had notified him of within the army and air force. However, the local police department would refuse and instead help these dissidents flee the city.

On the 5th of February, the day Sormata was supposed to publicly resign from his office, several soldiers from the Army stormed the National Tribunal building in Beredino, detaining several staff members and killing 24-year-old Justice Anton Borja, one of the few justices who had voted against the charges on Sormata. He would have the soldiers arrested to save face, and executed by firing squad after a court-martial. This incident would soon trigger a response different from what Vasiliori expected, as thousands of people cheered Sormata on for his adherence to democracy, even when something happens that could grant him substantially more power.

Gi-24s, seen from the ground, flying over Dniepropetrovsk. 5 February 2001

After the death of Justice Anton, The capital would finally be surrounded after a deal was struck with the Home Guard by Sormata, promising amnesty for all members and promising that the HG officers would be integrated into the new government, if they in return step down from their duties and leave the country open for the incoming final blow to the junta. The HG had agreed, and so a majority of the important strategic positions in the country were now occupied by the conspirators.

On the morning of February 6th, at 4:00 AM, Sormata would give a speech in Boscora Square, urging Vasiliori to step down and not resist the now-official coup, and urging the populace to remain calm and stay indoors should conflict erupt. The address also promised that the coup was for Democracy, and that the nation would be declared a Republic should the coup succeed, gaining the ongoing conspiracy abundantly more support across the nation. Many civilians would follow instructions, and soon the major cities of Greznea had empty workplaces and streets, causing the economy to all but freeze in time as the final move began.

Massive crowds gather at the square as Sormata gives his speech. 6th February 2001

On the 7th of February, the first phase went into action. The air force declared a no-fly zone above the nation and flew air patrols as helicopters airlifted special forces to the South Point National Airbase, Viktoria Air Force Academy, and the cities Balakov, Misciu and Dnieperpetrovsk, all locations that were still under the control of the federal government. Special forces under the command of Mikhaeli Nykarovod himself stormed the capitol building an hour after the last federal holdouts were seized by the Air Force, having a brief encounter with police forces in which Mikhaeli took a bullet wound to his thigh, before the building was secured. Vasiliori would be airlifted out of Beredino during the storming, and relocated to the Navy headquarters in the city, as the Navy was still pro-Regime. The Marine Corps would surround the building and set up a defensive line, clearly intent on fighting. Army forces in IFVs, APCs and accompanied by several tanks would lay siege to the building, surrounding it and cutting it off from the rest of the city as Army units began patrolling the capital and maintaining law and order.

On the 8th of February, the Minister of Foreign Affairs would be captured by coup soldiers while trying to disguise himself as a civilian and escape the city for the Beredino airport, intent on fleeing the country. This would grant the Coup significant leverage, as the minister was one of the most staunch pro-regime politicians, and his attempted flight accented the hopeless situation the regime faced.

On the 9th of February, after an intense two-day stand-off between Coup and Regime forces, a major development would swing the course of the coup briefly into a possible breakout of armed conflict. Several marines, under cover of the night, would assault and seize a checkpoint building outside the headquarters base, and would raise the regime flag above it. Twenty minutes later, intense gunfire would be heard as a battle erupted around the crossing, as control of it allowed the regime access to the rest of the city. This battle would last about two hours before the crossing was recaptured and the marines in question captured or killed.

A smoke pillar caused by a destroyed APC rises above the navy headquarters in Beredino. 9 February 2001

On the tenth of February, the coup would finally end as the Army and Air Force stormed the headquarters after backroom negotiations broke down, and the attempt at peaceful resolution failed. The fighting would prove intense and bloody, and would be the only major battle to occur, however after four hours, the building was seized, and Vasiliori captured. Vasiliori would be brought to a court for an official trial, which was televised across the nation as news came out about the coup's success. Mikhaeli, who had formed a friendship with Sormata and who had led the attack on the navy headquarters, would be selected as the interim president for symbolic reasons.

Democratic Rule

Following the successful coup-de-etat, Sormata would elevate his close friend and confidant, Mikhaeli Nykarovod, to the office of Provisional Secretary, a position entirely meant to prevent any immediate reaction. Sormata himself would be appointed as the temporary Acting Chief of Staff, and the pair set out to prevent Greznea from collapse. During the next two years, hundreds of trials were held in Beredino, charging several prominent pro-regime officials of heinous crimes, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, resulting in many government positions being vacated due to incarcerations. Many would be executed before the death penalty was removed in 2003. Mikhaeli would also create the National Budget Plan of 2010, declaring the budgetary intentions of his government for the next 9 years. He would also reform the nation's economic system, loosening the restrictions on business and allowing for a total of 4% of all manufacturing industries to be privately owned, encouraging Greznea's transition into a more liberal economy. He would also decrease the nation's tariffs on imports by 3%, and would pledge to do so every year until it reached a total of 2%, from its pre-coup total of 45%. Though his reforms were slow and small in scale for the short term, they were as such to avoid drastic changes, which he knew could devastate the economy and cause a collapse.

Sormata and Mikhaeli would officially declare the creation of the Transitional Government four days after the budget plan was put into place, on February 17th, 2001. This was met with the cheers and applause of millions in the streets of every major Greznean city, and the day would soon be declared The Day of Democracy, a national holiday. However this announcement also brought problems as many pro-regime loyalists of smaller stature were still in the government, and trying to use the election process to their advantage, which forced Mikhaeli to repeatedly postpone the elections.

In August, after the neighboring nation of x began pressuring the international community to condemn the coup and demanded permission to move soldiers into Greznea to restore order, Mikhaeli established the Modern Adaptability Program, which reorganized Greznea's military into a more efficient fighting force, and increased its imports of high-quality foreign weapons by over 25% as part of a rearmament plan. It also saw conscription re-introduced to bolster the number of the defense forces, and saw a 4% budget increase to the military as a whole. This buildup program was also accompanied by Greznea's signing of the x in late August, which guaranteed mutual protection by x and its allies for Greznea. This would greatly frustrate x and other powers' diplomatic efforts in Greznea, securing the nation enough stability for the forseeable future.

Government

The administration of the Republic is currently handled by a transitional government, however this government is fully democratized as of 2022 and currently consists of three bodies: The Office of the President, the National Assembly, and the Court of National Justice. The Office of the President is the main executive body of the government, ruling with the ability to check and balance both the assembly and court, with the ability to overturn their selections, and with the ability to propose and give final ratification to laws passed through the assembly. The President manages the leadership and other positions of every government ministry, and is responsible for commanding the Defense Forces. The President can be removed from power by the assembly should he be charged of a crime, however, but this in practice often does not do anything as the President can overturn the verdict.

President Mikhaeli Nykarovod (right) shakes hands with Minister of Defense Alana Georgiy (left) during her appointment in 2001.

Elections are held every six years, at the end of a presidential term, in which a president can run for up to a fourth term, and in which official political parties can run a candidate for the position. The voting system is simple, with each province collecting and counting votes for each candidate over a one-week period in December, at the end of which a province will announce which candidate has recieved their popular vote, and therefore their voting weight point. The candidate that receives the majority of the provincial votes will win the elections and be sworn in on January 1st of the following year.

National Assembly of the Republic

The Greznean National Hall in Beredino

The National Assembly of the Republic, which is also known by its shorter name, the National Assembly or Senate, is the main legislative body in Gresnaya. The assembly has existed for two hundred years already, having first been founded under the military government in 1801. However, during the militarist regime, the National Assembly had little to no power and was unable to act as a legitimate body of government without the approval of the Commissioner,

Following the 2001 coup, however, the Senate finally became a legitimate body. Mikhaeli Nyakorovod, the interrim president, granted the Senate the ability to challenge the President's decisions to maintain the integrity of the laws and rights enshrined in the constitution, and granted the Senate the full legislative power of a democratic body, requiring a majority vote from the chambers to pass nationwide legislation or ratify new laws.

Provinces

Greznea is composed of 7 provinces and 1 special district, with each province having a governor installed by the president once elected. Each province has an electoral weight of 1, and this weight goes to the candidate with the most votes during the elections. Provinces each have their own local police force and branch of government to administrate them, however the federal government, based in Beredino, takes weight over any decision made by a provincial government if the two decisions conflict.

Map	Name and flag	Administrative centre	Population
File:Attempt 3.jpg A map of major cities and province borders in Gresnaya	Greznean Administrative Provinces
	Akranya Akranya	Karngrata (Karnograd) Kĕrngrata	2,754,809
	Vmegorsk Vmegórškag	Novo Sekavgadu Nóvo Šĕkavgadò	6,000,000
	Dnieper Dnĭpar	Dnieperpetrovsk Dnĭparbĭtrovskay	9,487,000
	Celohay Cĭłakhóyna	Balakov Bĕlakova	7,120,000
	Nyvaya Nĭvĕyĕ	Aletagrata (Aletagrad) Aletagrata	9,307,000
	Aranija-Sestuva Aranija-Sestóva	Masavija Maskavija	3,722,000
	Kachvelika Kĕçvelìka	Misciu Mĭçkìyó	4,070,293
	Greznean Special Districts
	Beredino City Administrative District Bĭryįdĕno grata mĭnaceskaliyu ĕmendó	Beredino Bĭryįdĕno	3,413,000

Education

Education in Greznea is the 5th most extensive ministry in x, with at least 12 billion GR in funding helping support several education programs in Greznea, with the most prominent being the Greznean Disabilities Academic Act of 2005. School through the 12th grade is paid for by the government, and colleges are open to those who graduate college by way of military enrollment, as high school ends at 16 years old, with school beginning at 4 years of age. When graduates are drafted, they are granted a one-year college attendance that lasts from beginning to end of their draft should they wish to attend college, which may help them secure a high-income job once they return home.

Miscielu High School in Beredino

Greznean education typically includes the areas of mathematics, reading, writing, history, science, and physical education, with school days typically being Monday through Thursday, with Friday taken as a grading day for the week and the weekend used for relaxation. Every school day is seven hours long, however it is possible for a student to attend less time should they be granted a special exemption due to a physical or mental disability.

Every Greznean school has a Mental Health center within it, and it takes student's mental stability seriously. High schools have monthly examinations by trained and licensed therapists and psychologists on site to assess the individual student's mental state and diagnose conditions such as depression, ADHD, anxiety disorders, PTSD, and more. Schools often grant students diagnosed with depression or suicidal tendencies a 'Supplementary Credit', usually a high school graduation credit or a minimum grade in all classes, to prevent a student from flunking school due to mental instability. In order to maintain this grant, however, those diagnosed have to attend daily meetings with an in-school therapist and, if suicidal, have to allow themselves to be monitored by a psychiatrist, and have to willingly commit themselves should they survive an attempt.

The numerous fail-safes, exemptions and funding grants that the Education system in Greznea possesses has greatly increased graduation rates and the average employment of the nation, with 95% of students nationally graduating on time, and 72% of those students going on to graduate college. This also has granted Greznea a surprisingly low 1% unemployment rate due to the availability of jobs, whether private or government, and the high standard of education among its citizens.

Healthcare

The healthcare system in Greznea resembles the x model, with insurance companies largely able to determine whether they will cover various services and conditions or not, outside of a select few federal requirements such as coverage of ambulances, coverage of fatal illness and coverage of fatal injury. However, many insurance companies have won lawsuits against them by stipulating that 'Fatal' is not specific, and it is not a defined selection, therefore they are not required to cover some things that are often fatal. This has caused resentment of domestic insurance providers among the population, however with the disparity of wealth between corporate entities and the individual Greznean, along with the price of hospital bills, many Grezneans are unable to sign off of insurance providers, giving insurance companies a firm grip of control on Greznea's people.

St. Pliski-Pitar Hospital in Karngrata, owned by Vatiliski-Byskelewiec United (VBU)

In the past twenty odd years however, the new democratic rulership of Greznea has passed numerous reforms to the healthcare system, such as redefining federal requirements for insurance coverage, raising the minimum percentage of cost coverage insurance providers must meet, and reorganizing the hospital system so insurance companies cannot construct their own health centers under a subsidiary name, instead restricting hospital construction rights to the Ministry of Health. This has greatly improved health conditions for the average Greznean in the past two decades, with an average decrease in hospitalizations of 8%, and a decrease in mortalities in hospital by 19%.

Military

Main Article: Greznean Republican Defense Forces

The Greznean Republican Defense Forces (GRDF) provide stability and security to Greznea and maintain a policy of strict discipline and excellence. Conscription is mandatory across Greznea, and most trainees go through a six-month training program before becoming official members of the defense forces. The Charter of the Defense of Greznea, passed in 2001 only a few weeks after the Flower-Flag Coup, laid out the rules of engagement, rules regarding lethal force, and other stipulations that the defense forces rely upon. The GRDF is currently operating in two international missions.

Foreign Policy

Greznea's foreign policy for years now has focused on three core tenants which must be upheld at all costs: Maintain Greznea's Sovereignty, Maintain Security of Trade, and Maintain the Territory of Greznea. Essentially, the Greznean foreign policy has boiled down to keeping the nation secure and all its assets, territories and policies firmly in their hands. This is due to the nation's numerous historical civil wars and recent worries over intervention against the 2001 coup d'état. The current President of Greznea has stated recently that from 2022 going forward, Greznea will begin pursuing far more extensive and broad diplomatic ties with nations overseas, and will begin to expand its foreign policy goals to include the formation of a sphere of friendly relations around Greznea to maintain the security of the nation through diplomatic means. Greznea has also announced its intention to pursue relations with the Angrast Accord and Kiso Pact.

The current most pressing diplomatic issue for Gresnaya, is the status of the Kupalnitsa Crossing, a portion of territory south of the Vitula owned by Ludvosiya. This territory has been the launching point of several historical invasions and is considered by many to be the biggest geographical weakness of Gresnaya. The area, having a large population of ethnic Gresiy, has recently been contested again by Gresnaya as of 2019, however the newly-elected President Iantonu has taken this to a new height, requesting an international, mediated summit to occur between the East Belisarian nations and Latium, the Belisarian great power, to discuss the final status of the territory.

Demographics

Main article: Ethnic groups in Gresnaya

Ethno-racial groups in Gresnaya
Ethnicity			Percentage
Gresiy			92%
Ludic			4%
Varci			2.3%
Mesogeian			1%
Drevstranian			0.6%
Alaybagiy			0.1%

Culture

Media

Greznea's media is largely state-sanctioned, however a special kind of state sanctioned called 'Regulated Non-Regulation' (in Gresiye: Kheynšilkaragod kheynšilkobodné). This system requires public opinions and articles on certain topics such as vaccinations, politics, and warfare to be posted through state-funded media companies, which are required to research every submitted article and validate their authenticity using information databases compiled by the Department of National Media. If the company can validate claims and information within an article privately written, it can then be submitted into the news as an official article. This system makes it illegal to post about protected topics and your opinion on them without approval from media companies, and this crime is currently punishable with prison sentences and heavy fines.

Media companies report on a wide range of different things, and many media companies are run by foreign journalists and foreign news CEOs, however are still subject to media law in Greznea. The most prominent domestic news company, Danłozaviya Midaĕn Bažrenav [DMB], has a reputation across Greznea for reliability and for being a good source for current news.

Religion

Religion in Gresnaya (2020 Census)

  Nazarism (46.8%)

  Irreligious (32.2%)

   Albanist (2.6%)

  Don't know/notstated (4.4%)

  Other Religions (1.0%)

  Judaism (1.3%)

  [PLACEHOLDER] (11.7%)

Art

Gresiy art, though it has fluctuated in importance and cultural significance, is one of the more prominent parts of historical Gresiy culture and expression. This was especially true during the reign of Cantomir I Antonu, whom founded several schools of art and literature, which allowed Gresiy expressionism and artistic values flourish.

A notable painter during this period, Jeanik Pertanej, is famous for his painting of King Cantomir I and of the famous Battle of Bisleja, which was fought between the Duchy of the Dnieper and the Ducal Confederation, which would later become the Federation. Many of Jeanik's paintings are still known to us today, with many of those still-owned paintings being displayed in the Museum of Historical Arts in Beredino.

Portrait of Metenik Dobrudja by his contemporary and close friend, eventually wife, Liza Mikav.

The works of many famous painters would be rediscovered and their styles adopted by contemporary artists during the artistic renaissance of 1821, which served as a form of expression against the then-militarist government, and as an act of protest for the people of Greznea. This was a crucial time for Gresiy artistic values and the passionate styles many Gresiy artists would use, as thousands of beautiful artistic works were painted and shared to express the emotions of the people due to military rule.

One famous painter from the renaissance of 1821 was Metenik Dobrudja, whom would paint several infamous artworks such as the Lies of the Lord, Red Falcon's Journey, and the Stork's Throne, all of which were secret criticisms of the reactionary government. Metenik is also most infamous for his hand-crafted marble sculpture of the first Commissioner of Greznea, which notably had the man's genitalia depicted as 'rat-like', 'rotten', and 'tainted', and the man's face depicted as 'twisted' and 'deformed'. The sculpture was depicted as being a life-sized sculpture, however the statue was only three feet tall and made in the guise of a dwarf, despite the real Commissioner being of average height and of average appearance. This was made as a brazen insult to the military government, and this sculpture would be Metenik's final artwork, as he was arrested by the Commissioner's constabulary in 1834 and executed by public hanging without trial.

Economy

The Greznean Economy is the x largest in x, and the x fastest growing on the continent as well. Cultivated for centuries by various governments and considered almost universally as the most important aspect of the nation's stability and security, it has become one of the most well-nursed aspects of Greznea since the formation of the Federation. Greznea's economy largely relies upon its extensive trade networks, domestic production, and rapidly advancing regions of science and medicine, however a major source of income for Greznea is its numerous southern oil and natural gas deposits which it exports at great value. The economy is stated to grow at a rate of 5 percent a year due to the policies and trade networks pursued by Greznea's various governments, which has granted the nation numerous opportunities both domestically and abroad.

National Debt

Due to the government's numerous stimulus programs, budgetary increases, and loans from international banks, the nation's debt has spiked significantly since the coup, going from 41 billion GR in 2001 to 375 billion GR in 2022. Much of this debt has been accrued from extensive investment in the nation's economy, and the rapid growth of debt has caused concern within the Ministry of Finance, which announced a plan in 2020 to cut government spending by 25% by 2025 and encourage increased exports and financial security measures in private companies. The goal is to slow down the rise of debt in the nation, and further stimulate the rapid growth of the economy to match the remaining rate of growth, which will hopefully significantly slow the debt situation in Greznea and prevent a crisis.

Industry and Service

Due to Greznea's lack of raw materials in its territory, Greznea largely relies on profits from manufacturing and agriculture. However, Greznea does possess a large concentration of iron, cobalt, silicon and copper, which it exports alongside its manufactured goods for large profits. The manufacturing industry is dominated by the electronic, vehicle, and pharmaceutical industries, with those three goods making up 45% of Greznea's annual exports, the biggest percentage in the nation. Greznea's economy grows rapidly due to the demand for these goods in many nations across the globe, which has allowed Greznea to have a booming industrial economy with much influence over nations in x due to their reliance on Greznean and x manufacturers.

Energy

Greznea produces a vast quantity of coal and oil power from both domestic and foreign oil and coal imports through pipelines running all over the country, which powers a majority of Greznean households. However, due to the several large rivers located within Greznea, the nation also possesses two major Hydroelectric dams that produce 13% of the nations total power income, with the remainder of clean power income, 24% of total power income, produced by the Vasikayia Nuclear plant in southwest Dnieper. This semi-reliance on foreign coal and oil has seriously jeapordized Greznean geopolitical interests, as this reliance could potentially cause economic damage should countries with parts of the oil pipelines decide to embargo Greznea. Currently, the ratio of income to usage per neighborhood is at a staggeringly low 3:1 GHz, with continuous power outages being experienced in poorer neighborhoods. In order to combat this, Greznea has begun accepting investment from companies in x and other friendly countries to help fund the construction of a second nuclear power plant and several solar power grids across Greznea, with the ultimate goal to reduce production of power by coal and oil to 45% of total income, therefore allowing Greznea to fully power itself without relying on an enemy nation's exports.

Tourism

Greznea possesses countless castles and historical sites across its territory, with a 2020 survey counting a total of 54 castles, 21 villages, 4 major archaeological sites, and 37 still-active culturally significant structures or locations. This has created a large wave of tourism in recent years, as the freedoms granted by the new democracy make it much safer to visit the country. This has resulted in thousands of visitors coming to Greznea as tourists annually, and as a result the tourism indsutry has spiked in the last five years, now accounting for 450 million GR in income for private tourism industries and an estimated 23 million GR in taxes every month to the government.

Transport

Roads

Owing to the nature of Gresnaya's history, its heavy investment into the domestic economy, and its policy of independence above all else, the nation has a wide, well kept, extensive network of highways and branching roads across its territory, connecting every edge of the state to the capital, Beredino. There are major highways running between each major city, with smaller roadways connecting those large highways to the less major towns and cities.

Map of major roads and highways in Gresnaya

Each highway is named for the city it runs from, and each major city typically has three highways stopping in it and one running out from it, although all four would have to and from lanes. For example, the highway running from Beredino to Karnograd is called B-1, and the highway running from Beredino to Misciu is known as B-2. Numbers are decided based on the order they were built.

Air Travel

Gresnaya has one of the more prominent air travel businesses in East Belisaria, with airlines such as Jakelom or Bistrika typically having hundreds of jets in the sky every day, on routes for many different uses such as cargo hauling, passenger transport, fuel tanking, VIP transport, and more.

Gresnaya has the xth highest amount of large airports in East Belisaria, with 9 of those airports being international airports. The largest international airport in the nation as of 2022 is the Beredino International Airport, or BIXX, with an average of 300 flights per day. Due to the higher air traffic over Gresnaya, due to high tourism, flyovers, trade networks and private, corporate flights, Gresnaya is one of the few nations with two dedicated air traffic control organizations. The first one, the Commission of Air Safety and Travel, or CAST, is a domestic, government-run organization that handles the control of private corporate flights, trade flights, tourist flights, and other typical day-by-day activity in the sky. However, the second, the Department of Aerospace Traffic, or DAT, is a military-run organization, part of the Air Defense Command of the defense forces. DAT is tasked with keeping a minimum of twenty-five high-end fighter jets and several helicopters, and is tasked with escorting suspicious flights and non-permitted foreign flights out of Gresiy airspace, escorting diplomatic missions, transporting government officials, and acting as a general aerial police unit.