History of Anahuac

The written history of Anáhuac spans more than three millennia. Anahuac saw the rise and fall of complex indigenous civilizations. Anahuac would later develop into a unique multicultural society. Olivacian history before Thuandian arrival is usually known as the precanterian era or the pre-Thuandian era. Following Anahuac's independence from the Canter Empire in 1811, political turmoil wracked the nation. Quiet, prosperous growth was characteristic in the late 19th century, but two civil wars in the 20th century saw several areas of the nation affected. With calm restored in the 1980s, economic growth was steady while population growth was rapid.

Pre-Canterian civilizations

Main articles: Pre-Canterian Anáhuac and Mesolivacian chronology

The earliest human artifacts in Anáhuac are chips of stone tools found near campfire remains in the Valle de la Calma and radiocarbon-dated to circa 9,000 years ago. While is probably not the first place to have domesticated this cultives, is the site of the domestication of maize, tomato, and beans produced an agricultural surplus. This enabled the transition from Paleo-Indian hunter-gatherers to sedentary agricultural villages beginning around 5000 BC. In the subsequent formative eras, maize cultivation, and cultural traits such as a mythological and religious complex, and a vigesimal (base 20) numeric system, were diffused from the primitive Anahuacan cultures to the rest of the area.

The ruins of the Templo Mayor. Center of modern day San Jorge Xayacatlán.

First complex civilizations in Anáhuac can be traced in the Dizhan culture, which flourished on the southermost part around 400 BC. Dizhan cultural traits diffused through Anáhuac into other formative-era cultures on modern day Lujambio, Senora and the Valle de Laura. Other civilizations that followed during the formative period of the nation were the Tarascans and the Maya't'aan. In the subsequent pre-classical period, the Tarascanians and Dizhans civilizations developed complex centers at Kabah and La Venta, respectively. During this period, the first writing systems were developed in the Epi-Dizhsans and the Maya't'aan cultures. The writing tradition reached its height in the Classic Hieroglyphic script. The earliest written stories date from this era.

After the reformation of the Tarascan Empire into the Tarascan Confederacy, competition ensued between several important political centers in Anáhuac, such as the En Ngixios and the Tlanextlians. Toward the end of the post-Classic period, the Xaliecans eventually estalished themselves as the sole civilization in central Anáhuac to have full political power in the region, giving rise to a political and economic empire based in the city of Jaltenco, extending from said city to the corners of Lake Girón. Civilizations such as the Didxažon and the Maya't'aan would eventually collapse for political unstability or famine. Other civilizations included the Teonulians and the Nguichee arose in coliding areas of the Xalieca Empire, furthering ensuing competence and alliances.

In the years preceding to the Canterian Conquest, the lands of Anáhuac were undergoing a series of perpetual flowery wars between the Holy Alliance (compromised of the Xaliecan Empire and the Empire of Nguichee) against the Tarascan Confederation, En Ngixian Empire and the Tlanextlians for the control of suitable lands in modern-day Tectetán and the Valle de Laura.

Colonization

Main article: Canterian conquest of Anáhuac

Although Olivacia was discovered in 1483, it was until 1519 when Álvaro Morte de Montemayor sighted the shores of the ruined city of Itzatlán, former capital city of the already long gone Didxažon. According to the book Historia verdadera de la expedición a las tierras de Anáhuac, he settled his men in the former ruins and declared the land for the Canterian Empire and named it Santiago de Pascua as the date of its discovery was the traditional holiday of Easter. The subsequent small settlements were built using the stones of the former pyramids.

The beach near Itzatlán, where is believed the Canterians could've landed.

A month after arriving, the food and main resources were on the verge of shortage on the small settlement he met some of the tributaries of the Xalieca and asked them to arrange a meeting with Moctezuma III, the tlatoani of the Xalieca Empire. Moctezuma repeatedly turned down the meeting, but Álvaro was determined. Leaving a hundred men in Santiago de Pascua, he marched on Jaltenco in mid-August 1519, along with 600 soldiers, 15 horsemen, 10 cannons, and hundreds of indigenous carriers and warriors. in the north. The Tlanextilians were the first ones to fought against the Canterians in a series of three battles from 2 to 5 September 1519. After he continued to release prisoners with messages of peace, and realizing the Canterians were enemies of Moctezuma, Xicotencatl the Elder persuaded the Tlanextilian war leader, Xicotencatl the Younger, that it would be better to ally with the newcomers than to kill them. Eager to exact revenge on the Xalieca, Xicotencatl the Younger allied himself with the conquistadors.

Picture of Álvaro de Montemayor and and his bilingual cultural translator, Marina meeting Moctezuma III from the Lienzo de Guri

When Montemayor arrived to Jaltenco, the Canterians had a large army. On November 8, 1519, they were peacefully received by Moctezuma III. Moctezuma deliberately let him enter the Xaliecan capital, hoping to get to know their weaknesses better and to crush them later. Moctezuma gave lavish gifts of gold to the Canterians which, rather than placating them, excited their ambitions for plunder. In his letters to the Canterian Empreror, he claimed to have learned at this point that he was considered by the Xalieca to be either an emissary of Moyokoyani or the god himself – a belief which has been contested by a few modern historians.- But quickly he learned that several Canterians on Itzatlán had been killed by Xaliecans while the use of enslaved natives. In retaliation for this act, the Canterians decided to take Moctezuma as a hostage in his palace, indirectly ruling Jaltenco through him.

Meanwhile, other expeditions, opposed to Álvaro Morte de Montemayor, arrivied in Anáhuac with 1,090 men. He armed himself with 350 men to combat these expeditions as he knew that if the captain of any of these expeditions succeded, it would bring his power down. On the capital, Canterians loyal to Franco Pizarro de Adamán provoked the Massacre of the Templo del Sol against the Xalieca nobility. Álvaro speedily returned to Jaltenco. On June 31, 1520, Moctezuma III was killed (the Canterians claimed he was stoned to death by his own people; others claim he was murdered by the colonizers once they realized his inability to placate the locals). Faced with a hostile population, the Canterians decided to flee for Apizaco. During the Terrible Noche (June 31 – July 1, 1520), the Canterians managed a narrow escape from Jaltenco across the Tapalpa causeway, while their rearguard was being massacred. Much of the treasure looted was lost (as well as his artillery) during this panicked escape from Jaltenco.

Having lost 870 men, the Canterian men finally prevailed with reinforcements arriving from Canteria itself. A policy of attrition towards Tlaxomulco began afterwards, cutting off supplies and subduing cities that aligned themselves with the Xaliecans. The Xaliecans would fall back to Tlalpujahua following a siege to Apaxco. Even while succeed in ambushing pursuing Canterian forces, inflicting heavy losses, the last portion of the Xayacatlán would fall to the conquistadores. The siege of Anáhuac-Jaltenco ended with a Canterian victory and 95% of the city destroyed. Finally, with the capture and execution of Cuauhpopocac, the last tlatoani of the Xalieca Empire, on August 9 1521, the indigenous empire collapsed on its own and Álvaro Morte de Montemayor was able to claim the Xalco for the Canterian Empire, thus renaming the recently destroyed Jaltenco to Heroica Ciudad de San Jorge.

The territory known as Xalco became part of the Canterian Empire under the name of New Canteria in 1532. San Jorge was systematically rebuilt by Montemayor following the downfall of the Xalieca Empire in 1521. Much of the identity, traditions and architecture of Anáhuac developed during the 300-year colonial period from 1521 to independence in 1810.

As the Vicerroyalty of New Canteria

Main article: Vicerroyalty of New Canteria

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Anahuacan War Independence (1808-1811)

Main article: Anahuacan War of Independence

Father Mohamed Navarro with the banner of the Virgin of Guadalupe.

Tensions in New Canteria were growing after the mid-eighteenth-century reforms. With these reforms, the viceroy sought to increase the power of the Canter state, decrease the power of the Catholic Church, rationalize, and tighten control over the royal bureaucracy by placing mainland-born officials rather than Olivacian-born, and increase revenues to the state by a series of measures that undermined the economic position of Olivacian-born elites.

The ruling white Canter elite and most of the country had very different views not only in culture and religion but on the role of government and social relations, with many elites viewing the government as a tool for progressing their own power, while indigenous groups saw the government as a communal vessel. Leading up to the crisis in 1806, both Creole and Anahuacan-born Canters, and indigenous and mixed groups had come to dislike the colonial regime for different reasons. In early days of September 1808, the viceroy of New Canteria, José Ángel Reyes de Eliza was ousted in a silent coup d’état by the ruling elite after attempting to sympathize with lower members of the “Chain”. The new regime under viceroy Óscar Gutierrez de Pérez y Sicardo attempted to rebuild the main government, being seen as a puppet of the ellite by the lower classes.

On October 12, 1808, a "loyal revolt" broke out in La Rioja. The event, known as the Cry of La Rioja was proclaimed by priest Mohamed Navarro to bring Reyes de Eliza back to power. The first insurgent group was formed by Navarro, Captain Ángel Reyes, La Corregidora (English: "The Magistrate") Ana Victoria de la Reguera, the priest José María Sánchez, Captain Hemilio Muñoz and General Andras Ibarra. Navarro and some of his soldiers were executed by firing squad on 31 January 1809.

Following Navarro's death, leadership of the insurgency by Captain Raúl López and then by priest José María Sánchez, whom occupided key northern cities with the assitance of Darío Maldívar and Félix Arvizu. On 19 October 1809, the Congress of San Ángel signed the first official document of independence, known as the Solemn Act of the Declaration of Independence of South Olivacia. This Act also abolished slavery and the caste system. Being a Catholic priest himself, Sánchez also called for Catholicism to be the exclusive faith in Anáhuac. Sánchez was captured 5 November 1809, interrogated, was tried, and executed by firing squad. With his death, conventional warfare ended, and guerrilla warfare continued uninterrupted.

Depiction of the Abrazo de Temixtlán between Aramberi Lavín (left), and Aarón Nuñez (right)

In the subsequent years, the insurgency was near collapse, but in August 1810, Viceroy Álvaro Cortines de Almenares sent a force led by a royalist Colonel Aramberri Lavín, to defeat an army led by Aarón Nuñez in Lujambio. Lavín, a native of San Jorge, had gained renown for his zeal against Navarro's and Sánchez's rebels during the early independence struggle. A favorite of the Anahuacan church hierarchy, Lavín symbolized conservative creole values; he was devoutly religious and committed to the defense of property rights and social privileges. However, he resented his lack of promotion and failure to gain wealth.

Instead of attacking Nuñez, Lavín aprroached Nuñez as he was impressed with his tenacity despite fighting larger odds, and on 24 February, 1811, the Plan of Santa Cruz and the Declaration of Independence of the United States of Anáhuac were signed. Levín proclaimed three principles, or "guarantees", for Anahuense independence from the Canter Empire. In a similar fashion of Sánchez's ideals, ran Rugido would be an independent republic; creoles would be given equal rights and privileges to continentales; and the Catholic Church in Anáhuac would retain its privileges and position as the established religion of the land. A new army, the Ejército de la Confederación Independentista, (colloquially known as the Separatists) was placed under Lavin's command to enforce the plan.

On August 24, 1811, representatives of the Canter Empire, including a new viceroy and Lavín signed the Treaty of Xalco, which recognized Anahuense independence under the Plan of Santa Cruz. The new viceroy then resigned of his charge, even with Canter mainland authority denying him the rights to resign. Later events saw Lavín and the Ejército de la Confederación Independentista march into San Jorge in triumph on 15 September 1811.

After 2 years, 11 months, and 3 days of fight, the United States of Anáhuac was born.

The United States of Anáhuac (1811-1824)

Main article: United States of Anáhuac

Flag of the United States of Anáhuac

Following the War of Independence, the United States of Anáhuac was born after the Constitution of 1812 was drafted by the post-independentist groups. Failing to secure the wishes of José María Sánchez for a constitutional monarchy, the Plan de Santa Cruz created instead a regency council which was headed by a triumvirate consisting of Aarón Nuñez, Ramón Adaucto and Aramberri Lavín. Elite Olivacian-born Canters in New Canteria had no real experience with exercising political power other than on their city councils, so that when the joint republic was proclaimed, the familiar form of rule of monarchism was thrown out of the window. Political turmoil began to brew, when Lavín attempted to impose limitations on the newly formed Congress and its main chamber, the Senate. This led to the assassination of Lavín in 1817, leading to Adaucto to rule the country after his death.

Portrait of Aramberri Lavín before his assasination in 1817

When Adaucto completed his theoretical six-year presidential term in 1823, he appointed former Royalist and Populist Gilberto de Córtazar as his successor. Córtazar followed the nearly dictatorial tradition of Lavín when a conspiracy to overthrow and assassinate the former president was discovered. Córtazar himself was soon deposed by Nuñez in an a countercoup in 1824. Nuñez would reinstall the young Senate and Congress, leading the country himself and alone. During Nuñez's tenure, slavery was abolished and made illegal across Anáhuac. Nuñez also called for public schools, land title reforms, industry and trade development, and other programs of a liberal nature. As president, Guerrero championed the causes of the racially oppressed and economically oppressed.

The government of Nuñez however, would be deposed in a rebellion by Vice-President José Castañeda that began on 4 December 1829. With this action, it is widely considered that the United States of Anáhuac era ended, as following the Castañeda coup, the Centralist Republic of Anáhuac would rise and take it's place.

Centralist Republic of Anáhuac, Divorce Wars and Dictatorship of Ibrahim Salazar (1824 - 1854)

Main Article: Centralist Republic of Anáhuac See Also: Divorce Wars, Confederación del Sur, Republic of Tectetán, Kingdom of Córdoba, War of Independence of Riojania

Following the dissolution of the United States of Anáhuac, a second constituent congress convened to draft a formal constitution. The Constitution of 1824 empowered regions of Anáhuac to assert their political power, resulting in a constitution that reinforced radical federalism, "with a weak national government fiscally dependent upon the states." Despite it's weak foundation for the new sovereign state to confront challenges, this marked the birth of the Republic of Anáhuac.

Polarization between Liberals and Centralists worsened since the collapse of the United States and the transition of a Provisional government. In 1834, following conflicts in the Senate, General Ibrahim Salazar initiated actions to dissolve the Federation and imposed a centralist republic, and canceled reforms carried out under the mandate of Anastasio Gutiérrez Garibaldi.

Portrait of Ibrahim Salazar in 1844.

The Centralists attempt to impose a unitary state produced armed resistance in regions that had most favored federalism. Centralism generated severe political instability, armed uprisings, and secessions: the rebellions in Córdoba and Vizcaya formed the Kingdom of Córdoba, the rebellions of Lujambio, Gran Zuñiga, Santiago that formed the Confederación del Sur, and finally the independence of the state of Tectetán. The Guerras de Divorcio (mainly consisting into opposition to the Centralist government) involved series of armed conflicts and political machinations between the Centrists and Liberals. Superficially the war can be viewed as a conflict between rival generals, however the Centrist position favored a presidency that reflected the viceregal tradition of Canterian colonial times, and the Federalists supported republicanism and local self-government. Centrists tended to draw support from the privileged classes including prominent members of the Catholic Church and professional officers of the Anahuacan Army. They were in favor of a strong, central government and Catholicism as the established church.

The most prolific war in during the Guerras de Divorcio was arguably the independentist rebellion in Riojania. The interstate rebellions flourished more than anything due to the fact that the centralist troops paid more attention to the independence movement in Riojania. Although quite short compared to the separatist movements in other states of the republic, the independence of Riojania was a decisive blow to the centralists. After losing said territory however, the centralist forces set out to suppress the rest of the rebellions. The Divorce Wars officially ended when the Republic of Tectetán rejoined the Anahuacan Federation in exchange of soldiers to fight Tarascan rebels in the Caste War.

Ibrahim Salazar assumed the presidency at least eleven times, with the last being in 1846, remaining in power until his deposition in 1854. Under Salazar's last dictatorial regime, the federation purchased Isla Roca Roja from Zhiguryia for 15 million pesos at the time. When a revolution gradually took over several key states of the Salazar regime, Salazar resigned to the presidency on January 1, 1855, and fled to Riamo.

After the fall of Salazar, Desidero Escobedo was named interim president by the military garrison of San Jorge on January 5, 1855. The most important act of the Escobedo government was the convening of a Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution that would replace the Constitution of 1824. The subsequent Constitution of 1856 approved several changes in the political division of the Anahuacan territory: the merger of Santiago, Gran Zuñiga and Lujambio into a single state, the creation of the state of Pesquería, the creation of the state of Petén and the absorption of Baja Tectetán.

War between the Centralists and Liberals would began when the Catholic Church of Anáhuac and certain sections of the Centralists opposed the Constitution and its potential effects on the country. The resulting Reform War would be one of the first major changes in the politics of Anahuac.

Liberal era (1855-1872)

Main Articles: Reform War, Riamese intervention in Anáhuac & Kingdom of Anahuac

The overthrow of Salazar and the establishment of a civilian government by Liberals allowed them to enact laws that they considered vital for Anáhuac's economic development. The Liberal Reform attempted to modernize the economy and institutions along liberal principles. They promulgated new articles for the Constitution in 1860, separating Church and State, stripping the Centralist institutions of the Church and the military of their special privileges (fueros), mandating the sale of Church-owned property and sale of indigenous community lands, and secularizing education. Conservatives revolted, touching off a civil war between rival Liberal and Centralist governments.

In the midst of the civil war, the administration of president Raymundo Vigil placed a moratorium on foreign debt payments in 1861. In response, Riamese higher-ups signed the Convention of Portington, an effort to ensure that debt repayments from Anáhuac would be forthcoming. On 8 December 1863, the Riamese navy blocked off ports in the Sunadic and the Kaldaz and disembarked their troops at the capital city of San Jorge. The resulting Riamese invasion, alongside the rise of the pro-monarchist group Acción Nacional established the Empire of Chalco (1864-1870), taking the Liberals by suprise.

After a quick defeat of the Liberalists, the group proclaimed it's leader, Rodolfo Cordero Puentes as Emperor of the newly born empire under the name of Emperador Cristóbal. However, as soon as the reign of Cristóbal I began, Congress and the Emperor immediately began to clash, in large part because their respective legal powers had not at this point been clearly delineated in the Nuevo Orden. These grabs for power alienated even allied conservatives, and the Emperor's proposals were rejected, which Cristóbal I then responded to by dissolving congress using the military on October 31, 1864. His pretext was that congress had accomplished nothing in the eight months it had been in session, work on a constitution had not begun despite that being the main purpose for its convocation, and that the matters of justice and finance had been completely neglected.

The Imperialists were never able to gain control of the entire nation while supporters of the Anahuacan Republic continued to wage war against the Empire. During his short reign, Cristobal's liberal ideals alienated him from his ultraconservative supporters, but gained limited support from moderate liberals and moderate conservatives, and attempted to pass sweeping reforms for the nation. Colonial ambitions of the Empire of Chalco we cut short after a underperforming navy and lack or resources.

Portrait of Emperor Cristóbal de Anáhuac.

In 1870, the apparent heir of the empire, Tulio Cordero Puentes and Republican faction leader, Raymundo Vigil planned a scheme of staging a coup d’état with the intention to restore the Congress and return the sense of democracy to the country. The planned coup was nicknamed Conspiración del Príncipe, due to the prince being the “mole” inside the Royalty. In exchange for information, the prince and the royal family would have complete immunity if the transition was successful. In the following year, turmoil progressed and Cristobal was killed by Tulio when the rebellion reached the capital. The Empire of Gran Rugido came to an end on July 21st, 1870.

The period known as the "Restored Republic" saw the arrival and presidency of Vigil, who was "the personification of the embattled republic," as president. Liberalism soon became synonymous with patriotism. The Anahuaca Federal Army that had its roots in the colonial royal army and then the army of the early republic was destroyed. New military leaders had emerged from the War of the Reform. Vigil won re-election in 1870, but was challenged by Ángel Lenoci, who criticized him for running for re-election. Lenoci then rebelled, only for being crushed by Vigil. Having won re-election, Vigil died in office of natural causes in July 1872, and Liberal Santiago Garza García became president, declaring a "religion of state" for rule of law, peace, and order. Soon after, Lenoci rebelled against the civilian president, issuing the Plan of Cervantes. Lenoci had more support and waged guerrilla warfare against García. On the verge of Lenoci's victory on the battlefield, García fled from office, going into exile. Another army general assumed the presidency of Anáhuac.

Lenociato (1875-1911)

Main Article: Lenociato

After the turmoil in Anáhuac from 1810 to 1876, the 35-year rule of Liberal Ángel Lenoci (r.1876–1911) allowed the nation to rapidly modernize in a period characterized as one of "order and progress". The “Lenociato” was characterized by economic stability and growth, significant foreign investment and influence, an expansion of the railroad network and telecommunications, and investments in the arts and science. The period was also marked by economic inequality and political repression. Lenoci knew the potential for army rebellions, and systematically downsized the expenditure for the force, rather expanding the rural police force under direct control of the president. Lenoci did not provoke the Catholic Church, coming to a modus vivendi with it; however, he did not remove the anticlerical articles from the 1857 Constitution. Under Lenoci's government, Anáhuac began or resinstated foreign relations with several nations, including Hoterallia, Riamo and Gavrilia.

Portrait of Ángel Lenoci with the Castillo de Quetzaltepeque in the background.

While the government encouraged foreign investment, national enterprises had their roots with the “Ley de Economía Basica por el Bien del Pueblo” ratified and passed in 1883. Investors developed extractive mining of copper, lead, and other minerals, as well as petroleum on the Anepalco region. Changes in the law allowed for private enterprises to own the subsoil rights of land, rather than continuing the colonial law that gave all subsoil rights to the State. An industrial manufacturing sector also developed, particularly in textiles. At the same time, new enterprises gave rise to an industrial work force, which began organizing to gain labor rights and protections.

During this period, Lenoci had surrounded himself with a group of advisors known as the Circulo Dorado (Common: Golden Circle). The most influential of them was Secretary of Finance Jaime José Dueñas. The Lenocian regime was influenced by positivism, as they rejected theology and idealism in favor of scientific methods being applied towards national development. As an integral aspect of the liberal project was secular education.

Lenoci's long success did not include planning for a political transition beyond his own presidency. He made no attempt, however, to establish a family dynasty, naming no relative or sympathizer as his successor. As the centennial of independence approached, Lenoci gave an interview where he said he was not going to run in the 1910 elections, when he would be 80. Political opposition had been suppressed and there were few avenues for a new generation of leaders. But his announcement set off a frenzy of political activity, including the unlikely candidacy of the scion of a rich landowning family, Germán Castillejos. Castillejos won a surprising amount of political support when Lenoci changed his mind and ran in the election, jailing Castillejos. The October celebration of the Independence would be the last celebration of the Lenociato before the Anahuense Revolution officially began on 24 November 1910.

Anahuense Revolution (1910-1917)

Further information: Anahuense Revolution

Members of the Fernandista Army on top of Nacionales de Anáhuac N° 739.

The Revolution was a seven year-long civil war against the rule of Ángel Lenoci. When wealthy northern landowner Germán Castillejos challenged Lenoci in the 1910 general election and Lenoci jailed him, Castillejos called for an armed uprising against him in the Plan of Sabana. Rebellions broke out in Vizcaya, but most prominently in northern Anáhuac. The National Army was unable to suppress the widespread uprisings, showing the military's essential weakness and surprising the rebels. Lenoci resigned in March 1911 and went into exile. An interim government was installed until elections could be held, the National Army was retained, and revolutionary forces demobilized. The first phase of the Revolution was relatively short and relatively bloodless.

In February 1913, prominent army generals staged a coup d’état in San Jorge, forcing Castillejos to resign the presidency and few days later he was murdered during the tenure of new President, General Maximiliano Bontelli. A new and bloody phase of the Revolution ensued when coalition of northerners opposed to the counter-revolutionary regime of Bontelli emerged, the Constitutionalist Army. The Constitutionalists were led by Governor of Canatlán, Francisco Venegas. Forces loyal to Alberto Fernández continued their armed rebellion in Mendoza. Bontelli's regime lasted from February 1913 until July 1914, with the National Army defeated by revolutionary armies. The revolutionary armies then fought each other, with the Constitutionalist faction under Venegas defeating the army of former ally Doroteo Pizarro by the summer of 1915.

Venegas consolidated power and a new constitution was promulgated in February 1917. The Constitution of 1917 set new nationalist, social, and economic goals for the nation, curtailed the power of some foreign interests, and enhanced the power of the central state. With a relative sense of stability reached, Venegas became Provisional President of Anáhuac in 1917, serving a term ending in 1920. He attempted to impose a civilian successor to the presidency, prompting central revolutionary generals to rebel in the Plan of San Agustín. Venegas fled San Jorge and was killed shortly after.

Revolutionary general and son of Ángel Lenoci, Santiago Lenoci ascended to power with the Partido de la Revolución Popular. Following his ascendancy and a sense of defeat in the populace, revolutionary generals usually ruled the nation, a period where state power became more centralized and revolutionary reforms implemented, bringing the military under control of a "civilian" government. A few months later, Lenoci himself was ousted by a Senoran triumvirate led by Jorge Olguín Marcor, Ignacio L. Dueñas and Martín Falcón. Lenoci was executed shortly thereafter, closing the theater of the Anahuacan Revolution.

Political Crisis (1920-1968)

Main article: Anahuacan Political Crisis

Tram in flames in the immediate aftermath after the murder of Avelino Montes Gaitán.

The first quarter-century of the post-revolutionary period (1920–1950) was characterized by Senoran revolutionary generals serving as Presidents of Anáhuac, including Ignacio L. Dueñas(1918-1922), Martín Falcón (1922-1928), Abelardo Portes Gil (1928–34), Zenón Barrios Almazán (1934–1937), Luján Esparza (1937-1940), Videl de la García (1940–1946) and Ludovico Ledesma (1946-1952). Polarization between the left and right became more apparent in the late 20s, after Dueñas was assasinated in 1928, while attempting to run for presidency. Following this, a convoluted election that resulted in former revolutionary general Martín Falcón took charge under the now reformed PNR and the legacy of peasant leaders Alberto Fernández and Doroteo Pizarro continued through their groups becoming the first modern left-wing guerrillas. His period is better known as the Falconazo. Soon after 1940’s, Anáhuac achieved some degree of political stability, which was interrupted by two local scale conflict that took place between the late 1940s and the early 1960s, known as La Violencia ("The Violence") and El Temblor ("The Quake") threatned to provoke a major conflict once again.

In 1953, the Federal Army assassinated Yvonne Fernández, leader of the Ejército de Liberación del Norte during a guerrilla ambush in Sabana. The left-wing group responded with the assassination of PNR presidential candidate Avelino Montes Gaitán on 9 April 1954. The subsequent riots, and further killings of politicians, make the polarization between left and right impossible to ignore to the Anahuanse society.

After 1952, the election of Oscar Vela Cantú, the first civilian president in the post-revolutionary period, Anáhuac embarked on an aggressive program of economic development, known as “El Milagro de Anáhuac” (The Miracle of Anáhuac), which was characterized by rapid industrialization, modernization, urbanization, and the increase of inequality between urban and rural areas. Despite the progress in certain sectors, many social and political problems continued, when organizations such as the Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de Anáhuac (English:National Workers Syndicate of Anáhuac) and the Frente Gildardo Pagaza para la Liberación Nacional (English: Gildardo Pagaza Front of National Liberation) were formed. Instability further escalated with the presidency term extension revision, that extended the term of the President and Prime Minister from 6 to 8 years.

After the PNR lost for the first time against the newly formed Anahuense Democratic Union (ADU) Susete Hernández Niño as candidate, the 1962 election were called by the left as a massive fraud against the nation’s principles. Opposition to the Hernandez Niño government was strong on the leftist side and eventually, culminated with the 1967 Student Movement of Anáhuac. In the political spectrum meanwhile, most of guerrillas and communist associations rearose following transparency laws. The railway syndicate led by Hectór Barrón and the steel foundries syndicate led by Emilio Bustos Nieto eventually aligned themselves with the Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores and FGPLN.

Anahuense Civil War (1968 – 1972)

Main Article: Anahuense Civil War

Further Information: Proceso de Reorganización Nacional

Deeming the current situation as unstable, a coup d'état on May 5, 1968 brought the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional to power. It brought to the table of the government a mix between singuralist and socialist ideals. The purpose of this new military-civilian led junta was to stop a revolutionary movement already underway in response to the convoluted 1962 election. Nevertheless, the oligarchy opposed most of reforms and called for the dissolution of the Congress and its two main chambers: the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. The deposed president was escorted to Isla Roca Roja as a political prisioner. As the pressure from the oligarchy expanded on the junta on controlling the political polarization. In the meantime, the guerrilla movement was spreading to all sectors of the Anahuacan society, being fomented by the recently formed Gobierno Provisional en la Roca Roja (coloquially known as Provisionales or Loyalists). Opposing the repression and fanatical ideals of the military heads, several centrist guerrillas, namely the Union y Fuerza Movement began a rebellion across the nation.

Guerrilleros from the Union y Fuerza loyalist faction celebrating the end of the civil war.

As the military government began to expand its violence towards its citizens, not only through death squads but also through the military, any group of citizens that attempted to provide any form of support whether physically or verbally ran the risk of death. Even so, many still chose to participate and support Hernández Niño. But the violence was not limited to just activists but also to anyone who promoted ideas that "questioned official policy" were tacitly assumed to be subversive against the government. A marginalized pro-democracy group that metamorphosed into a guerilla force that would end up confronting these government forces manifested itself in campesinos or peasants. Many of these insurgents joined collective action campaigns for material gain; however, in the post-war period, many peasants cited reasons other than material benefits in their decision to join the fight.

Open warfare officially began on August of the same year, when the Campaña de Liberación was adopted by the Proceso military. Consisting on mounting an offensive to circle and eventually destroy the government in Los Canas, the ensueing battle scared away most of the Proceso Navy and Army. After the battle, the "Campaña Ofensiva N° 4510" marked the beginning of the Anahuacan Civil War, which lasted from August 5, 1968 to September 19, 1972.

Five days after the siege of San Jorge was over, in the grounds of the Santa Elisa Autonomous University, reestablished president Susete Hernández, UyF commander Crescencio and Proceso representative, Carlos Labarthe negotiated a peace agreement with assistance of selected members of the AWA assessors. After the agreement was signed, the president proceeded to embrace Labarthe, in an act now known as Abrazo de la Paz, an act still controversial to these days given the context and numerous conspiracies in the Westernism branch of politics. Several months later than planned, on February 3, 1973, the definitive and official end of the armed conflict was officially celebrated in silence under the presidency of former general Luis Carlos Arreola.

Nevertheless, even after the signing of the peace agreement, low-scale engaging and isolated combats against Proceso remnants lasted until 1974-75, especially in the states of Córdoba, Senora and Autlán as part of the cleansing of ex-junta cells. In the immediate aftermath of the peace, the graudal loss of troops from the Armed Forces took place to reduce tensions and the possibility of another coup. Despite AWA statements that former Proceso generals would not be prosecuted, national organizations established the Justicia organization, demanding trial for all captured members of the PRN for crimes against humanity. Violating AWA terms, the Comisión Nacional para el Juicio a la Junta was established in 1971, with the long awaited trial against the leaders of the military junta taking place two years later.

Contemporary Anáhuac (1972 - present)

Moctezuma Ortega and his opposition coalition, the Coalición de la Noble Izquierda won the 2010 general election, ending left-wing stigma and the centrist rule.

A period of reconstruction and reforms followed the "Década Perdida" that began in 1972 and lasted until the early 1990s. From 1978 until 2002, Anahuaenses favoured the Republican Alliance (RA) party, voting in RA parties (the PFI, the PSDA and a refounded UDA in 1994) presidents in every election (Luis Carlos Arreola, Emilio Torres, Sergio Kurosawa, Tomás Treviño and Samara Mireles) until 2010. The stigmatization of the left got worse after the 1988 Siege of Senora, in which the first members of the Movimiento por el Anáhuac Libre who aligned themselves with the long gone Proceso declared war on the state. Such events and that mainstream parties of the country exhausted their chances entering the 2000s, led to the creation of the Coalición de la Noble Izquierda. After winning governorships and seats in the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, the 2010 Anahuense general elections led to the election of the Moctezuma Ortega, becoming the first left-wing president. After losing some lower house seats in the midterm elections, the Coalición de la Noble Izquierda would retain majority, but Ortega failed to secure the two-thirds congressional supermajority. The Republican Alliance would retake the presidency and a sizeable majority in the Congress and Senate in the 2018 Anahuense general elections with UDR candidate Matías Torres and former prime minsiter Elisa Sánchez Cordero.

Anáhuac has contended with the sporadic guerrilla uprisings, a rising narcotrafficking, and semi-stagnant economy. Many state-owned industrial enterprises were privatized starting in the early 1980s, with neoliberal reforms and rebuilding, but other state owned companies remain and persist to this day. Following recessions and negative incomes since 2017, the state-owned company Petróleos de Anáhuac is now in the verge of privatization. with exploration licenses being issued. The nation has suprisingly showed modest progress in the struggle to defend human rights and civilian rights, being one of the most friendliest places in Olivacia despite its adverse weather and remnants of the political polarization that once destroyed the nation.