Phansi Uhlanga

The People's Socialist Republic of Phansi Uhlanga Riphabliki ya Vusoxalisi ya Vanhu ya Phansi Uhlanga
Flag Coat of arms
Motto:  "Freedom! Socialism! Unity!"
Anthem: "The Internationale"
Capital	Ngondabuala
Largest city	Diqasa
Official languages	Uhlangan
Ethnic groups	38% Bakonji 19% Iqozi 14% BaKhoeli 9% Tshamba 6% ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ 9.61% N!twe 4% Coyotl .39% Nahuas
Demonym(s)	Uhlangan
Government	Unitary one-party socialist state and military junta
• Supreme Commander	Njiba Impisi
• Premier of the Communist Party of Phansi Uhlanga	Kasanda Lukumwenu
Legislature	Supreme People's Indaba
Formation
• Heron Empire collapses	March 4 1900
• Democratic People's Republic of Iqozi founded	October 6 1962
• Cuhonhico annexed	September 11 1971
• Current name and constitution adopted	April 20 1985
Area
• Total	568,576 km2 (219,528 sq mi)
• Water (%)	3.5%
Population
• January 2015 estimate	65,069,420
• Density	114.32/km2 (296.1/sq mi)
GDP (nominal)	2015 estimate
• Total	$780,833,040,000
• Per capita	$12,000 (???)
Gini (2015)	23.4 low
HDI (2015)	0.764 high (???)
Currency	Labor Credit (LC)
Time zone	UTC+1 (???)
• Summer (DST)	UTC+1 (not observed)
Driving side	right
Calling code	+420
Internet TLD	.pu

Phansi Uhlanga, formally known as the People's Socialist Republic of Phansi Uhlanga, is a country in central Malaio bordered by Pulacan to the east and the Ozeros sea to the north. The southeastern third of the nation is dominated by the Mpuya Nzasi mountains, the tips of which are high enough as to bear snow throughout the year. In the north of the country rolling foothills give way to the low-lying Matobe basin, which extends to the coast. Two thirds of the nation is covered by the Nyeleti rainforest, except in the dryer and flatter west, made up mostly of expansive savanna.

The region of Phansi Uhlanga has been inhabited since time immemorial. Its indigenous peoples, the ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ and N!twe, are among the oldest living ethnic groups in the world, having inhabited the region since time immemorial. The Bakhoeli would come to dominate the region as part of the early Komontu expansion during the iron age, going on to form complex polities that survived even into the age of colonialism. While “Bakhoeli” is the unifying identity of its peoples, it is made up of numerous ethno-linguistic subgroups, historically divided between the wetter, more mountainous east and the hotter, flatter interior. Alongside the Bakhoeli are the Bakonji, who split from the BaKhoeli to form the Kingdom of Konji during the Bronze Age. The Iqozi, another Komontu people, would arrive in successive waves between the late 18th and early 19th centuries, settling in the region's western-central agricultural heartland.

In the modern day Phansi Uhlanga is a single party Wernerist state with a centrally planned command economy in which the means of production are owned by the state through state-run enterprises and collectivized farms. Most services, such as healthcare, education, housing, and food production, are subsidized or state-operated. The economy is dominated by heavy industry and intensive manufacturing with a focus on exports, especially of rare earth elements, chemicals, and machinery. Despite this however agriculture remains a major sector of the economy, with beef and its byproducts especially representing its major industry. Phansi Uhlanga follows “Basodantete”, a "military-first" policy which prioritizes the Revolutionary People’s Front in state affairs and the allocation of resources.

History

Prehistory

What is now modern day Phansi Uhlanga is believed by many researchers to be a critical location for the development of human evolution. It contains many sites such as the kwAbomba caves which demonstrate that it was inhabited by Australopithecines since at least 2.5 million years ago. In 2015, researchers discovered the remains of a previously unknown species of Homo near onOmuthikuku, named Homo Nyeleti. These sites contain extensive examples of multiple early hominid species inhabiting the region across a period of millions of years. Modern human settlement began roughly 125,000 years ago during the middle stone age as evidenced by the Nkowabuswa tools site, among the earliest discovered in the region.

ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ and the N!Twa pygmies

The indigenous ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ people are largely descended from these anatomically modern humans, representing some of the earliest peoples on earth. The settlement of central western Phansi Uhlanga by the ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ corresponds to the earliest separation of the extant Homo sapiens populations altogether, associated in genetic science with what is described in scientific terms as matrilinear haplogroup L0 (mtDNA) and patrilinear haplogroup A (Y-DNA), originating in a northwestern area of central western Phansi Uhlanga. ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ were traditionally semi-nomadic, moving seasonally within certain defined areas based on the availability of resources such as water, game animals, and edible plants. Modern ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ and those directly descended from them (such as the BaKhoeli) occupied the northern highlands throughout the western savanna and may have formed a ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ continuum from the Great Eastern Escarpment to the rolling grasslands of the far southwest.

Rural ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ starting a fire using traditional methods.

Genetic study of the N!Twa pygmies has suggested a lineage derived from the middle stone age peopling of Central Malaio, with a separation time from the same or similar Subscipian Malaioan dating back to around 125,000 years ago. The Malaioan pygmies’ uniparental markers display the most ancient divergence from other human groups among anatomically modern humans, second only to those displayed among some ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ populations. Mitochondrial haplogroup L1c is strongly associated with western N!Twa pygmies, known as the “Ogomo !Twa”, whereas mitochondrial haplogroups L2a and L0a are prevalent among the eastern Ba!lTwa. Studies conducted in 2010 suggest two unique, late Pleistocene divergences from other human populations approximately 90,000 years ago, and a split between eastern and western pygmy groups about 20,000 years ago.

The N’Twa are renowned for their short stature, with males standing under 152.4 centimeters tall and women under 145 centimeters. Due to their traditional diets, highly deficient in both protein and iodine, as well the thick rainforest canopies restricting access to sunlight and thus vitamin D, the pygmy population has on average skeletal mass near the lowest periphery of the spectrum among anatomically modern humans. While the ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ populated the entirety of western Phansi Uhlanga, the N’Twa traditionally inhabited the dense Nyeleti rainforest of the central Matobe basin and eastern highlands, where they form a large portion of the population to this day. Also unlike the ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂, the N’Twa peopling of central and eastern Phansi Uhlanga coincides with the early proto-komontu expansion of the middle to late stone age, from which they are presumed to have distinctly separated from more than 60,000 years ago. Those early proto-komontu hunter gatherers who did not become the pygmies would go on to be absorbed into the later Komontu Expansion.

N!Twa boys pose for a picture (1904).

Komontu Expansion

Linguistic, archeological and genetic evidence indicates that during the course of the Komontu Expansion, "independent waves of migration of Central Scipian Komontuntu-speakers into Malaio occurred." Where komontu was adopted via language shift of existing populations, prior Subscipian Malaioan languages were spoken, probably from ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ language families that are now lost, except as substrate influences of local komonto languages (such as click sounds). It seems likely that the expansion of the Komontu-speaking peoples from their core region in central western Scipia-Malaio began in the mid to late stone age, with these proto-komontus assimilating and displacing the indigenous hunter-gatherers across most of the region by approximately 5000 BCE.

Archaeological evidence suggests that the migrating early komontu peoples possessed agricultural knowledge not familiar to the local indigenous populations, as evidenced by the presence of primitive farming tools found in late neolithic sites in northwestern Phansi Uhlanga. Of particular note is the presence of tools related to the cordoning of cattle, suggesting the introduction of beasts of burden beyond the goat by komontus during this period. Introduction of certain crops from the eastern Ozeros region, such as true plantains, yams and other crops, the most important of which being the banana, is believed to have occurred alongside this expansion. The banana and other crops allowed for more intensive cultivation in the tropical regions of Malaio, this was most notable in the Nsemoyakepela Rift Valley region, an area with excellent soil, that saw many cities and states form, their populations being fed largely on such crops.

Lutuntulaka

Lutuntulaka (approx. 3000 BCE - 1200 BCE) was a bronze age civilization and important city-state in predynastic Uhlangan history. Its name is derived from the progenitor of the Ogomo and Bakonji languages and is believed to have meant “place where the horn-flowers bloom”, referring to the yellow trumpet flowers which would become a key symbol of later Konjilese identity. The kingdom was the first organized polity in Phansi Uhlanga and would go on to become the basis on which the Kingdom of Konji was founded in the 1st century BCE. The city-state ruled a territory incorporating the city itself and much of the greater Nsemoyakepela Rift Valley. The people around which the settlement formed has been dubbed the “Elephant’s Kraal” culture, which is known to have comprised elements of proto-komontu and semi-settled ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ peoples.

This “EK” culture probably derived from the ancestors of the ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ and Bakonji peoples. They were likely attracted to the area because it provided mixed agricultural possibilities, namely a broad, grassy hill overlooking a fertile floodplain which sat amid the junction of the Uhlanga river’s numerous tributaries. This allowed for the cultivation of water intensive food crops such as sorghum and rice, which provided a surplus of food needed to sustain an increasing population. The area was also very desirable elephant country, providing access to valuable beasts of burden and ivory. The control of the gold and ivory trade greatly increased the political power of the EK culture. By 2600 BCE, the population of the EK culture had centralized into the formalized city-state of Lutuntulaka. The Great Stone Kraal of Lutuntulaka was constructed during this period. Surviving inscriptions upon its ruined perimeter are believed to depict the proto-glyphs that would go on to become the written Konjilese language during the classical period.

Sites believed to have been covered graves or perhaps tombs of venerated rulers have been excavated from the ruins of Lutuntulaka dated to the bronze age period. Genealogical testing has revealed that at least some of its early leadership was likely ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ in origin, providing evidence to claims of a broader ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ assimilation into proto-komontu culture as part of the wider adoption of agriculture in the region. Lutuntulakan culture is thought by archaeologists to be the first class-based social system in Phansi Uhlanga; that is, its leaders were separated from and higher in rank than its inhabitants. Rulership was likely based in the tradition of priest-kings and is believed to represent "the earliest evidence for sacred leadership in the region".

The multitude of well preserved burial sites and the quality and variation of the artifacts within suggest that its ruling class lived on a series of hilltops overlooking a network of less permanent settlements on the floodplain below. District leaders occupied hilltops of lesser height branching out from the tallest in the center of the settlement, on which sat the Elephant’s Kraal. The king’s kraal itself was made up of large walls of uncut stone fitted together. The growth in population at Lutuntulaka led to full-time specialists in ceramics, specifically pottery. Gold objects were uncovered in elite burials on the royal hill, including a very large rhino which archaeologists believed was venerated as an idol of worship.

Gold itemps excavated from the Elephant's Kraal site.

Surviving example of Lutuntulaka's stone walls.

Lutuntulaka’s decline was precipitated by the rise in water levels associated with soil erosion in the central Matobe basin. Intensive agriculture and the clearing of forests for farmland led to the effective expansion of the floodplain by removing the root system which soaked up excess rainwater, leading to increasingly destructive flooding. Large rice paddies proved fertile ground for the tsetse fly, which is believed to have seen its territory swell across much of the area at that time. This is believed to have contributed to outbreaks of sleeping sickness and yellow fever, which alongside broader changes in climate affecting agricultural output gradually saw the decline of the city’s population. By 1200 BCE, effective political control had retreated from the broader Nsemo valley to the perimeter of the city itself and within just a hundred years of that would be abandoned except for ritual purposes by the local population. This would not change until the classical period, in which it would be refounded as new city of M’Banza-Konji.

Bronze Age Collapse and the Three Pearls Era

The period encapsulating the collapse of Lutuntulaka but before the foundation of Konji has been traditionally described by historians as the “Late Bronze Age collase”. It was characterized by mass migration of komontu peoples into the region, environmental change and the widespread abandonment of the cities that had developed in the previous centuries. The collapse was fast acting, sudden and widespread across the greater area, bringing a sharp economic and cultural decline to the Nsemo rift valley and the greater Uhlangan river civilizations. Scholars have proposed multiple competing theories on the causes of the bronze age collapse in ancient Phansi Uhlanga, from ecological devastation wrought from the eruption of Mount Shanga, to agricultural devastation brought on by soil exhaustion, and even political chaos as a result of the komontu migration. Today however the consensus is a synthesis of these positions, in which intensive cropping and deforestation gradually contributed to soil exhaustion and erosion, turning into almost universal agricultural failure as a result of worsening floods and the eruption of Mount Shanga. This in turn led to the abandonment of Lutuntulaka’s outerlying settlements and eventually the city itself, whose populations resettled among the migratory ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ and komontu peoples.

The era following the collapse of Lutuntulaka saw widespread strife across the greater region of ancient Phansi Uhlanga. Previously, scholars believed that the collapse involved the widespread depopulation of the area as the local population abandoned intensive agriculture to intermix with the nomadic komontus. However, research done since 1971 has instead suggested that after the first century post-collapse, life had returned much to normal for the area, with the direct ancestors of the Konji, Ogomo and Anachakide peoples largely resettling into subsistence farming and village life. Archaeological digs in the area of the western-central Nyeleti rainforest has revealed complex iron and bronze tools as well as the remnants of ancient smelting sites, suggesting that advancements in general knowledge continued on even as settled agriculture steeply declined. By approximately 1000 BCE, new political entities had begun to form around the ruins of former Lutuntulaka, with other significant populations at Ekifwe along the Mbandabombo river and Tshiswaka at the foot of the eastern mountains. The latter would eventually become the capital of the Tshiminina, a prominent kingdom of the Tshamba people.

19th century woodcut depiction of slaves entering the Ekifwe inner gates

Ekifwe

The Kingdom of Ekifwe (“Kimfumu ya enEkifwe”) was a historical polity in southeastern Phansi Uhlanga during the era of classical antiquity. Ekifwe was a conglomeration of several komontu-speaking peoples who would eventually go on to become the Ogomo. It began as a loose confederation of several tribal groups settled upon the hilly grasslands north of the Mpuya Nzasi with no real authority. These groups initially met at what is believed to have originally been the site of a temple or shrine that formed a neutral ground upon which to conduct trade or diplomacy. By 950 BCE this grew into a permanent trading settlement utilizing shells from the Olivella nana river snail, which breeds exclusively on the island of Mubuyambongo in the Mbandabombo river. A powerful thalassocracy at its height, Ekifwe controlled a small network of settlements at strategic points such as river mouths and islands that allowed it to exert significant control over trade in the area. Taxes particularly on the trade of slaves, raffia cloth and copper allowed Ekifwe to grow fabulously wealthy, allowing the city-state to hold many of the settlements near it in vassalage.

enEkifwe cloth fragment (5th century BCE

Bronze bust of Bokulaka Chukwumereije (7th century BCE)

Ekifwe was ruled by a king known as the bokulaka, who extracted taxes from the kingdom’s subordinate settlements (known as bwala) to fund projects in and around the city itself. The king was elected for life by and responsible to a council of the royal court composed of representatives from all the enEkifwe subgroups, who were represented equally before the king by their elites. The kingdom had an unwritten constitution, elected political offices, separation of political powers, a judicial system with courts and juries, a police force, a military, taxation, a significant public goods provision and socially supporting movements. The enEkifwe were renowned by the later Konjilese for the significant works of art and architecture produced by them, including the Disapu ya Kembo (lit. “Epic of the Sower”), an epic poem dated to approximately 770 BCE, the stone walls of the bokulaka's palace, and their raffia embroidered textiles, lacquered sculptures and beaded hats. Inscriptions upon ruins located at the site of the former city and on artifacts dating back to the time period reveal a continuation of the development of written language in ancient Phansi Uhlanga, as many of the almost hieroglyphic symbols presented clearly originate in or were influenced by Lutuntulaka.

The military of Ekifwe was small but well equipped with iron weapons and shields, dominated by a navy composed of many hundreds of riverboats ranging from dugout canoes to larger craft. The vast bulk of forces however were auxiliaries and mercenaries recruited primarily from the kingdom’s vassals and neighbors, who thanks to the bokulaka’s deep coffers were almost always plentiful. The enEkifwe maintained amiable relations, frequently via political marriage, with the rulers of various subordinate polities, most notably the direct ancestors of the Kikonji. These leaders would in turn provide their respective contingent of forces, sometimes even leading them in battle. Regardless, Ekifwe leveraged its vast wealth and hegemony to help fill the ranks of its military beyond what its own population could support. This allowed it to wage war against and subjugate much of the region, including an extensive series of wars with its rival city-state of Tshiswaka and by the 5th century BCE Konji. These wars would bankrupt the royal treasury over time, causing a general period of decline between during the 6th centuries and 5th centuries BCE. The latter would culminate in a violent and abrupt end to the age of an independent Ekifwe, absorbed into Konji as a series of smaller provinces some time between 450 and 442 BCE.

Tshiwaka

Royal stool of the muLopwe carved from stone (7th century BCE)

The Kingdom of Tshiwaka (“kiLopwe xa Tshiwaka”), later Tshiminina, was a polity that arose in the foothills of Mount Shanga, in what is today northeastern Phansi Uhlanga during the iron age and the era of classical antiquity. Archaeological research shows that the greater Mount Shanga region had been occupied continuously since at least the late stone age, with the city of Tshiwaka’s founding dating to the mid Lutuntulaka era. In the 10th century BCE, the region was occupied by iron-working farmers. Over the centuries, the people of the region learned to use nets, harpoons, make dugout canoes, and clear canals through swamps. They had also begun to intensively cultivate millet, which was important foodstuff; they began trading the grain with the inhabitants of the Nyeleti rainforest, who used it to supplement their mineral-starved diets.

By the 9th century BCE, fishing people lived on lakeshores and along rivers, worked iron, and traded palm oil. By the 8th century BCE, the kiTshanga of the city and its surrounding countryside had diversified their economy, combining fishing, farming and metal-working. Metal-workers relied on traders to bring them copper and charcoal needed for smelting. Traders exported salt and iron items, and imported glass beads and cowry shells from the island of Mubuyambongo. The people of the region were organized into numerous successful farming and trading communities, which had begun to merge into larger, more centralized ones; largely in response to intrusions of more organized polities, chiefly the enEkifwe.

These kiTshanga communities were consolidated into the unified kingdom of Tshiminina under muLopwe Mukinayi I Babanya some time in the 770s BCE. His niece and immediate successor, Bambi I Babanya, expanded the empire over the western banks of the Majambu river, while later successors would bring to heel the entirety of the Ngungashanga. At its peak, the state had about a million people paying tribute to its royal family. This allowed the city of Tshiwaka to blossom into its position as the second of the Three Brilliant Pearls, or the three preeminent cities of ancient Phansi Uhlanga. Tshiminina's success was due in large part to its virtual monopoly on trade items such as salt, grain, iron ore and copper. This allowed them to continue their dominance in much of ancient eastern Phansi Uhlanga. Control over the trade of palm oil and later copper would serve as the basis for numerous wars between Tshiminina and Ekifwe, especially as the kiTshanga gradually exerted control over the entirety of the Ngungashanga and much of the eastern Mpuya Nzasi mountains.

Ceremonial staff used during the coronation of a new muLopwe (6th century BCE)

Administration of the law handled by the king, known as the muLopwe, with the assistance of a court of nobles known as Bamfumus. The kings reigned over their subjects through clan leaders known as Balopwe. The diverse populations of the Tshamba and their vassals were linked by the Bambudye, a secret society that kept the memory of the Tshamba alive and taught throughout the realm. The Mbudye oral religious tradition states that all of the rulers of Tshiminina traced their lineage to a single primordial ancestor in Tshibuyi, a mythical sorcerer credited with giving the secret of fire and metalworking to the Tshamba peoples.The Bambudye were official "men of memory" responsible for maintaining the oral histories associated with kings, their villages and the customs of the land.

kiTshanga society was highly stratocratic, with its kings and nobility tantamount to generals and an aristocratic officer class. Its population was broken up between free citizens, free non-citizen local civilians of the kingdom, and non-citizen slaves. Military service was lifelong and mandatory for all males to become citizens of the kingdom. All social institutions focused on the maximization of military proficiency through military training and physical development. kiTshanga soldiers were widely considered to be among the best in battle among Uhlangan armies as a result, renowned for their fortitude, organization and skill with, among other things, the three braided sling. However, its authoritarian social systems broke down as Ekifwe came to dominate the copper trade, culminating in successive slave rebellions that crippled local military power. This ultimately left Tshiminina powerless to resist Konji, who would overrun the entirety of the kingdom’s western territories.

Refounding of Lutuntulaka

By the late 7th century BCE much of the ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ and N!twe populations in central and eastern Phansi Uhlanga had been assimilated or driven from the area, with much of their number being pushed east into what is today Pulacan. Other N!twe instead went north and settled among the komontu peoples there, forming an intricate confederation of what would go on to be the Ogomo and Ogomo Twe pygmies respectively. Still more went west into the heart of the Nyeleti, where isolation amid rough terrain in the deep jungles provided a natural defense against enEkifwe-led komontu expansion. The ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ would become displaced even further, eventually becoming nomads upon the vast western savannas where they would take up domestication of the quagga horse from the thin bands of komontu settlers there. These great expanses beyond the vaguely defined borders of Ekifwe lacked any resemblence of central authority, instead existing under a series of interconnected semi-settled pygmy and komontu villages whose handicrafts and agricultural goods carried between settlements by the nomadic ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂.

The ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ peoples expelled from the Matobe basin had settled in the western grasslands around ancient Lutuntulaka and beyond, which they had begun using as a sort of rallying point for the settling of accounts between different groups. Here they had begun to press up against the enEkifwe once more, sacking rural villages for ransom and caravans for loot. To resist this the bokulakas began to finance punitive expeditions westward against the ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ though to little success. By the mid century Ekifwe had begun selling aristocratic commissions which would provide the holder’s family with a hereditary title over an area established in this disputed borderland. Over time these militant estates formed a patchwork able to successfully ward off nomadic incursions.

It was during this period that the tradition of military slavery among the Uhlangan river peoples began. Militant nobles known as mfumus would take the children of slaves or children provided as tribute and raise them from a young age into household troops far more loyal and effective than mercenaries. The wealthiest mfumus even took to capturing elephants from the wild to use in battle, which alongside the better organization and supply of the komontus ultimately gave them a decisive edge over the ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂. Lutuntulaka was made into a walled capital from which control could be exerted upon the flow of ivory, salt, pelts and copper across the frontier. These estates eventually came to rival the enEkifwe heartland in wealth and began to quarrel with their hegemons over the issue of tribute.

Nor had the mfumus of Lutuntulaka seen fit to simply build atop the area’s ruins. Many of the artifacts dating to this era show a conscious attempt to connect their rule with the ancient Lutuntulakans, including the recurring motif of the rhino idol veneration. Surviving bas-reliefs from the period depict the restoration of the Great Stone Kraal as a particularly legitimizing effort. By the 650s BCE enEkifwe ability to exert control over their western frontier had begun to seriously decline and by the 630s BCE it’s believed Neo-Lutuntulaka had ceased to pay tribute at all. Obelisk ruins found in the western Matobe depict these mfumus variously as powerful rhinoceroses and crescent moons which are believed to have been associated with divinity and wisdom.

Neo-Lutuntulaka as an independent entity would last from approximately 639 to 527 BCE. It reached its height by 680 BCE under Mfumu Veliana II, who established one of the world’s first museums to house the many ancient Lutuntulakan artifacts she had collected. Division among the mfumus however led to much internal strife which Ekifwe was able to exploit, resulting eventually in the ambush and death of her successor Tiya I in 520. Ekifwe would once more reestablish hegemony over the frontier a little under half a decade later though renewed enEkifwe authority would prove to be short lived. Fighting amongst the mfumus in 505 BCE prompted yet another intervention by the bokulaka which in turn set the stage for a second devastation not unlike fifteen years prior. Rebel Lutuntulakan forces however would quickly regroup and stalemate enEkifwe efforts, beginning a years’ long back-and-forth broken only by the reorganization of rebel forces under a new commander.

War of the Three Pearls

Early rebellions and rise of warlordism

The Falling Star Rebellion was a peasant revolt and mutiny of mercenaries that took place roughly between 610 BCE and 592 BCE during the late enEkifwe period of the iron age. It broke out during the reign of Bokulaka Botu I kiWako and would continue for years after most of the royal family’s deaths at the hand of a palace coup. Initial efforts to put down the burgeoning rebellion were defeated after the royal treasury was ransacked, causing many mercenaries employed to crush the rebellion to go unpaid and switch sides. Ekifwe was forced to concede territorial claims and trade deals in order to bring in nominal vassals to end the conflict which greatly reduced Ekifwe’s hegemonic status and fueled the rise in warlordism that would ultimately cause the War of the Three Pearls. The rebellion was a key component in early heretical Bamezaba thought, as it sought to challenge the divinity upon which noble rule was sanctioned.

Its name comes from the three star banner they marched under, prompted by a phrase allegedly uttered by an early leader of the movement: “The moon rises where the stars fall.” which was taken to mean that a new and more spiritually sanctified regime would rise if the old ruling order was overthrown. The Falling Star rebels wore red ribbons to fasten their hair, leading them to be referred to as the Basoda ya Bibende ya Mbwaki (lit. “Army of Red Ribbons”) or the Red Ribbon Army by near-contemporary chroniclers and historians alike, with the name first appearing in the Romance of the Three Pearls more than a century later. The ribbons represented red copper strings of fate which bound man to the will of the gods, displaying that the rebels did not consider the authority of the Bokulakas as legitimate.

After initially driving the royal government out of the capital and taking much of its surrounding territory, the host of Bambela kiFuaFua came upon members of the royalist faction in the wilderness and took them into his retinue, eventually ousting the rebels from the city and installing himself as regent for the newborn Luyindu VI. After suffering several more successive defeats the rebels scattered and its disparate bands came to settle deeper west in the Nyeleti and farther north in the highlands, where royalist forces could not as easily mass numbers against them. They would continue to remain a potent insurgency for decades to come even after the initial rebellion was defeated, both flaring up themselves and inspiring several others revolts during the Three Pearls era. Ultimately many of the more prominent rebel commanders, stuck in the path of the oncoming Kikonji, came to side with the warlord-turned-king in exchange for general amnesty for their followers and positions of importance for themselves.

Anti-rebel campaign and eastern expedition

Royal authority did not immediately collapse in the wake of the palace coup, an unintended side effect of the rebels’ actions in the countryside. The succession of coup and countercoup allowed the new warlord-controlled government to put on an air of legitimacy as information began to once more bleed through the kingdom. Nobles were bribed or bullied into recognizing the new bokulaka where they couldn’t be outright convinced. This show of strength likely allowed royal forces to marshal for a campaign against the Falling Star rebels in the dry spring of 605 BCE. Forces under Mfumu Nsango ia Ruphin defeated a rebel force on the Lufuluambo river near the town of Omgou, where they would lay siege until the following year.

In the north, Lutuntulakan elephantry under Mfumu Tiya kiMimi fought a series of battles with the rebels deep in the Nyeleti rainforest between the Mbandabombo and the Mwange which culminated in the Battle of Tchaka Lake, the largest single battle of the campaign. A very large rebel force would be caught by surprise there on their way to the capital, leading to a devastating blow to the Falling Star movement and the flight of their remaining forces from central Ekifwe to the periphery wilderness. At the same time however in the east kiTshanga forces under Bamfumu Tshilongo II kiMidjibu, a relative to the muLopwe of Tshiwaka and one of its most prominent generals, routed an enEkifwe host near Koumongo and chased its remnants up the Kalombo river all the way toward the Uhlanga. There they again defeated the enEkifwe under Mfumu Aku kiSambi at Owende, where they then quartered for the late rainy season of that year.

Several rebellions of N!Twa slaves in the kiTshanga heartland prompted Tshilongo II kiMidjibu to halt his westward advancement, allowing enEkifwe forces to group by 603 BCE. That year, Tiya kiMimi would link up with the Aku kiSambi and the remnants of his army and sail up the Mwange and establish a fort in the wilderness near where it meets the Kalombo. There they caught Tshilongo unawares and allowed him to chase them many miles down river where the kiTshanga were shattered at the Battle of the Amber Valley. This disaster for the kiTshanga forced them to pull back past the Mwange in the north though Tiya kiMimi’s river fortress was forcibly abandoned by that time. Minor skirmishes would continue throughout 602 BCE until in 601 a ten year peace was signed between Ekifwe and Tshiwaka, allowing the former to move its forces to clean up the Falling Star rebel in its western and northern frontiers.

Uhlangan Civil Wars

First Uhlangan Civil War (1948-1952)

Cuhonhico and Iqozi had territorial disputes dating back to the beginning of the colonial era over the Impfondo territory, which both sides desired but neither fully controlled. The area contains one of the largest natural gas condensate fields in the world, totaling more than 6,500 km3, and straddled the border of the two countries. Discovery of gas in the decades prior however had brought Nahua & Coyotl settlers and with them civil strife. The latter began displacing the Bakonji, Bakhoeli, VaMwedzi & ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ who traditionally populated both sides of the border and caused an escalating series of border clashes. These clashes turned into a general anticolonial uprising in 1949 from which the Communist Party of Konji would emerge the most prominent group.

KPSF rebels assault colonial forces using M'Birunan weapons (1951)

The uprising would prompt the royal Iqozi government to lend considerable aid to the rebels who while politically diverse were united in the Konji Patriotic Salvation Front, which consisted of komontu slaves, peasants, menial laborers, students and some Coyotl workers dissatisfied with living conditions in the gas company towns. Cuhonhico would reoccupy parts of the rebellious area later that year but was unable to fully pacify it, leading it to enact a deliberate policy of starvation on the rebel-held areas that would cause the deaths of more than a million people by the end of the war. In 1950 Iqozi would intervene and seize significant portions of Impfondo, intending to carve out a semi-independent buffer state between itself and Cuhonhico. Political instability at home alongside mounting costs of the war however would see the two sides come to a mutual agreement that the border met at the middle of the entire Nkentozi river as per the thalweg principle.

Much of the fighting was between Cuhonhico and the Republic of Impfondo, a secessionist state in the west representing the nationalist aspirations of its komontu population. The war saw some of the horrific atrocities of the twentieth century including widespread biochemical warfare and acts of deliberately inflicted starvation on the komontu populace. Impfondo received extensive support from abroad in their war against the Cuhonhicah, principally from M'Biruna which had established training camps for rebel forces within its borders as well as pipelines for food, medicine and materiel that sustained the war effort beyond what the Iqozi could offer. Among the groups that would receive arms and training from M'Biruna was the Communist Party of Konji - Golden Path, founded by Kalala Ulwazi, who would go on to found Phansi Uhlanga. Politically it devastated the conservative liberal coalition of the Confederalist Party and the National Democrats which had dominated Cuhonhicah electoral politics for decades. This resulted in the congealing of far right and revanchist elements around the Olochtist Party who would go on to win a plurality of congressional seats in the emergency 1953 elections and the appointment of its leader, Camali Chiczin, as President-for-life of the Republic in 1954.

Second Uhlangan Civil War (1953-1962)

The Second Uhlangan Civil War, sometimes also called the Iqozi Revolution, was a period of civil, political and social upheaval against the royal government that eventually culminated in civil war in the aftermath of the Impfondo Crisis. The revolution culminated in the violent overthrow of the king and the foundation of a People’s Republic led by a provisional People’s Indaba comprising the united front of anti-royalist and anticolonial parties. Originally beginning as the radical student movement in the early fifties protesting against the lack of social opportunity for the educated and the semi-feudal condition of the peasantry, it blossomed into a left-nationalist and revolutionary Ulwazist uprising in the aftermath of the First Uhlangan Civil War. This development alarmed nascently Olochtist Cuhonhico which saw it as a threat to their colonial social system, prompting them to at first intervene on behalf of the deposed inkosi and finally to prepare for an invasion of Iqozi.

A Cuhonhicah F-84 prepares to take off (1961)

In 1949 a failed military coup was attempted against the royal government while Inkosi Nkonkoni kaQozi was returning from a diplomatic trip abroad. The coup, instigated by radical republican officers, sought to abolish the system of paid military commissions and feudal landholding titles, the latter of which brought them much support from the landless peasantry. Despite initial popularity however the coup failed and this led to a wave of political repression against coup supporters. However, the coup emboldened many of Iqozi’s growing student population, which sought major reforms like exemption from military service, abolition of tax exemption for holders of certain aristocratic titles, universal education and a lowering of tuition costs for students to a level affordable to even poor Iqozi families. Nkonkoni granted some minor liberal reforms in an attempt to satiate the movement; it had the opposite effect and by the summer of 1953 rural villages had begun to violently expel government administrators and tax collectors.

Efforts to crush the initial uprisings were frustrated by mutinies of troops and lower class junior officers, many of which were of peasant backgrounds themselves or were personally connected to elements of the student movement. The mutineers were absorbed into various rebel factions, with the Golden Path becoming established particularly in the western ʘ͡ʰqonsā̂ villages along the Mputonzasi river and the Bakonji minority areas along the Cuhonhicah border. The slow disintegration of political life in Iqozi was arrested somewhat by the deft political maneuvering of Prime Minister Kgabu Daza who on multiple occasions reorganized parliament to balance the nation’s political factions carefully against each other. Consistently left out of these efforts however was the Uhlangan Communist Party, formerly the Iqozi Communist Party, which despite being outlawed and not eligible to hold political office was the largest anti-government political party in the country owing to having absorbed the KCP-GP in 1949. Its power had at first been hobbled by a leadership struggle between a coalition consisting of the most radical Iqozi communists and the Golden Path, united under Ulwazi, and more moderate syndicalist elements under Sibonakaliso Mlambo, which the Golden Path would ultimately win.

Still image taken moments before the execution of Nkonkoni kaQozi played on live television (1962)

Olochtist Cuhonhico sought to forestall the monarchy’s toppling as it saw a republican and potentially even communist Iqozi as a direct existential threat. So great was the fear of a general slave uprising among settler populace that it led to the rise of the greenshirt invictists under Camali Chiczin who by 1956 had ordered hundreds of airstrikes on rebel positions in the east as well as bombarding economically important rebel areas. These efforts exacerbated the deteriorating political situation of the inkosi however as they alienated him from his political partners, who increasingly began to see in the notoriously brutal Golden Path the nation’s only hope for continued survival. Negotiations on the peaceful transition to a republic with Nkonkoni as its first president were called off at Cuhonhicah insistence. This triggered a military coup by left-nationalist forces loyal to General Njiba Impisi, who seized the capital of iNyangani and after a show trial publicly tortured and executed the king. The UCP was subsequently made the national ruling party with Kalala Ulwazi as its leader and the country renamed to the People’s Republic of Democratic Iqozi. Cuhonhico would on the same day sever all diplomatic and economic ties to the country, with President Chiczin giving the secret order to begin war preparations.

Geography

The Uhlanga river and its numerous tributaries dominate the national landscape.

Phansi Uhlanga is located in central Malaio, bordered to the east by Pulacan and to the north by the Ozeros sea. The country lies south of the equator. At 568,576 square kilometers, it is the x largest nation in Malaio and the x largest nation in the world. Due to its location, Phansi Uhlanga receives very high precipitation, up to 2,000 millimeters (80 in) in certain areas. This sustains the Mfinda ya Nyeleti (generally shortened to Nyeleti) rainforest, which contains most of the country’s biodiversity. The country can be broken up roughly into three bioregions: the Matobe Basin, the eastern highlands, and the western savannas. Each of these three bioregions are separated by belts of hilly grasslands. Elevation is low in the northeast, gradually rising towards the western interior, while rainfall and forest coverage generally follow an opposite trend.

Matobe Basin

The dense Nyeleti rainforest covers much of the country.

The lush Nyeleti rainforest covers the entirety of the low-lying Matope basin, which slopes northeastward to the sea. This basin in turn gives way abruptly to expansive plateaus surrounding it on three sides, the fourth abruptly dropping off at the Kibaka ya Banzambi escarpment facing out towards the Ozeros sea. Upon these plateaus are dense grasslands and savannas to the west, highvelds and mountainous terraces to the northwest, and the glaciated Mpuya Nzasi mountain range to the far south and east bordering Pulacan . The latter is broken up by a layered transistory mosaic of forest and savanna. The Uhlanga river, from which the nation takes its name, cuts through nearly the entire area and produces an intense tropical climate that covers almost two thirds of the region. It and its tributaries form an important part of the country’s economy and transportation systems, with major tributaries including the X, X, X, X, X and X rivers.

The core region of the country is the low-lying Matobe Basin. With a territory of x square kilometers, it constitutes a little under a third of the total landmass. Much of the area within the basin is swampland, with belts of forest and grassland ringing it to the south, west and east. It is covered by the Nyeleti rainforest, which contains much of the country’s most renowned biodiversity. This marshy, bowl-shaped depression however is only sparsely populated by humans due to its unsuitability for agriculture. The Matobe is bisected by the Uhlanga river with the third north of the river generally having the lowest elevation in the country. Whereas to the south, low grasslands are broken up by dense gallery forests hugging the Uhlanga river’s extensive tributary network.

Eastern highlands

The peaks of the Mpuya Nzasi mountains remain snowcapped throughout the year.

In the far east, the Mpuya Nzasi mountain range again rises, with the coastal area in that region marked by numerous sheer cliffs. This region is called Ngungashanga, named for Mount Shanga, one of the highest peaks in the country. Ngungashanga is the only portion of Phansi Uhlanga not connected to the greater Uhlanga river system, fed instead by the Nzadiyashanga and Mengayabakala rivers respectively. These rivers originate in the Djebe mountains of neighboring Pulacan. Ngungashanga has on average a much higher elevation than most of the rest of the country. However, Mount Shanga itself is only the third highest such peak in Phansi Uhlanga.

The area’s climate is cooler than in much of the rest of the country thanks to this elevation. However, it also receives considerable rainfall throughout the year and, during the country’s rainy seasons, is subject to flooding in the region’s tight valleys. These valleys contain the bulk of that region’s arable land, owing to the very young volcanic soil which washes down into the valleys from the mountains around them. Mount Shanga itself contains an active volcano which last erupted in 2004, killing several dozen people and prompting the government evacuation of over a hundred thousand more. Ngungashanga is known for its above average amount of seismic activity. This has been an ongoing issue for Uhlangan attempts to better connect the region to the broader nation.

In the far south of the country is the western half of the Mpuya Nsazi, separated from the basin above it by a thick belt of hilly grassland snaking all along the rim of the mountain range. Here, tracing a path along the rivers are deep rift valleys. The south of the country was until the communist era heavily forested, becoming increasingly cleared in following decades for lumber. This portion of Phansi Uhlanga is particularly rich in minerals, with expansive deposits of cadmium, cobalt, copper, platinums, industrial & gem quality diamonds, zinc, manganese, tin, germanium, uranium, radium, bauxite, iron ore, and coal. The mining sector dominates the economy in the south as a result of this.

Between the two halves of the mountain range is the great Nsemoyakepela Rift Valley. Both deep and wide, it holds the best agricultural lands in all of eastern Phansi Uhlanga. The Nsemo, as it is colloquially known, is protected from monsoon rains by the eastern Mpuya Nsazi mountains, which also supplies its soil with volcanic ash and pumice. The latter is the source of the Nsemo’s rich andisol soils, which supports intensive cropping including the growing of rice and many fruits. Thousands of years ago, in the wake of the ice age, this region and the greater Matobe were significantly higher in elevation, the belt of fertile land greatly expanded as a result. However, much of the outer Nsemo has been eroded by the washing away of former glacial waters, sinking much of it into the greater basin. Still, the Nsemo valley remains important to this day.

Western savanas

Due to their extreme elevation, the Botala highlands receive semi-regular snowfalls during winter.

The northwest of the country is dominated by the Lithaba Botala mountain range, which forms a high alpine basalt plateau up to 3,400 m (11,200 ft) in height. This region, often called just the Botala, has a much cooler climate than other regions at the same latitude owing to this extremely high elevation. The Botala can itself be divided into regions of highlands and lowlands. The former, composed of terraced plateaus interspersed with snow capped mountain peaks being concentrated in the north and west, while the hilly lowlands in the south and east follow the X and X rivers. In the highlands, temperatures can reach as low as −18 °C and snowfall is common throughout the winters. The tallest mountain peaks even see snow all year round. The lowlands, where temperatures drop to only −7 °C see snow much less frequently owing to the lower elevation. The elevation also greatly affects precipitation, with 500 mm of rainfall annually in one area to 1200 mm in another.

Directly to the south of the Botala lowlands and the Uhlanga river is the eNyangeni Rift Valley, among the most ancient geological regions of the country and home to the most agriculturally productive lands in the whole of Phansi Uhlanga. The eNyangeni holds the highest soil quality in the country, with over 90% composed of leptosols, nitisols, vertisols, cambisols, luvisols, and fluvisols. The eNyangeni therefore has been the cradle of precolonial civilization in the region, home to many of the oldest stone age sites to be discovered. As early as 1500 BCE, rice was extensively cultivated throughout the valley and sorghum as early as 8000 BCE. Even today, the eNyangeni is one of the most heavily populated regions in Phansi Uhlanga and is home to Diqasa, by far its largest city.

The far western third of the country is known as the iYenkanyezi (lit “Land of the star”) and is composed primarily of tropical savanna. Lush gallery forests lining the multitude of navigable rivers criss-crossing the area intersperse the otherwise endless sprawl of rolling grassland. Virtually every inch of the iYenkanyezi is arable, contributing to this slice of land being the most populous in the whole of Phansi Uhlanga. Much of the interior rests on a highveld split in half by the far western edge of the Uhlanga river and contains numerous lakes. The highveld terrain is generally devoid of mountains, instead consisting of rolling plains occasionally broken up by the odd protruding stony ridge. The southern portion of the iYenkanyezi is generally drier than the northern half.

Politics & Government

Phansi Uhlanga is a highly centralized one party state ruled by a military junta. Its constitution defines it as a “revolutionary socialist state guided by Wernerism-Ulwazism-Abe Inqabism”. The Communist Party of Phansi Uhlanga has an estimated sixteen million members and is the sole legally operating political party in the country. As such, it maintains full legislative and bureaucratic control over the government and society. Its uppermost governing body is the National Defense Commission, a permanent council of the country’s Front Commanders who oversee the function of all bureaucratic offices and which has the power to enact or modify law at will. It also directly supervises the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of State Security, and the Ministry of Justice. The head of NDC is the Supreme Commander of the Revolutionary People’s Front, who is the de jure as well as de facto leader of Phansi Uhlanga. The position has been held since its inception in 1986 by Njiba Impisi, who was appointed during an emergency meeting of the Supreme People’s Indaba following a military coup that year. Previously leadership was vested in the Premier of the Supreme People’s Indaba, however following the coup that position was relegated to the role of chief legislator.

There are three branches of government in Phansi Uhlanga, represented by the Supreme People’s Indaba, the National Defense Commission, and the Council of Ministers. The SPI is the unicameral legislature of Phansi Uhlanga. Its 800 delegates are elected every five years through universal suffrage to represent the individual People’s Communes, though the party draws up candidate lists for each commune internally. Outside observers have described Uhlangan elections as being akin to a sort of government census on political attitudes owing to the mandatory 100% turnout. SPI sessions are convened by the Central Committee of the SPI, whose chairman is always the Premier. This makes the Premier of the SPI the second highest ranking office in Phansi Uhlanga. Since 2011, Gen. Kasanda Lukumwenu has held the position. SPI delegates formally elect the premier, though international observers cite this position always being held by a Front Commander as evidence in doubting the legitimacy of Uhlangan elections. It does not have the constitutional authority to initiate any legislation independent of the party or the military.

Organization

The governmental structure of Phansi Uhlanga maintains dual power between the civilian and military administations, with the latter having ultimate authority over the former. This is best represented by the constitution of 1971, which defines the Revolutionary People's Front as the “armed vanguard of the people’s revolution” and the government as a revolutionary and socialist state "guided in its building and activities only by the universally applicable and immortal Wernerism-Ulwazism as applied to the nation’s unique material circumstances according to Abe Inqaba Thought". The Communist Party of Phansi Uhlanga is the only legal political organization has an estimated membership of seventeen million. It dominates every aspect of political life and the economy within the nation.

The constitution of the DPRPU defines Wernerism-Ulwazism and Abe Inqaba Thought as the “guiding ideology and belief of the Uhlangan state and people” and guarantees its citizens a host of rights, including the right to a fair trial, housing, sustenance, employment, education, healthcare, and freedom of speech, with exclusions for “hateful, derogatory or politically offensive actions meant to attack national unity”. It was adopted in 1971, replacing the constitution of Democratic Iqozi and formally codifying the modern commune system in Phansi Uhlanga. This was part of a greater program of political reform that lasted throughout the late twentieth century. Other changes involved the formalization of national military governance under a system of Front Commands, which continues on to the modern day. Despite this however, the constitution and government of the Democratic People’s Republic remains committed to advancing Uhlangan socialism, with a stated goal of “achieving a moderately prosperous and serene socialist state by 2050” and “communism by the century’s end”.

Military rule in Phansi Uhlanga is ideologically codified in the form of “Sesole Pele”, a "military first" policy which prioritizes the Revolutionary People’s Front in state affairs and the allocation of resources. This is part of an overarching ideological program within Njiba Impisi Thought known as “Abe Inqaba”, which encourages “military and economic self-sufficiency wherever possible”.

Map displaying the 17 Front Commands of Phansi Uhlanga.

The head of state and government is the Supreme Commander of the Revolutionary People’s Front, who has the power to oversee the administration of all national law as well passing his own in the form of executive orders. The Supreme Commander is constitutionally defined as the senior most officer in the military, having wide ranging and ultimate authority over virtually all matters of state. Chief among the Supreme Commander’s responsibilities is the appointment of judges to the Supreme Court, members to the Central Committee and generals to leadership of the nation’s Front Commands, or military districts. The office of Supreme Commander is a lifetime position and is theoretically elected by collective decision from among the group of Front Commanders. However, General Njiba Impisi has held the position since its inception in 1971.

The Supreme People’s Indaba is the unicameral legislature of the Democratic People’s Republic. The constitution identifies the SPI as the source from which all offices and institutions derive official legitimacy. It consists of one deputy from each People’s Commune within Phansi Uhlanga, as well as reserved seats for minority and indigenous groups, and the military. Deputies are elected to five year terms without term limits. It meets twice a year to discuss matters of state for a period of one week, totalling two weeks in session per year. Because the DPRPU is a constitutionally mandated one party state, all members of the SPI are also members of the Communist Party.

The SPI serves to debate, enact, repeal and amend legislation affecting the whole of Phansi Uhlanga. It has the power to alter the constitution with a two thirds vote, to amend, permanently enact or repeal temporary legislation passed by the Central Committee while the SPI is not in session, to establish the basic principles of the nation’s foreign and domestic policy, determine and amend state budgets, and to provide input on and enact the nation’s Five Year Plans. Additionally, the SPI nominates the membership of the Central Committee, elects all members of the Cabinet, and establishes and disestablishes various governing committees and agencies. The President of the Supreme People’s Indaba serves as its speaker, with his powers including casting a tie breaking vote and the calling and closing of SPI legislative sessions.

The Central Committee of the Supreme People’s Indaba is the highest civilian organ of state power within Phansi Uhlanga while the Supreme People’s Indaba is not in session, as defined by the constitution. Its major role is to act as supervisor of the Cabinet and the nation’s governmental institutions as a whole. The Central Committee monitors all activities by all governmental offices to ensure total political and legal compliance. It additionally also acts as the first line of response for issues encountered with the national Five Year Plans and appoints all political officers of the General Political Bureau to the Revolutionary People’s Front.

Not only does it deliberate on all matters related to foreign policy, defense, national economic policy and domestic security, the Central Committee also directly abrogates all decisions of state organs that are considered to run counter to the directives of the SPI. Members of the Central Committee are nominated by the SPI and confirmed by the Supreme Commander. There are typically nine to fifteen members of the Central Committee, including the Supreme Commander and all Front Commanders. Central Committee members serve five year terms.

The Cabinet of Phansi Uhlanga is, per the constitution, the administrative body and general state-management organ in the civilian government. The Cabinet is responsible for implementing the state's economic and civil policies. However, it does not have responsibility for issues pertaining to national security or defense, these being under the direct jurisdiction of the Supreme Commander and the various Front Commands. Members of the Cabinet are elected by the Supreme People’s Indaba for a five year term without term limits, automatically renewed.

The Cabinet has the power to adopt legally binding measures to execute state policy , amend and implement economic regulations, guide the work of all Cabinet subordinate commissions, bureaus and ministries, draft the Five Year Plans for the national economy, compile the national budget and adopt measures to implement it, perform inspections and control work to ensure total compliance with state economic directives and to ensure accuracy of reporting data, abolish decisions and directions by state economic organ, which run counter to the directions made by its members, and adopt and enact measures regarding the monetary and banking system of Phansi Uhlanga.

The Supreme Court is the highest organ of the judiciary. Its justices are appointed to the Court by the Supreme Commander for five year terms without term limits, and can be recalled at any time by a two thirds vote of the SPI. The Supreme Court serves as the highest appellate court in the Union, though in certain legal cases, such as crimes against the state, it is the court of first instance. Decisions made by the Supreme Court cannot be challenged or appealed except by further directives of the Court or by executive order of the Supreme Commander. It has specific chambers for civil, criminal and political crimes. The Court is staffed by a Chief Justice and twelve judges. Its chief role is to determine the constitutionality of laws and to protect the rights of the individual against actions taken by the state. It also supervises all lower courts in the country, including all trials and proceedings, and oversees the appointment and training of judges.

A Front is an individual military district and the largest peacetime unit of the Revolutionary People’s Front. It is constitutionally defined as “the smallest contiguous region capable of maintaining continuity-of-government during wartime”, consisting of any number of communes and typically includes one or more industrial or agricultural centers. Each Front is tasked with overseeing local laws passed by the Communist Parties of the communes and has the authority to intercede or overrule local civil authority on matters deemed important to national defense. A Front Command directs general military affairs within a Front, chief among these conscription of military personnel, as well over most heavy industry in the form of Special Economic Zones. A Front Commander is a position held until life or retirement and is appointed by the Supreme Commander.

The People’s Commune is the basic Uhlangan administrative unit. A People’s Commune is usually a rural township or city, or a part of a larger metropolitan area, comprising one or more economic firms and its constituent populations. A People’s Commune is typically made up of the workers of one or several Work Brigades, including support services such as clinics, schools, and grocery stores. A People’s Commune numbers up to one hundred thousand. Each commune’s branch of the Communist Party elects officials to the communal People’s Indaba for a five year term without limits. The People’s Indaba in turn makes all laws governing its commune and appoints deputies to various bureaucratic committees and commissions.

Ideology

Chairman Kalala Ulwazi was posthumously recognized as the "Eternal Leader of the Revolution" upon his death.

Abe Inqaba, more broadly known as Inqabism or Wernerism-Ulwazism-Inqabism is the national ideology of Phansi Uhlanga. It is propagated by the government as the “lodestar of national revolutionaries throughout the whole world seeking answers to questions of contradiction and struggle.” Inqabism was pronounced as the new official line in 1986 shortly after the military coup that installed Njiba Impisi and the National Defense Commission into power. At the time the country was reeling from the failed liberal reforms of Premier Yenge Seko, resulting in the formation of a military junta to stabilize the political and economic situation. Impisi sought to synthesize Ulwazist doctrines with a “new political-ideological program” centered on self-sufficiency in key economic affairs; self-reliance in military affairs; and an independent foreign policy in which Phansi Uhlanga could not be forcibly influenced by foreign powers. The roots of Inqabism are complex as it is not considered a break from Wernerism-Ulwazism so much as it is the adaptation of a peasantry-focused agrarian socialist ideology to a newly proletarianizing and industrializing society. It was formalized in Impisi’s 1986 treatise On the Inqabist Idea, which draws heavily from Kalala Ulwazi’s speech "On Eliminating Programmatic-Formalism And Establishing Independent Ideology". Particularly relevant was this portion of the speech which formed the basis for the 1986 SPI economic plan:

“The government of the republic will consistently implement the line of independence, self-sustenance, and self-defence to consolidate the political independence of the country (chaju); solidly build the foundations of an independent national economy capable of insuring the independence, and prosperity of our nation; and increase the country's defence capabilities so as to safeguard the security of the fairyland reliably by our own force, by splendidly embodying our Party's idea of independence in all fields."

General Njiba Impisi is the currently recognized "supreme leader" of Phansi Uhlanga.

A key ideological deviation of Inqabism is the belief that the basic political program of Wernerism-Ulwazism has been perfected and is invariant, with an unbroken line tracing from the Communist Manifesto through the Cultural Revolution and to Impisi’s On the Inqabist Idea. It teaches that using the invariance of the program, meaning strict adherence to this Party doctrine, will prevent degeneration into opportunism and reformism. The latter are conceived as “revisionist tendencies”, linked together as “revisionism”; deviations which alter fundamental tenets of the Wernerist program and that ultimately lead to the abandonment of Wernerism in favor of “taking the capitalist road”. Revisionism can take leftwing or rightwing tendencies however both result in the diversion of revolutionary energies away from building socialism and toward restoration of the bourgeois class dictatorship. Revisionist tendencies manifest as criticism of the dictatorship of the proletariat (one party state socialism), communist ideological control over the media, inter-party factionalism, restoration of private property, unrestricted religious expression, etc. The issue first arose during the 1973 Ultraleftist Faction Incident, in which libertarian and Rubric states-aligned elements of the Party attempted to force Chairman Ulwazi to retire, but were thwarted and purged through the unification of the victorious Guerrilla and Vanguardist factions instead.

The “Uhlangan experiment in socialism” is believed by Inqabists to have provided an “essential blueprint” for the development of socialism in semi-feudal and backward states. The accuracy of this blueprint has been established through said Uhlangan experiment and so merely requires adjustment to the material circumstances of individual nations. In this understanding, Inqabism is recognized as Wernerism-Ulwazism applied to the unique conditions of Phansi Uhlanga. Social and class contradictions leftover from the abolished semi-feudal and capitalist orders are only abolished through the intensification of class struggle under socialism, represented best through dictatorship of the proletariat and cultural revolution. Thus the legitimacy and correctness of a socialist program is not derived from majority decisions but consistency to the 'scientific' program of Wernerism-Ulwazism.  The best tactics and strategies are developed in accordance with the invariant Ulwazist program, as opposed to majority decisions like in bourgeois social democracies.

The latter is culminated in the concept of the “organic creation of a supreme leader” (“lugangu ya manyolo ya ntwadisi ya kuluta nene”), which teaches that Inqabism is a “man-centered ideology” in which "the popular masses are placed in the center of everything, and the leader is the center of the masses". In contrast to classical Wernerism, which teaches a historical materialist view in which the societal superstructure is primarily shaped by its relations to the means of production (the societal base), Inqabists argue that the superstructure also shapes the organization and development of its underlying economic mode of production. They believe that history is governed by material laws as observed by Werner, but that man’s response to these material laws is the primary driver of progress, stating that "the popular masses are the drivers of history". The process in which the masses develop the consciousness, independence, and creativity, as well as sufficiently develop the productive forces for socialism, requires the organic cultivation of a “great leader” who acts as the brain of the revolutionary classes. The popular masses drive history but require correct, decisive leadership to avoid the dissipation of revolutionary energies or misdirection of those energies into dead end paths. International critics have suggested that the supreme leader concept was a deliberate attempt to develop a cult of personality around Ulwazi and later Impisi.

Military rule

Since 1986, Phansi Uhlanga has been ruled by a military junta in the form of the National Defense Commission. Unique among military dictatorships, the NDC is a formally legislated governmental organ with constitutionally defined powers that is weaved together with a civilian government. Its members serve in five year term increments and membership is internally voted upon by its constituent Front Commanders. The head of the NDC is the Supreme Commander, who rules for a five year term indefinitely renewed. However, Njiba Impisi has solely held the office since its inception. Its seventeen constituent Front Commanders serve as regional governors overseeing the administration of local civilian governments, in effect forming a supreme military bureaucracy subordinate to General Impisi. More than one hundred seats in the Supreme People Indaba, the national unicameral legislature, are reserved for active duty members of the military in addition to a preference for servicemen and long-serving veterans on civilian candidate lists.

While the country is undeniably ruled by the military in the form of the NDC, it does not exist independently or above the Communist Party. Membership in the NDC, or indeed any administrative military position, legally requires party membership in good standing. The Director of the RPF Political Department, which ensures loyalty to the Party in all units down to the company level, is a permanent member of the NDC. Members of the Revolutionary People’s Army are not exempt from scrutiny by the Party’s Central Auditing Commission, the highest civilian anti-corruption and internal security organ, who have in the past prosecuted prominent generals. In 2005, General Matondo Tulengi was given a life sentence in relation to an illegal whaling scheme after its uncovering caused the 2004 Ozerosi Whaling Crisis. Despite this NDC members have been consistently decried as being largely above civilian law by international observers, citing especially that many high ranking RPF personnel are exclusively tried by military tribunals and the tendency to censor investigations into military affairs by state media.

The NDC first originated as the Emergency State Affairs Commission in early 1985 and was made up of Ulwazist hardliners dissatisfied with Premier Yenge Seko’s failed program of economic and political liberalization. They directly opposed the ongoing dismantlement of the command economy as well as a bill calling for the disestablishment of one party rule Seko planned to put up for a vote at the SPI plenum the following year. Rather than rapidly connecting the national economy to the global one as intended, Seko’s reforms instead caused widespread chaos, shortages of basic goods and complaints by international business partners that the constantly influx trade regulations made dealing with Uhlangan firms impossible. His political reforms opened a window for nationalist and separatist movements to agitate for autonomy and secession both via Uhlangan mass media and politically. Late that same year the ESAC arrested Seko and his reformist clique in a military coup. Thereafter General Impisi was made acting ESAC Commissioner and subsequently Supreme Commander at the 1986 SPI Plenum. A state of martial law was declared which remained in effect ultil 2003. During that period, extensive rollbacks on newly established human rights and democratic expression were abolished wholesale. This period, referred to by defectors abroad as the Red Terror, saw extensive purges of liberal and reformist elements from the government as well as violent repression of formerly legal independent political groups.

Law enforcement and internal security

Uhlangan WPR Guards in Tufibwala.

The Ministry of People’s Security is the government agency responsible for overseeing law enforcement, railroad and border security, emergency response services, and public order. It is a constitutionally subordinate organ of the Cabinet however like most organs of government ultimate power is instead vested in the National Defense Committee. It handles common criminal cases; manages the prison system and traffic control; monitors the political attitudes and activities of citizens; conducts background checks and the census; conducts all firefighting; and operates the Worker-Peasant Red Guard, Phansi Uhlanga’s civil police force. These individual responsibilities are split among numerous departments headed by a director. The Minister of Internal Security is generally a permanent member of the Central Committee owing to the importance of the position, which necessitates deep ideological penetration.

During the Cultural Revolution of 1973-1981 the police force was abolished across the country in favor of a system of armed people’s militias loyal to the Party and organized on a communal basis, which remains to this day. These are the Worker-Peasant Red Guards, today a paramilitary police force which maintains public order in Phansi Uhlanga’s many People’s Communes. The WP Red Guards personnel ranks follow military lines with each communal WPRG being headed by a colonel. The WPRG is commanded by a colonel-general who reports directly to the National Defense Commission. These communal detachments are broadly similar to a system of sheriffs in other countries, however WPR Guards subunit tasks are much more regimented. WPR Guards performing communal patrols do not also conduct investigations, for example.

A rural Uhlangan police vehicle.

The justice system is primarily inquisitorial and heavily influenced by the civil law systems of Elatia, Ostrozava and the Rubric States. Judicial procedures are handled by the Supreme Court, provincial and city-level people’s court’s, and special courts. People’s courts handle low level offenses and operate in rural and urban areas, whereas special courts handle cases related to military, railroad, or maritime matters. Judges are elected by their respective people’s communes for five year terms, however candidate lists are drawn up by the Communist Party, which also requires membership to hold such offices. The penal code is based on a principle of “no crime without a law” however international observers accuse it as being a tool of political control for the regime. Courts also conduct legal procedures regarding political crimes. The Ministry of State Securty, the Uhlangan secret police, hold political prisoners in a network of asylums for which the Uhlangan government has been widely internationally condemned, citing widespread application of psychiatric abuse and psychological torture. The surveillance and security apparatus is pervasive, exerting considerable control over individual residency, ability to travel freely, employment opportunities, and so on.

Foreign relations

Phansi Uhlanga began establishing diplomatic relations with foreign nations as soon as it was founded in 1971. Between then and 1980, it established embassies primarily in the leftist world. The Cultural Revolution and its subsequent anti-Nahua cultural indigenization campaigns however saw the ending of relations with Tyreseia and Talahara. The country, then under Kalala Ulwazi, sought a new patron in Elatia. However, Elatian aid proved unable to meet the levels previously provided by the Rubric states, and by the early 1980s ceased altogether with that nation’s economic collapse. Ganzak and the Republik Bebas Ketiga became close diplomatic and trade partners during that era, with Wazheganon and Ostrozava similarly joining that list during the liberal thaw of 1980-1985. Today, those nations alongside M'Biruna and Amayana, are the seven states with which Phansi Uhlanga enjoys the deepest trade and the least restrictions on travel.

Relations between Phansi Uhlanga and Pulacan during the period between 1971 to 2004 were extremely hostile. For more than thirty years there was no official diplomatic recognition between the two and their border was among the most militarized on earth. This maze of minefields, hardened military fortifications, curtain walls, and troop emplacements through heavily mountainous terrain was characterized in mass media at the time as the Iron Shroud (Rido ya Kibende). Except during the brief liberal thaw after 1980 but prior to 1986, the Uhlangan-Pulatec diplomatic crisis would not improve until the early 21st century. Starting in 2004 with the normalization of relations between those two states, Phansi Uhlanga adopted a doctrine of “peaceful coexistence” (kuzinga kumosi na ngemba) that saw it normalize relations with much of the international community. Phansi Uhlanga joined the Forum of Nations as an at-large nation in 2006 and by 2010 became signatory to multiple key FoN treaties as part of a program to connect the Uhlangan economy to global trade. The country both rhetorically and as a strategy of independence from great powers has always sought particularly close ties with other developing nations.

While the portions of the Iron Shroud that constituted the Uhlangan-Pulatec border were largely dismantled and demilitarized after 2004, its portion next to Khuummehkhweh has been expanded. No roads or rail lines connecting it and Phansu Uhlanga have existed since prior to the Second Uhlangan Civil War; all areas of obvious egress are heavily mined and under frequent military patrol. Neither country officially recognizes the legitimacy of the other. The only nation Phansi Uhlanga can be said to have worse relations with is Zacapican; the Uhlangan constitution goes so far as to openly declare the latter "an invariant aggressor and the principal enemy of the People’s Socialist Republic." This state of affairs originates in Zacapine support for, and later direct intervention on behalf of, Cuhonhico during the Third Uhlangan Civil War and its subsequent support for Khuummehkhweh. The end of its military presence there remains a bedrock demand which has made normalization between Zacapican and Phansi Uhlanga impossible. Unresolved issues relating to the exact position of the Khuukhweh-Uhlangan border as it lays through the Mount Khomai region remain a major source of tensions.

Khuummehkhweh

Uhlangan-Khuukhweh relations do not formally exist, with neither country recognizing the legitimacy of the other. Today, high level talks between them involve the mutual coordination of their World Games committees. Since the founding of the country, its border with Khuummehkhweh has been among the most heavily militarized on earth. Stretching more than 100 kilometers, with a width at its broadest passage of more than 20 kilometers, it contains thousands of pillboxes, minefields, coordinated air defense networks, weapons depots, troop emplacements, and so on, these fortifications are collectively known as the Iron Shroud. Prior to 1973, several roads and rail lines between the two countries existed, though they had ceased function after the Third Uhlangan Civil War. After the founding of Khuummehkweh and the resulting 1973 Khuibamban refugee crisis, the border was formally closed with the militaries of both countries manning it. Since then several incidents of violence along the border, as well as controversies involving state sponsored terrorism and kidnappings, have contributed to a mutually hostile diplomatic situation.

Trade relations are similarly nonexistent. Since the turn of the century, Phansi Uhlanga has expanded trade relations with most of its neighbors and the greater international community. Despite this, official trade between the two countries in 2023 was valued at less than $100 million, mostly in the form of small individual aid donations made by Uhlangan individuals to komontu aid groups in the Khuukhweh northern territories. Estimates on black market trades vary wildly owing to the difficulty in procuring information, however this is estimated at another $100 million yearly, mostly in relation to drugs and smuggling. Methamphetamine and illegal resource extraction, primarily of platinum and natural gas, dominate black market cross border trade. This has become only more prominent as a result of the ongoing Khuukhweh hyperinflation crisis.

Pulacan

Relations with Pulacan were established first in 2004 after the whaling crisis of that year. Prior to that, the Iron Shroud extended across the entirety of southern and eastern Phansi Uhlanga, with several army corps at constant readiness for eventual war. Despite these hostilities however cooperation with Pulacan took place regarding the eradication of the tsetse fly, which the two countries successfully eliminated by the 1990s. Until 2004, more than a thousand ballistic missiles equipped with biochemical and radiological warheads were aimed at sites throughout Pulacan and would quickly saturate much of the country in persistent deadly agents in the event of a war. However, the Treaty of Fraternal Coexistence signed that year would see the repositioning of this arsenal well away from the border and the end of such hostilities. Travel between the two countries was legalized that year and connections by air, rail and road were established. Embassies were established the following year. Today, the two countries have cordial relations but unresolved disputes over the sea and land borders, established in the immediate post Third Uhlangan Civil War period, remain ongoing. A hotline between Ngondabwala and Aachanecalco was established in 2004 so that the executives of Phansi Uhlanga and Pulacan can speak immediately in the event of emegencies.

While it amounts to a relatively small percentage of overall Uhlangan exports and imports, trade with Pulacan has grown year after year since normalization. This has been particularly pronounced in the automotive, tech, steel, and chemical industries. The Kusemazo Special Industrial Park was set up in the border town of Mbanza-Nsusu to facilitate trade in the tech industry and is the largest Uhlangan microelectronics facility outside of Silicon River in Nimatiti. The KSIP is the location of several Uhlangan-Pulatec joint-stock companies focusing on the manufacturing of automotive, industrial equipment, and consumer electronic components. A continuing stumbling block regarding trade has been Pulacan’s deep ties to Zacapican and its membership in the Union State, which means that most manufactured goods are required to be assembled in the KSIP, where they can be supervised for potential security threats. Resultantly, trade between the two countries is mostly in the form of energy, refined metals, processed foodstuffs, chemicals, and other low-value added goods.

Human rights

The state of human rights in Phansi Uhlanga has been widely condemned by foreign nations and watchdog groups. A 2009 report by the Karel Moravec Institute for Cultural Freedom, an Ostrozavan human rights watchdog group, found evidence of “systematic human rights violations almost without parallel in the modern world”. The lives of the Uhlangan citizenry are strictly managed at every level by the state and are subordinated to planning by the party-state and military. Owing to the rigid totalitarian structure of their government Uhlangans are regularly subjected to restrictions on their political and economic freedoms, with the latter considered especially severe by international observers. Citizens as young as seventeen can be extrajudicially gang pressed into serving into the military; children as young as four are bombarded daily with extreme political propaganda whereas access to outside information and foreign media is heavily restricted. It is illegal for citizens to leave the country at will and must seek explicitly written approval from the government. Citizens are required by law to be employed or actively seeking employment, with those who do not being subject to significant legal penalties.

Satellite image of Camp-69, which the MDI estimates to hold more than 150,000 prisoners.

The Uhlangan secret police frequently raid and arbitrarily persecute Nahuatl religious organizations. Widespread and arbitrary detention, poor treatment and torture resulting in the death of political dissidents for minor acts of resistance have been condemned by the international community. Rather than being imprisoned alongside the general population, political prisoners are held for long sentences in insane asylums. Anticommunists and opponents of the state atheist doctrine are frequently diagnosed with pseudoscientific diagnoses like “sluggish schizophrenia” and “delusional reformism”, which are not recognized by any international psychiatric group. These dissidents are then subjected to intensive psychotherapy, including use of chemical treatments and electroconvulsive therapy, whose regimens can last for years at a time. According to a report by the FoN Human Rights Commission, which included satellite images and defector testimony, more than 400,000 dissidents, including three generations of their families, are held in six prison camps in the western Lithaba Botala mountains. One such testimony from famed ex-Uhlangan defector Yonni Parakazi detailed treatment in these camps as such:

“They make us get on the train but it does not go anywhere, so we have to then get out and push the train into the camp. But because we are outside the train, many of us die. In the camps every morning they break some of our legs and at night they break some of our arms. When we do not obey their demands we are stripped naked and bound so tightly with rope that we cannot struggle as boiling hot wax is poured on our bare skin.”

The government of Phansi Uhlanga has steadfastly denied all accusations of human rights abuses as a “baseless smear campaign from the human rights racket intended to destabilize and overthrow the state.” The official state newspaper, Call of Uhlanga, regularly reports on the alleged crimes of capitalist states it considers hostile to its interests, including a running tally of supposed “anti-komontu racial crimes” it regularly broadcasts to international audiences. The government has in the past however admitted to instances of abuse or graft by governmental officials during criminal trials, including several that have been broadcast on state media. Zivek Sisoj however, writing for the Karel Moravec Institute, has decried these limited instances as “show trials bent only on improving the Party’s international reputation.”

Military

The armed forces of Phansi Uhlanga are officially known as the Revolutionary People’s Front and consist of the Red Guards, the Navy, the Air Force, the Special Operations Force, and the Strategic Rocket Force. With more than three million military total personnel, including more than two million active duty and 1.5 million reserve and paramilitary troops, Phansi Uhlanga fields the largest military in Malaio. The RPF practices universal conscription of all citizens between the ages of seventeen and thirty-five regardless of sex, with exceptions made for college and trade school students in key sectors as well as pregnant women. Administration of the military is handled by the General Staff of the RPA and overall command is subordinated to the National Defense Commission. Its commander-in-chief is the Supreme Commander of the RPA, currently Njiba Impisi who assumed office after a military coup in 1986. Most of the RPF’s equipment is produced domestically in the more than two thousand deep underground hardened munitions plants, including more than 250,000 tons of chemical, biological, and radiological weapons. While Phansi Uhlanga openly declares the existence of its weapons of mass destruction, the full scope of its procurement program remains a mystery.

Economy

Organization

Phansi Uhlanga maintains one of the world’s only centrally planned economies, with most of the means of production operated by the state and most of the labor force employed in state firms. A system of Five Year Plans was first organized and implemented by the State Planning Commission in 1971 with the goal of achieving industrialization and a high level of self-sufficiency. The heavy industrial sector dominates the Phansi Uhlangan economy to this day, particularly the chemical, mining, steel, machine tool building, defense manufacturing, and construction industries. Since the early 2000’s, Phansi Uhlanga has expanded light industry at the expense of unproductive and outdated heavy firms.

The first Five Year Plan was passed by the 1st Communist Party Indaba of Democratic Iqozi shortly after the proclamation of the People’s Republic. The system of five year plans facilitated rapid industrialization and economic development despite semi-frequent aerial bombardment by neighboring Cuhonhico, then the self-declared last remaining province of the Heron Empire not in active rebellion. The first eight five year plans focused entirely on the development of heavy industry and the mechanization of firms, seeing subsequently massive spikes in output in the mining, steel, machine toolmaking and agriculture. Particular focus was placed on the production of military equipment to the exclusion of virtually all consumer goods.

The seventh five year plan was disrupted by the 3rd Uhlangan Civil War, during which intense fighting across much of the region’s most productive lands, as well as mass biochemical attacks on civilian centers, cratered both industrial and agriculture outputs for years. The eighth was the first five year plan after the annexation of Cuhonhico and the formal declaration of Phansi Uhlanga in 1971. The discovery of significant natural gas deposits in the Ndhawu ya Ndzhope region of southern-central Iqozi in 1966 provided a much needed fuel for the government’s industrialization effort and has since its discovery been administered directly by the military as a Special Economic Zone.

The Integrated Information Network for Socialist Economic Planning (Netiweke ya Mahungu leyi Hlanganisiweke ya Vupulani bya Ikhonomi ya Vusoxalisi) is the nationwide computer network of Phansi Uhlanga and a distributed decision support system which serves to aid in the management of the socialist planned economy. Work on IINSEP began in 1964 under the Central Statistical Bureau in Democratic Iqozi. At this time there were no more than a dozen or so computers in all of the country, the smallest of which filled an entire room. Instead, the government procured from abroad and then distributed hundreds of punch card readers and telex machines to the largest firms across Phansi Uhlanga.

Further orders for expansion were placed in 1965, however, all progress on IINSEP was halted by the 3rd Uhlangan Civil War. After the war in 1972 work began immediately to expand the project to all major firms under its current organization. The IIN incorporates a threefold system of economic planning: Netkhom, Minonkhom, and Vaayelo.

Netkhom

Netkhom (Netiweke ya tiKhompyuta, lit “Computer Network”), often called the “Uhlangan intranet”, is the computer infrastructure of IINSEP. It began as a network of mechanical computers and telex machines which served to connect state planners at all levels with the necessary economic data to make detailed adjustments to the general economic program. Previously, all levels of information were tabulated by hand using an immense number of individual calculation methods. Individual firms under individual ministries had direct access to only what information they themselves calculated or had access to, and communication between these firms and ministries involved a web of bureaucratic navigation. This was both manpower intensive and rife with human error.

Netkhom represented a simplification of the planning system on numerous fronts. Firstly, it created a unification of all information networks under the Central Statistical Bureau. Secondly, it created a free flowing stream of economic data that could, in various levels of detail, be updated daily or even hourly. This data could be accessed by every firm connected to the network, which in turn allowed said firm to make decisions accurately and quickly in response to market trends and evolving needs. Thirdly, it gave the State Planning Committee an informed idea of the state of the national economy that did not depend as thoroughly on reports through successive layers of individual agencies.

The bottommost level of organization involved the establishment of twenty thousand small data centers in important economic firms across the country. These centers existed to monitor and collect primary information of the day-to-day performance of economic firms. This included labor attendance and participation, input of material resources, output of goods, wages, bonuses, and so on. Next were hundreds of very large computer centers in mid-sized and large cities, which store long term this collected data for the purposes of coordinating regional level economic functions. At the very top is the central node facility located within the Central Statistical Bureau headquarters in Ngondabuala, which provides the national government with real time, highly detailed economic information for the purposes of streamlining broad economic planning and facilitating minute and immediate changes to plans in relation to external stimuli.

Netkhom saw rapid expansion and modernization throughout the 1980s and ‘90s until by the turn of the millennium, computerized nodes existed in every economic firm across every economic sector. Civilian access to Netkhom began in 1997 alongside this rapid expansion as part of the worldwide revolution in personal computing.

Minonkhom

Minonkhom (Minongonoko ya tiKhompyuta, “Computer Software") refers to the specialized, proprietary software used in both analysis of the colossal reams of economic data IINSEP gathers as well as the complicated economic simulators used to aid in planning. The Minonkhom system is adopted universally across all firms for easy incorporation into IINSEP, giving every firm down the least developed collective farm detailed information on market trends, pricing, constituent resource value, and so on. These simulated models allow Uhlangan economic planners to predict and plan for emergencies, both theoretically and ongoing, and theorize with some manner of reason how certain adjustments to economic policy may affect the system at large.

Vaayelo

Vaayelo (Vuyelo bya Vaaki, “Public Feedback”) comprises the myriad programs undertaken to deliver public opinion, especially regarding economic products and political issues, to the government. In relation to Netkhom, this takes the form of anonymous online focus groups, review boards, and even a system for petitioning government officials to specific action. These feedback systems first manifested as “algedonic meters” or early warning public opinion meters in “a representative sample” of Uhlangan homes that allowed citizens to transmit their pleasure or displeasure with televised political speeches to the government or television studio in real time based on a sliding scale.

These algedonic meters were used to provide individual feedback during television segments on a wide range of products from consumer goods to entertainment. However, Vaayelo was chiefly used as a means of improving industrial efficiency. The draconian quota system used by the government often incentivized the managers of underperforming or overleveraged firms to lie as a means of avoiding career repercussions. Furthermore, managers and workers alike often lacked sufficient means of reporting shortfalls, quality issues, or irregularities safely and securely.

Vaayelo was designed from the ground up to provide the government with purely anonymized data that weighs only the averages of these inputs. This allowed the consumer and the worker to provide much needed information directly to the state in such a way as to properly focus the government’s focus on areas of democratically perceived social importance. Simultaneously, by keeping this information entirely anonymous, even data that might be unwanted or embarrassing to the state could be provided in a manner that did not threaten its political or ideological legitimacy.

Infrastructure and transport

Transportation in Phansi Uhlanga has always been difficult. The terrain and climate of the Matobe basin present serious barriers to road and rail construction which have consternated the socialist government since the end of the Third Uhlangan Civil War. The country has a sprawling network of navigable rivers, totaling more than 20,000 kilometers, with which it uses to move people and freight. As a result water transport has always been the dominant means of moving around in much of the country. As much as three fifths of Uhlangans take ferries as part of their daily commute. Despite this however in certain remote parts of the country, primarily the Ngungashanga region, transportation remains underdeveloped owing to the extremely mountainous geography. The Ngungashanga is the only area of Phansi Uhlanga that is not connected to the greater Uhlanga river, instead being watered by tributaries extending eastward from Pulacan. Massive infrastructure projects aimed at fully connecting the entire country have been a continuous focus of the Five Year Plans.

Rail transportation in Phansi Uhlanga is handled by the Ministry of Railways through Uhlangan State Rail, the sole rail operator in the country. Travel by rail is second only to the ferry in terms of usage, with more than 11,000 kilometers of track connecting all district capitals and most major metropolitan areas. Track gauge is standardized at 1,520 mm, however about 2000 kilometers located in particularly mountainous regions of the country are narrow gauge. The state has invested considerable resources in connecting these regions to the rest of the country, from flattening out the grades of areas for laying track to blasting enormous amounts of dirt and rock for tunnels. Approximately two thirds of tracks laid are electrified with the rest planned by 2035. Numerous rail lines connected to neighboring Pulacan prior to the revolution were demolished by Uhlangan authorities immediately following the country’s foundation. Until 2004 no roads, flights or railways connected the two countries owing to their extremely hostile relations. Since then however several lines extending into Pulacan have been completed, with plans to establish a high speed rail line connecting Ngondabuala and Aachanecalco currently being negotiated. International travel is strictly regulated by the border police.

Phansi Uhlanga has approximately 175,000 kilometers of road, of which more than 90% are paved. In the years following the Third Uhlangan Civil War development of a paved road network was considered of utmost importance to the new communist government, who set about restoring, interlinking and expanding the existing roadways inherited from prewar Iqozi and Cuhonhico. Despite these efforts improvements lagged behind other means of transport, owing to the difficulty of maintaining paved surfaces in the deep jungle as well as the seismic activity and mountainous remoteness of the northeast. A lack of investment by economic planners in personal vehicles for individual civilian driving, alongside the high cost of fuel for civilians, contributed further to a lack of state interest in fixing the issue. Since the 2000s however with the abolition of the internal passport system, alongside rising personal incomes, has led to greater emphasis on the national highway system. Today enormous highways intended to serve as emergency aircraft landing strips link every district capital in the country to Ngondabuala, with other major highways linking to major cities such as Diqasa. All civilian vehicles in Phansi Uhlanga are adorned with white “distance stars”, painted markings added for every 50,000 kilometres (31,000 mi) travelled without an accident.

All civilian air travel in Phansi Uhlanga is handled by KKY Nsi-ntoto Kutinda na Avio (lit “Publicly Owned Enterprise International Air Transport Combinate”), branded internationally as KKY InterAvio, the state air transport company. From its headquarters at the Comrade Kalala Ulwazi International Airport, InterAvio operates scheduled and chartered flights between its hub in Diqasa and the estimated 120 regional airports scattered throughout the country. As the sole air company it also operates all international flights in and out of Phansi Uhlanga and as the sole flag carrier is similarly responsible for all air shipping. InterAvio also works extensively with the Ministry of Agriculture to provide crop dusting services to Uhlangan collective farms. Daily international flights are limited mostly to important allies and trade partners, with multiple scheduled routes to Kansmar, Mawosåw, Ieripoli, Bandar Sungai Berkembar among others. Flights elsewhere are chartered by demand. Since 2004 Uhlangan flights have chartered between Ngondabuala and Mabesekwa in Pulacan however regular travel between the two remains uncommon.

Energy

The Grand Luzanzambi Dam generates more than 40 GW of power yearly

The energy sector in Phansi Uhlanga is one of the nation’s biggest and most important, with it generating almost forty billion kilowatt-hours of electricity in 2023 alone. It has abundant sources of coal and natural gas, as well as several of the largest hydroelectric dams operating in the world. Proven reserves of natural gas are believed to exceed 35,000 km³, with annual production reaching 265,000 cubic meters of gas in 2022. This does not include recoverable reserves of shale gas, nor estimated reserves yet to be tapped, which some scientists believe might push national reserves up by more than two times. Natural gas remains a major export of the Uhlangan economy. Similarly, proven reserves of coal equal out to more than 100,000 million tonnes, most of which is used in the production of synthetic fuels. Since the 1990’s two nuclear power plants have been installed in Diqasa and Ngondabuala, allowing some of the most commercially and politically important cities in the country to phase out coal power plants produced in the aftermath of the Third Uhlangan Civil War. Most of the electricity in the country is generated by thermal-power plants burning natural gas (63%), and to a lesser extent by hydroelectric (31%) and nuclear (6%).

The Mafutabuala Gas Combine can be seen in the distance

The country also has a small domestic deposit of bitumen in the southern Mafutantoto tar sands region, which contains the locally famous Mafutantoto Tar Pits. This region was home to moderate oil deposits which were discovered by Angatahuaca in the late nineteenth century and heavily exploited by the Cuhonhicah in the twentieth. By the 1960’s however exploitable crude oil reserves had been tapped beyond commercial viability, leading to Olochtist Cuhonhico intensively developing a program to use the country’s coal and natural gas as feedstock for the production of synthetic petroleum. This became the Cuhonhicah’s primary source of high-grade aviation fuel, synthetic oil, synthetic rubber, synthetic methanol, synthetic ammonia, and nitric acid. After the war, the new Uhlangan government incorporated much of the surviving synfuel infrastructure and research into its own state oil company which today operates some of the largest syngas plants in the world. This includes the Mafutabuala Gas Combine, which alone produces more than 150,000 barrels of synfuel daily, as well as more than 56.5 million tonnes CO2 yearly. KKY Wolowala (“Publicly Owned Enterprise Combinate Wolowala”), branded internationally as Wolowala Combinate, is the state owned enterprise that handles plant operations and overseas deals. In total, Phansi Uhlanga produces approximately 580,000 bbl annually despite a dearth of indigenous oil resources.

Science and technology

The headquarters of the National Academy of Sciences (left) and the Institute of Technical Cybernetics (right)

Research and development, especially in industries key to self-sufficiency in agricultural machinery, machine tool building and microelectronics, are considered especially important to economic development by the Communist Party. National resources towards R&D are centered at the National Academy of Science, which runs hundreds of research institutes, thousands of smaller research centers, dozens of factories producing scientific and medical equipment, and more than ten national publishing houses focused on scientific and industrial research. Starting with the 7th Five Year Plan in 2006, an intensive and widespread program emphasizing polymer chemistry, chemical engineering, information technology, mathematics, software, microelectronics, and biochemistry was carried out. The intent was to use increased access to foreign knowledge and resources, owed to diplomatic normalization, in order to intensively develop key economic areas in which Uhlangan researchers were seen as internationally strong. Under its "constructing a powerful knowledge economy" slogan, the government has linked all state owned enterprises, universities and research institutes together with a centralized walled garden intranet network intended to easily allow trade and cooperate on state knowledge and research. This provides all state firms and researchers with easy on hand access to a vast sum of IP and research that can be easily incorporated into individual production. As part of this program, the government has also sought to exploit its expanding trade ties by pursuing technology transfer in exchange for offering industrial capacity to foreign firms, as well as aggressively purchasing industrial IP from abroad.

Research is especially focused on the microelectronics industry, particularly in the production of chips, processors, integrated circuits and key components for computer aided manufacturing. Nearly 10% of the Uhlangan annual operating budget, totaling more than LC12 trillion ($60 billion) is invested yearly into the industry, incorporated into the conglomeration of industrial combinates officially known as Nzadi ya Silicon (“Silicon River”) in Nimatiti. Self-sufficiency in the development of a domestic computer industry, complete with an indigenous digital infrastructure, is seen as ultimately vital to the development of a modern and independent socialist state. Investment into the microelectronics industry began early on under communist rule, culminating by the 2000s in the successful development of the Uhlangan intranet, and by the 2010s a domestic space program capable of launching satellites and other orbital vehicles beyond earth’s atmosphere. Cooperation by Silicon River enterprises with more developed firms abroad, including the setting up of joint stock companies for development, the legal purchase of technology and IP, and the contracting for lower end work from international firms by Uhlangan counterparts is being heavily encouraged by the government as part of greater efforts to establish an integrated role in the global economy.

Starting in the late 1980s, the Uhlangan government began developing an indigenous capacity to launch satellites and ultimately create a fully fledged Uhlangan global information network. Progress on this front however was greatly stymied by the low level of national technological development, lack of access to resources, and lack of funding. It would not be until the early 1990’s that Phansi Uhlanga would begin testing its first civilian satellite, the launch of which failed the first two times before finally succeeding in 1994. Between 1996 and 2001 the country launched a varied collection of vehicles into orbit, to similarly varied success. By 2004 however great strides were made to build up launch capacity and as a result the failure rate leveled off. Increased cooperation with firms abroad following the 2004 reforms saw the expansion of the space program and an explosion of reconnaissance satellites by the Strategic Rocket Forces. Controversy followed in 2006 Phansi Uhlanga began testing antisatellite weapons, including blowing up a derelict Uhlangan weather satellite with a missile late that year. Its space program is overseen by the Strategic Rocket Forces, an independent branch of the Revolutionary People’s Army.

Culture

Uhlangan culture is influenced by being a melting pot of distinct regional cultures, primarily Iqozi, Konjilese, Tshamba, and Nahua, though the latter has declined precipitously since 1971. Indigenous Malaioan culture was heavily suppressed during colonial rule by the Nahua supremacist Cuhonhicah, who came to colonize most of what is today eastern Phansi Uhlanga. Reading and writing in native languages was forbidden in favor of Nahua, while indigenous arts and faiths were shunned for the monotheistic Nahua faith and colonial arts. In the aftermath of the Third Uhlangan Civil War, this repression was ended, and the new communist government started a universal literacy program, offered free education to all and established rigorous programs for indigenous arts, sports, and intellectual pursuits.

Cuisine

33% of land in Phansi Uhlanga is cultivated for agricultural use, allowing for a plentiful variety in foodstuffs. These include maize, rice, cassava, sweet potato, yam, taro, plantain, tomato, pumpkin and varieties of peas and nuts. The national dish of the Democratic Republic is moambe pork, which consists of roasted pork braised in palm nut which is mashed and extracted from the fruit of Malaioan palm oil trees. The pork and sauce are paired with onion, garlic, chili, and fresh tomato and served over rice. Ingredients like peanuts, pork, and yams are popular within many cuisines in Phansi Uhlanga. Coffee and palm oil remain Phansi Uhlanga’s most important agricultural exports. Luku, a dish of pounded meal formed into balls, is the most common side dish across all of Phansi Uhlanga. Pork, beef and fish represent the three primary sources of traditional protein in the couuntry. However, insects such as grasshoppers and mealworms are also popular in the central Naledi jungles.

Vinuyawumpa

The wumpa is a fruit of the Uhlangan mangrove from which the wine is derived.

Vinuyawumpa (lit. “wine of the wumpa”) is a traditional Ogomo wine made from the distilled wumpa, a stone fruit which grows on mangrove thickets in the swamplands of Ogomongo. The wumpa fruit, which resembles a mango in appearance, is noted for its gritty texture and a taste similar to apricots. The beverage is usually a vibrant yellow color and has an alcoholic content of between five and nine percent. Since 1971, vinuyawumpa has been extremely popular across Phansi Uhlanga and is now considered a national drink.

uBhiya Wamabele

Wamabele has been described as somewhat like a beer porridge.

uBhiya Wamabele is an Iqozi alcoholic beverage made from fermented maize and sorghum. The beer has a low alcoholic content, generally no higher than three percent, and is noted as being both heavy and sour. It has an opaque appearance and a gritty consistency from the maize, and is seen by Uhlangans traditionally as both alcohol and food. It is the most popular alcoholic drink in Phansi Uhlanga owing to that and its low cost, the result of its brewing process. The fermented mash is only partially strained and thus retains a considerable percentage of solid matter, which contains numerous vitamins not otherwise available to the grain heavy indigenous diets of the Iqozi.

Bomezenga

A tray of succulent bomezengas

The Ulwazi cutlet (Bakonji: Ulwazi ya bo me zenga), is an Uhlangan semi-processed ground meat cutlet variety based on the traditional M’Birunan beef patty, nicknamed after former Uhlangan leader Kalala Ulwazi. The cutlets are usually made of pork or beef. Semi-processed meat product is formed into a patty and seasoned with a rub consisting of green herbs, cayenne pepper, salt, black pepper, and sweet peppers. Once seasoned, the patty will then be soaked in a brine derived from wumpa wine, vinegar, brown sugar, garlic, and onion. Afterwards, the cutlet is grilled or fried. In some regions of Phansi Uhlanga, the patty is breaded with cornmeal beforehand. The cutlet is generally served between two slices of cassava bread and with goma cheese either injected into a hollowed pit within the cutlet or placed atop it as a slice, in a similar manner to the M’Birunan hamburger from which it is derived. Pili pili sauce, made from a mixture of sweet and hot chili peppers reduced in a cream of milk and peanut butter, is typically served alongside an Ulwazi cutlet.

Khirimu

Khirimu in a wheat cone

Glase ya Khirimu, more commonly known just as khirimu, is a type of ice cream made with vanilla, cream, eggs and sugar. First introduced in 1971 after the communist victory in the Third Uhlangan Civil War, it was developed by decree of Chairman Ulwazi who wanted a domestically produced frozen dessert treat available to Uhlangans to signify their bright revolutionary future. Ice cream machines were brought over from the Rubric states during the war and became quite popular with the locals, inspiring the treat’s creation. By 1972 production of khirimu was standardized and trademarked by the Uhlangan government, to which production to this day upholds. Khirimu made according to official state culinary guidelines must contain between 12% and 20% fat, at least 14% sugar, and an amount of solid ingredients must exceed 37-42%, depending on fat content. It is generally richer and smoother in texture than regular ice cream with a higher concentration of milkfat. It is generally served in chocolate, vanilla, pumpkin, honey, hibiscus and berry flavors.

Sports

The most popular sports in Phansi Uhlanga are gold, wrestling and baseball. Golf has been a popular sport in the region since it was first played by Konjilese nobles in the late precolonial period. Baseball has a comparatively more recent history, promoted as an alternative after 1971 to the many stick-and-ball games introduced by the Cuhonhicah, it has in recent years become increasingly dominant among Uhlangan youth. Wrestling holds an ancient and storied place within Uhlangan history, with the Konjilese possessing a pedigree in the sport going back thousands of years. These three sports receive extensive support from the government and with programs to develop and scout talent all the way down to the elementary school level. Due to this investnment, Phansi Uhlanga has produced many talented sportsmen.