Mufedha

Mufedha

Mufedha
Patrice Baschet's A Merchant Receiving a Mafadé In the Habour, 1732
Regions with significant populations
Wale	52,350
Rwizikuru	189,034
Languages
See Language
Religion
See Religion

The Mufedha are a Panethnic and Polyethnic group, located primarily in Bahia and Badawiya, but with small minorities in Coius, the Asterias, and Euclea.

Often described as highly successful merchant caste, the multiplex origins of the Mufedha, and the semi-integration of other groups over the centuries, has resulted in a highly disparate, geographically distant, and culturally diverse group. While the original Mufedha were Irfanic Badawiyic or Paradarani speakers, the dwindling group now encompasses multiple religions and dozens of languages, with many Mufedha communities at risk of partial or full integration into the more dominant cultures of the countries they inhabit.

Etymology

The exonym Mufedha comes from the Tujari term Mufedha, roughly meaning 'those who work with silver'. It is a Walean term which referenced the integral role the Mufedha played, and still play, in the mineral economy of Bahia. Many other exonyms for the Mufedha are related to this term, or otherwise reference their role as traders and travelers. The Gaullican form Mafadé is the origin for most Euclean terms for the Mufedhans, though most now in spelling reflect the preferred form Mufedha

The Mufedha lack a cohesive endonym, having accepted Mufedha, and any regional variations or translations, as their own. Often the Mufedha will use the terms 'community', as well as 'our thing', in their native language to refer to themselves.

Origin

The exact origins of the Mufedha people are unclear, the dating for the ethnogenesis of the group being contested both within the group and by external observers. The Mai historian Gawon Rabiu in 1928 put forward the Tri-root hypothesis, arguing that the Mufedha had developed slowly over time from a small series of inter-connected families, into a large network of disparate and far-flung clans, via three radically different sources separated by centuries. He distinguished these sources as a, b, and c. Later historians have also put forward a fourth source, d, but this is not always accepted as being separate from c.

Mufedha-A

The root source of the Mufedha, known as the Mufedha-A, and also as the Hamadan source, views the initial ancestors of the Mufedha people to be Hamadan merchants. These traders would utilise numerous routes across the Hamadan desert to link the coasts of Badawiya and Bahia together economically. By establishing a series of outposts and managing oases via affiliating themselves with indigenous peoples, they were able to monopolise trans-Hamadan trade for centuries. Their importance would diminish by the end of the 11th century as Djedet became more integrated with the Irfanic world, and Djedeti merchants exploited quicker and easier routes.

These Mufedha were largely Badawiyic and Pardarani. They were initially of many faiths, but later were almost exclusively Irfanic, and aided in introducing Irfan and the Badawiyic language to Bahia.

Mufedha-B

The second source of the Mufedha, known as the Mufedha-B, also as the Magnate source, developed with the Dayira system in Bahia and was coterminous with the later period of the a source. Control of trans-Hamadan trade had made many Mufedhan merchants wealthy, and the Bahian clans used this wealth to gain great influence within the Mijini. While the clans that remained in Badawiya largely became assimilated, those in Bahia consolidated their status as a separate group, and continued to diffuse across the continent. With the eclipse of the dayira system by the Hourege, most Mufedha returned to mercantile activities, becoming significant pioneers in the Age of Sail, and some clans become notable participants in the slave trade.

These Mufedha used Badawiyic as a lingua franca, but would often learn the native language of the country they dwelt in as their mother tongue. Initially they were largely Irfanic, but over time some branches converted, and new non-Ifranics were assimilated into the group without losing their faith.

Mufedha-C

Rabiu argued that the third source of the Mufedha, known as the Mufedha-C, and also known as the Colonial source, was derived from the interaction between the old Mufedha, those from sources a and b, and Bahians and other peoples under Euclean colonial rule. The Mufedha played a pivotal role in the new Euclean empires, being as highly educated and affluent group unrelated with the former elites dislodged by Euclean colonial officials. Their trade networks were greatly expanded during this period, and the clans became increasingly geographically distant, though advances in transportation technology allowed for greater communication and and interconnectedness.

The decline and eventualy collapse of the Euclean empires resulted in the slow disintegration of these networks. Many Mufedha became increasingly integrated with the culture and dominant ethnicity of the states which they inhabited. This was accelerated for the newer and generally less affluent Mufedha, who had less access to ancient clan structures and modern networks successfully utilised by the Mufedha to establish themselves as a wealthy, well-educated and global group.

The Mufedha from this source were increasingly varied and divergent linguistically, culturally, and religiously. Some Mufedha clans made a point of educating their members in the Badawiyic language, and the traditional Irfanic principles associated with the Mufedha, even if they are not Ifranic themselves.

Mufedha-D

The collapse of the system of Euclean colonial rule after the Great War began an overall decline in the Mufedha population after the 1940s. Mufedha populations would eventually stabilise in the 1990s, and soon after began to show signs of growth. This has led some observers to mark a new emerging fourth source, known as the Mufedha-D, also known as the Conformist source. This source is speculated to be from two new additions: the increased willingness of Mufedha to marry outside of their group and introduce outsiders into their tight-knit community, and for members of other ethnic groups to claim Mufedhan ancestry and attempt to affiliate themselves with the larger community. The latter has been responsible for the largest amount of growth, with many crypto-Mufedhans restoring their identities with the general global reduction of persecution against Mufedhans.

While source d has gained some support from observers and from within the Mufedhan community, it remains largely unsupported. Critics argue that the two sources of growth identified for source d are not typical of historical ethnogenesis themselves, but are merely signs of a healthy ethnic group able to both sustain itself and expand. It has therefore not been accepted as an extension of Rabiu's theory by most, but it is sometimes considered an extension or continuation of source c.

Notable members

Attiyah al-Judami

See Also

• Ghobhapra