Abayad
Republic of Abayad | |
|---|---|
 Flag | |
| Motto: "native txt" In the Shade we Shall Flourish. | |
Anthem: Hymn of Abayad  | |
| Capital and largest city | Abayad City |
| Official languages | Abayadi |
| Ethnic groups (2019) |
|
| Demonym(s) | Abayadi |
| Government | Federal Semi-Presidential Republic |
| Arun Salid | |
| Layla Qadir | |
| Legislature | National Assembly of the Republic |
| Chamber of Merchants | |
| Chamber of the People | |
| Establishment | |
• as the Qabli Empire | 402 BC |
• as the Confederation of Abayad | 110 AD |
• as the Abayadi Republic | August 9, 1866 |
| Area | |
• | 692,689.79 km2 (267,449.02 sq mi) |
• Water (%) | ~% |
| Population | |
• 2020 estimate | 20 million |
• 2020 census | 20,102,945 |
• Density | 29/km2 (75.1/sq mi) |
| GDP (PPP) | 2019 estimate |
• Total | 613.622 billion |
• Per capita | $30,524 |
| GDP (nominal) | 2019 estimate |
• Total | $613.622 billion |
• Per capita | $30,524 |
| Gini (2019) |  35.1medium |
| HDI (2017) |  0.743high |
| Currency | Abayadi Lira (ZKW) |
| Time zone | UTC+4 (AST) |
| Date format | dd-mm-yyyy |
| Driving side | left |
| Calling code | +125 |
| Internet TLD | .ab |
Abayad, officially the Republic of Abayad (Jemhur Abayad), is a parliamentary semi-presidential republic consisting of 79 Electoral Districts. Situated in Western Tarsis but culturally closer to Dihara, Abayad spans over 692,689.79 km2 over the Sifal Peninsula. It is bisected by the Bula Mountains and surrounded by several islands, the largest of which is Alkhadim. Situated on the western seaboard of the continent, the nation faces the Azad Sea to its west, and the Gulf of Abayad to the south and east. Its capital and largest city can be found at Abayad City, with most of the population being found in the low-lying, coastal areas.
Due to its central geographic location, Abayad has historically been home to myriad peoples and cultures. Various ancient peoples are dispersed throughout modern-day Abayad, the most predominant being the Amilian-Abayad hybrid culture forming the majority today. Beginning in the archaic era, the Shamal, Umbra, and Albas cultures flourished and developed from 4,000 BC to 2,000 BC, resulting in the eventual dominance by the Shamal over the peninsula by 1,000 BC. Several late Shamal kingdoms made up what is now Abayad, forming networks of alliances to aid in trade and war. This culminated in the League Wars, between two of the largest leagues, each led by the city-states Tafari and Qabl (what would later be renamed Abayad City). The League Wars lasted from 431-402 BC, culminating in the supremacy of Qabl over the region. King Fathi of Qabl, widely regarded as Abayad's first national leader, and the Merchant Council behind him ruled much of the region, making Qabl a center of trade in the region. Qabl’s supremacy lasted until 110 AD, during which the city-state collapsed due to internal strife caused by a succession crisis. This bloody civil war, called the Era of Stained Blades and Sorrows, soon spread to the rest of the region, and raged until 380 AD, upon which the Merchant Council of Sadaqa overthrew its resident claimant to the throne, encouraging others to do the same.
These rebellions resulted in the formation of the Abayadi Confederation, to be centered out of the capital of Qabl. The Confederation was governed by a hierarchy of merchant councils, governing via a plutocratic system. The modern Abayadi people claim that they are the descendants of Amilian slaves who arrived in the region at this time, freed in a rebellion guided by TeshTesh, their deity to their promised land some time in the early 9th century. From Amil to the west originally, migrated east “guided” by Tesh through a demigod called his Scion. After arriving in the region, the Amilian migrants mixed with the indigenous Abayadi people, soon forming a new mixed culture between the two. Despite their small numbers, the newcomers spread their religion fervently, eager to comply with their deity’s commands. This resulted in the practices mixing and melding until forming what is known today as the Abayadi Rite of Aranism. Commerce thrived at this time, as Abayad became a center of culture, science, and the arts thanks to wealthy patrons using their spare resources to commission new works and pieces. The Abayadi Confederation continued in its various iterations until 1848 AD.
In 1848, an Abayadi nationalist named Karom Fason began leading a small army of guerillas in the mountains central to the region, fighting for the idea of Abayadi Nationalism, kicking off the Abayadi Revolution. Fason espoused traditional religion and mysticism along with his political beliefs, and his army grew quickly in size and fervor, overpowering a much larger but demoralized force at the Battle of Sakil Valley. Fason would ultimately unify the nation in 1866 AD with the Treaty of Abayad City. Fason took the position of Shafat, or Judge, from scripture and oversaw the transition of the region into a republic. He stepped down ten years later, confident that his work was done. Asraf Hamal was elected as the first Chancellor of Abayad in Fason’s absence. He dedicated his two terms (totalling 12 years) as Chancellor to modernizing the young republic’s aging and uneven infrastructure, as well as creating the foundation of what would be the nation's civil service. He also endeavored to make Abayad a modern nation while preserving its identity. Hamal and his allies controlled the Abayadi government for forty years, until a new wave of political energy swept the nation. Saija Alkus was elected Chancellor in 1906, running on a campaign of economic and social liberalism. One of her government's first acts was to repeal the ban on political parties, claiming it stifled political speech, also lowering the voting age to 20 and removing literacy requirements and poll taxes. It also lowered taxes and restrictions on free enterprise, calling for the “merchants and tradesmen of Abayad” to lead the country into the future.
Today, Abayad is considered to be among the world’s most culturally and economically advanced countries, sitting at a key juncture of trade. It ranks highly in life expectancy, quality of life, healthcare, and education. It plays a prominent role in regional and global economic, cultural, and diplomatic affairs. The country has long been a regional center for art, Music, Literature, science, technology, and Fashionfashion, and has greatly contributed to diverse fields such as Cuisine, Cinema, banking, and business.
Name
Abayad likely comes from the archaic Shamal word “abayd” meaning “settled,” as the neighboring Umbran and Alban cultures lived semi-nomadic existences, while the Shamal remained in the same spot year-round. It is believed that they used the term to describe areas populated by their culture, and as the Shamal became the dominant culture in the region, it came to stand for all of it.
History
Prehistory
It is believed that the first humans arrived in Abayad nearly 850,000 years ago, evidenced by primitive tools and animal bones discovered in a cave on the slopes of Mt. Abda in the Maan Caves in the northern part of the country. The region became more fully populated by humans closer to 45,000 years ago, with several burial and living sites discovered from this era being found. Many of these are submerged, having existed during a time where sea levels were lower. Perhaps the largest concentration of the sites can be found off the northwest coast, in a former location of the Ishraq River Delta Basin. The basin had among the highest population density in the region during the Paleolithic-era, although sites from that era have been found all throughout the mainland. Human remains have been discovered on the island of Alkhadim dating back as far as 8,500 years ago, implying relatively late settlement compared to the rest of the region. The Neolithic Age began in Abayad around 8,000 years ago, with evidence of Cardium pottery production in coastal areas and cultivation of barley and wheat in the Ishraq River Valley and other regions on the west side of the peninsula.
Three distinct cultures arose in Abayad, starting around 6,000 years ago: the Shamal in the northwest, the Umbra in the northern mountains, and the Albas in the southwest. The Shamal are remembered for their northwest-facing graves, ceramic pottery, and copper and silver trinkets found in their burial sites, as well as evidence that they sailed to neighboring regions across the shallow sea to trade. The Albas were seafarers as well, and are also remembered for their black-colored pottery with elaborate patterns. It’s believed that the Albas and Shamal cultures mixed to form the now-extinct Alkhadimi culture. The Umbra left behind bone bead and schist amulets, above ground stone barrows for the dead, and reverence to a maternal earth-deity. Like the Albas, the Umbran culture would mix with the Shamali culture to form the distinct Tinifghani one. Of the three ancient cultures, the Umbra and Albas both led semi-nomadic existences, whereas the Shamal were more sedentary. The Shamal culture was the most dominant of the three, largely enveloping the Umbra and Albas by 3,000 years ago. The Late Shamal Culture was ruled by tribal war chiefs, who led the men of their communities into battle for loot and glory.
Several Late Shamal kingdoms made up what is now Abayad, forming networks of alliances to aid in trade and war. These Late Shamal city states included the kingdoms of Asba, Shayia, and Dirae. Each kingdom’s economy largely revolved around trade of goods such as metals, foodstuffs, textiles, jewelry, and even slaves. The city states often allied with neighboring cities, in order to protect their own interests as well as band together to strike at rivals. These networks of alliances and feuds culminated in the League Wars, between two of the largest leagues, each led by the city-states Tafari and Qabl (what would later be renamed Abayad City). The League Wars lasted from 2431-2402 years ago, culminating in the defeat of the Tafari League and the supremacy of Qabl over the region.
Classical Era
The end of the League Wars marks the end of the Late Shamal culture and is when most historians recognize the beginning of Abayadi Classical Era. King Fathi of Qabl ruled his city with the aid of its richest families, forming a Merchant Council to fund the state and provide advice to the King. Fathi ruled much of the region, either directly or through “client cities” as vassals. Qabl was a center of trade in the region, sitting at the meeting points of two continents and junction between two seas. Its main exports became silver, glass, dyes, and incense. The unification of the region at this time allowed for commerce and culture to blossom in the region, laying the groundwork for what would become the culture of Abayad.
The early Abayadi practiced shamanism, like the Shamal before them. They regarded a wide number of spirits and deities, both minor and major. Cities adopted patron deities as protectors and symbols, and from these cities new settlements and colonies popped up around the peninsula. The comparatively underpopulated south and east were more fully settled, and it was at this time that Abayad began having regular contact with its neighbors diplomatically aside from scattered and irregular merchant missions. Abayadi architecture, art, theater, literature, and philosophy all have their origins in this era. Philosophers such as Shabh and Dajir shaped early Abayadi thought, postuling on the theoretical oneness of the universe while questioning the material reality of their surroundings.
It was during the early years of the Classical Era and the reign of King Fathi that war broke out between the united Abayadi kingdom and the inland Tinifghani peoples as well. The Tinifghani at this point were culturally and linguistically distinct from the Abayadi, although their deities were related in origin. For decades, even centuries in some places, the Tinifghani had collected taxes from merchant caravans passing over the inland mountain routes that crossed the semi-nomadic Tinighani clans’ territories, wishing to avoid pirate attacks or storms at sea. The most powerful clans controlled the most lucrative areas, allowing them to accrue wealth. King Fathi sent emissaries, demanding that the Tinifghani clans begin paying him tribute from their taxes, and that they swear personal fealty to him as king. The clans almost universally refused, sparking the Mountains Wars between the various clans and Abayad. Sporadic fighting began in 395 BC and are not regarded as having ended until 371, although most fighting in the war was limited to isolated skirmishes. However, the war made travel so unsafe in the mountains that merchants forsook them entirely, instead taking to the region’s already well-developed sea lanes. By 371 BC, the Tinifghani Clans’ power in the Bula Mountains was shattered. Numerous clans were wholesale taken prisoner, brought down from the mountains as prisoners and sold into slavery. Those clans not taken prisoner were often resettled in other areas than their homes, away from the profitable trade nodes their fathers had presided over. It was at this time that the Tinifghani language began disappearing as well, supplanted by Abayadi.
Era of Stained Blades and Sorrows
Qabl’s supremacy lasted until 110 AD, during which the city-state collapsed due to internal strife caused by a succession crisis. King Qara II died without any heirs on his mother’s side to inherit the throne, as was custom. The bloody civil war that followed, called the Era of Stained Blades and Sorrows, soon spread to the rest of the region. The conflict was not the first civil war or war of succession to spring up, but it was without a doubt the longest and most destructive. In addition, the end of the conflict represnted the end of King Fathi’s bloodline on the throne, as his relatives had managed to hold on to the throne either legitimately or as puppets for the entirety of the era.
Numerous factions rose and fell over the protracted course of the time, beginning as prospective heirs and successors and devolving into regional warlords vying for power and wealth. The first promising candidate was Boutros, a maternal cousin to King Qara, who was already an accomplished military commander. He’d battled with pirates numerous times and proved himself popular among the people, but was assassinated in 118 AD by his brother, Dubas. Dubas died two years later in 120 fleeing from battle with one of Boutros’ former lieutenants, Galal Albaqir, who proceeded to drive a tent stake through his temple after capturing him. The conflict wore on in this fashion, with one party destroying another until a new faction emerged to destroy them. The era is remembered as an especially dark time in Abayadi history, where many lost sons, fathers, and brothers. As the region’s authorities were busy battling each other, piracy and banditry were rampant, and any disease or natural disaster was magnified by the devastation the conflict caused.
The period of unrest raged until 372 AD, upon which the Merchant Council of Sadaqa overthrew its resident claimant to the throne, and sent missives encouraging other councils to do the same. The cities of Zil-Haryun, Aljira, Tafari, and then Qabl followed suit over the next decade, one by one eliminating the biggest players in the war. Without the claimants to wage war, the councils appointed ambassadors to meet in Qabl to negotiate an end to the wasteful war and resume peace. In the year 380, the councils’ ambassadors signed a treaty agreeing to share governance of the region among the cities’ Merchant Councils, who would make executive decisions among themselves.
Confederation of Abayad
The formation of the Abayadi Confederation was welcomed by the vast majority of Abayadis. The merchants of the nation had suffered, their business interrupted by endless war and oftentimes steep taxes from their leaders. Most leaders by the late 300s owed steep debts to the merchant classes of their cities as well, sometimes used as pretext for kicking out their leaders. The common people welcomed a break from being conscripted as levies for the lords’ endless wars, fought without thought for their benefit or livelihoods. The formal nobility had fought itself into virtual extinction by this point, with those left by the end mostly being the descendants of usurpers or ambitious generals rather than the mythical nobility that had founded the nation.
Although Abayad was again one in theory, in reality even “confederation” might be a generous term for the region’s condition at the time. The various regional merchant families essentially began governing and making decision as a group; the more money the family possessed, the greater say they held. This gave rise to great merchant and banking families, like the Albaqir Family of Akhar. The period of the early confederation represents a rebirth in Abayadi culture and arts, emerging from the darkness of the Era of Stained Blades and Sorrow. The ruling merchant families of the region used their increasing reserves to patron artists and scientists alike to work in their names, increasing their prestige. Along the way, however, they created some of the most poignant and well-known works of art in Abayadi history.
The Golden Age of the Abayadi Confederation stretched from 495-821, during which massive strides were made in cultural and scientific fields in the country. Artists like Shazi and Zaida were paid by great families to paint frescos and sculpt likenesses of them to stand as symbols of their families’ prestige. In order to counteract the near-absolute power of the Merchant Families, many artists formed or joined Artist’s Guilds, mirroring the existing guilds for skilled trades such as carpentry, glassblowing, smithing, etc. These Artist’s Guilds proved to be powerful political and economic engines in their own right as time went on, shaping the intellectual development of Abayad’s culture.
The region’s commercial output recovered during this time as well, with Abayadi merchant fleets once again sailing the seas in search of new treasures and profits. Fleets sailed as far east as Zhenia and as far west as Kathia in order to establish new markets and contacts. Perhaps the most famous of the navigators leading these expeditions was Zain Hazma, sailing under the banner of the Hismat family. He reached Zhenia in 635, making contact with merchants under the Wei dynasty. Hazma brought back ships full of silk textiles and paper, sparking a flood of trade with Zhenia that has continued into the modern day. Sabah’s western counterpart was Rusul Sabag, who in working for the Sabri Family sailed to Kathia in 698 to establish trade contacts there. From his journals, Kathia was in the throes of a plague at the time, and he spent much of his time there wishing to return.
After the Golden Age’s end in 821, Abayad began a gradual backslide into stagnation. The same families maintained a stranglehold on commerce in the region, effectively mirroring the warlords of the previous age. Each regional conglomeration of families had disparate resources and goals, leading to an incongruity in infrastructure. Specifically, the northwest outpaced the south and east in development. With the industrialization coming to the region by the late 1600s, clear gaps in wealth had appeared by region. This gross inequality sparked a great deal of discontent, which would eventually boil over in 1848.
Unification and Establishment of the Republic
Karom Fasan was born in 1816 to the son of a Farad, or extralegal enforcer of land disputes, in the south of Abayad. The region was experiencing a delayed transition from feudalism to capitalism compared to the north of the country and saw a surge in numbers of landowners at the time. From 1730 to 1760, the number of individual landowners in the south of the region changed from 6,000 to 120,000 due to local edicts that redistributed land in order to promote agricultural production, in turn to feed the growing population of industrial workers to the north. The edicts had their desired effect, but also exponentially increased the number of disputes that needed settling, contracts that needed enforcing, transactions that needed oversight, and properties that needed protecting. The Farad were the answer: someone not paid for like the police or militaries of the merchant families that understood local issues and could solve disputes while feeling the outcome’s effects. These extralegal protectors organized themselves into the first Farad Clans.
Fasan grew up learning the ways of the Farad from his father, the leader of the Farad Clan of their area, himself taking over leadership in 1839. He proved more aggressive than his father in his dealings, nearly always siding with small-scale farmers and tenants over larger landowners. This came to a head in 1848 when a landlord from the powerful Inas family sent a large private force to arrest Fasan for siding with his tenants over him and forcing him to pay a large judgement for kicking them off of his land. Rather than surrender, Fasan and his Farad clan organized and ambushed the mercenaries, killing or scattering them quickly. The act resulted in Fasan being labeled a brigand and a traitor, forcing his hand in continuing in armed resistance. Responding to the news of his new status as an outlaw, Fasan began by consolidating his forces by recruiting men and women across the south to fight and serve as informants against the Merchant Families’ forces. He and his forces conducted his and run attacks on their assets, robbing banks and filtering food stores to distribute them to the common people. His popularity grew, and soon public opinion across the south was firmly in his favor. Despite attempts by the Merchant Families to limit gun ownership and mobility of the lower classes at this time, riots and insurrection broke out across the region.
The ruling Merchant Families were not helped by the fact that their mercenary armies were notoriously unreliable, both against external threats and internal disputes. More often than not, they simply took the side of whomever paid more, and fled at the first sign of serious bloodshed. Up against Fasan and his growing nationalist movement, the mercenaries showed their outdatedness more than ever. This discrepancy came to a head during the Battle of Sakil Valley, in which a mercenary force three times the size of the rebel forces were ambushed passing through a small village in the valley. The mercenaries quickly attempted to form up ranks to counterattack, but were defeated by the vicious attacks of the rebels. The defeat was the largest that had been dealt to the ruling families, prompting them to invite Fasan to negotiate a truce in 1866. Negotiations were held in the ancient capital of Qabl, which Fasan entered with a huge entourage of soldiers and supporters. Many from the city itself gave him a warm welcome as he paraded through the city, adding to his train. Negotiations themselves lasted for eight weeks until concluding on August 9, 1866. The resulting treaty, called the Treaty of Abayad City for the new name it gave the capital, had numerous, far reaching effects.
The treaty’s regime dictated that Abayad would now be a republic; all of the nation’s citizens would vote to elect its leader. There would also be a legislative body and Prime Minister to carry out domestic policy, with a Lower Chamber elected by the public to propose laws and an Upper Chamber appointed by the nation’s Merchant Families in order to preserve some of their station. The economy would also be restructured into Trade and Labor Syndicates, in order to facilitate the transition of the nation’s guilds into the modern world. They would essentially function as state-supervised labor unions, with state appointed officials as part of the leadership. Workers would register with state unions, with non-state unions being illegitimate. Employers could avoid unionization by entering into protection contracts with "white unions.” Such contracts would give the union a closed shop, authorizing the union to demand that the employer fire a worker who was not a member in the union in good standing. That power could, in turn, be used to single out employees who sought to organize independent unions for termination. The boards leading the unions would be made up of worker representatives, bosses, and state officials to referee any conflicts.
The political and economic structure of the new nation was outlined in the treaty, as was the protocol for future elections. Legislative elections would be held every four years, and elections for the executive, called the Chancellor, would be for every six. Election of a Chancellor would be postponed for ten years to ensure that Fasan could oversee the transition as executive, whereas the first legislative elections would be held two years later. Rather than Chancellor, Fasan took the title of Shafat, or Judge. The term was an archaic one from old Abayadi mysticism, but carried the connotation of someone fair and wise. Fasan wished to embody these traits as he guided the region into its future. The first two legislative elections established then solidified the two early parties in the nation: the Populists and the Drivers, short for goatdrivers, as many new landowners joined the party geared toward merchants and middle class business owners. The Populists managed to win a strong majority in the first elections held two years in, but programs passed by them to allocate land to the landless ironically resulted in more voters going to the Driver Party.
Abayad Today
The first election for Chancellor in 1877 resulted in an electoral victory for the Drivers over the Populists with the election of Asraf Hamal. Fasan, now well into his sixties, was satisfied that the election was a legitimate one and stepped down. Hamal was from a middle class family from the city of Sadaqa, who ran on a campaign of modernizing the nation’s road and rail networks in order to promote economic growth, as well as providing state grants to encourage growth of small-scale industry and establishing what would become the nation’s civil service. His government abolished most community-courts (it was previously practice to allow local communities to adjudicate their own issues) and established a National Court System, with a Supreme Court at its head. It also nationalized key industries to promote accessibility, and banned the formation of political parties in Abayad's new, two house legislature to prevent regionalism, although this would later be repealed. He carried out these reforms faithfully, although he also raised taxes on some industries as well as levying a poll tax, angering some of his electorate. He still managed to win reelection in 1883, after which the full effect of his reforms began to be felt. Hamal is perhaps best remembered for her efforts to modernize Abayad while preserving its national identity. Even today, the politics reflected by Abayad's first Chancellor are referred to as "Hamalism."
Hamal and his allies controlled the Abayadi government for forty years, although the opposition would sometimes win control of the Lower House and force a period of cohabitation within the government. This pattern continued until a new wave of political energy swept the nation, led by a daughter of a fisherman named Saija Alkus. Alkus was elected Chancellor in 1906, running on a campaign of economic and social liberalism. One of her government's first acts was to repeal the ban on political parties, claiming it stifled political speech, also lowering the voting age to 20 and removing literacy requirements as well as poll taxes. It also lowered taxes and restrictions on free enterprise, calling for the “merchants and tradesmen of Abayad” to lead the country into the future. Alkus' Rally for Democracy Party, as it would go on to be known as, would play a large role in Abayadi politics well into the modern day. In the wake of his abolition of the ban on parties, several political groups emerged that would eventually coalesce into the modern Abayadi political scene.
The Institutional Revolutionary Party (IRP) is the name that devotees of Hamal and his successors' philosophy took in the wake of the ban being lifted. They associate themselves strongly with Fason and other symbols/elements of the Abayadi Revolution, and represent the culmination of Hamal’s philosophy and support state intervention in the economy, as well as state mediation in labor disputes. They endorsed the syndicates created between workers and owners mediated by the state, believing it to be the best way to ensure stability within the economy. They also commonly advocate for state funding of the arts. Although they officially go by the IRP, many refer to themselves as Hamalists instead. The IRP’s strongest voting blocs are the lower class, especially in rural areas, along with military and government employees. Above all, they believe the government should be a guiding hand in Abayad's prosperity.
The Liberal Party, also called the Rally for Democracy Party (RDP), supports liberal ideas such as loosening of government restrictions on industry and scaling back the state’s role in the economy. They also fight for better voting rights and representation across Abayad's administrative districts, and say the state should not prop up facilities that cannot be profitable on their own, even in the pursuit of preserving Abayadi culture. Most LP supporters are from Abayad's urban areas, and perhaps their most solid voting blocs are the middle class.
The Labor Party (Labor) is an offshoot of the IRP, breaking off around the 1960s, as workers began to become more and more conscious as a class. Affiliated with but not closely tied to the Socialist parties of other nations, the Labor Party has an increasingly high affinity with urban lower class voters as well as rural workers in certain trades, particularly miners.
Many other single-issue parties are represented in Abayad's National Assembly, such as the Party of National Understanding (PNU) formed in the 70s, a party that began with students in urban areas but has since spread, the Party for Abayadi Renewal (PAR) formed in the 50s, a fairly isolationist party with a religious base while supporting steep tariffs, the Abayadi Social Republicanist Party (ASRS), a leftist party based on Florencian politics, and the Party for Solidarity and Development (PSD), a coalition of rural Abayadis and Tinifghanis pushing for greater rural development in the nation founded in the late 80s.
The IRP and RDP historically have gone back and forth controlling the government, sometimes forming coalitions with smaller parties in order to form governments. The government is currently controlled by the IRP, which controls a slim majority in the legislature thanks to the coalition they have formed with the Labor Party.
Geography
Abayad is located on the Sifal Peninsula, surrounded on three sides by water, facing the Azad Sea to its west, and the Gulf of Abayad to the south and east. It is bisected by the Bula Mountains, and much of its inland regions are mountainous in character. The Bula mountains are inhabited by the Tinifghani peoples, although their number and range have been diminished from historic figures.
The Bula Mountains stretch past Abayad’s northern border and end around two-thirds of the way down the peninsula. Most of the northwest portion of the country’s lowlands is covered in light forest, whereas the rest can generally be described as having a dry summer climate. Many rivers cross the region, trailing down from the mountains and draining into the sea. The largest of these is the Ishraq River in the northwest, which carries a great deal of sediment and deposits it to form the Ishraq Delta.
Abayad’s capital and largest city is Abayad City, formerly Qabl, which is home to 3,299,822 people. Other cities recording a population over 500,000 in the 2020 Abayadi census are Sadaqa (1,412,072), Aljira (577,827), Tafari (890,403), Akhar (632,079), and Zil-Haryun (947,952).
Landscape and Climate
The country’s coasts are known for their dry summer climate climate, characterized by dry summers and mild, wet winters. Lush forests in the northern and central mountain ranges of the country wall off the west from some of these currents, giving rise to the more temperate forests found there.
In the Bula Mountains, there exist several different types of climates: dry summer climate along the coastal lowlands, giving way to a humid temperate climate at higher elevations with sufficient moisture to allow for the growth of different species of oaks, moss carpets, junipers, and fir. In the valleys, fertile soils and high precipitation allow for the growth of thick and lush forests, and cloud forests can be found throughout the range. At higher elevations, the climate becomes alpine in character, and can sustain ski resorts.
Surrounding the Bula Mountains to the east and southwest, the region’s coastal plains are fertile and comprise the backbone of the country's agriculture, in which 95% of the population live. Shielding from direct exposure to the Sea Abayad and its warm currents by the long stretched mountains create the temperate deciduous forests in the northwestern part of the country, making Abayad a country of contrasts. Forested areas cover about 12% of the country while arable land accounts for 18%. Approximately 5% of Aabaydi land is irrigated for agricultural use.
Abayad is divided into the following climate zones:
- Semi-arid: This type of climate is found in the south of the country and some parts of the east of the country, where rainfall is lower and annual precipitations are between 200 and 350 mm. However, one usually finds dry summer characteristics in those regions, such as the precipitation pattern and thermal attributes.
- Dry Summer: Dominates the coastal regions of the country in the east and southwest. Summers are hot to moderately hot and dry, average highs are between 29 °C (84.2 °F) and 32 °C (89.6 °F). Winters are generally mild and wet, daily average temperatures hover around 9 °C (48.2 °F) to 11 °C (51.8 °F), and average low are around 5 °C (41.0 °F) to 8 °C (46.4 °F), typical to the coastal areas of the west Mediterranean. Annual Precipitation in this area vary from 600–800 mm in the west to 350–500 mm in the east.
- Oceanic: Mostly found inland near the western side of the Bula Mountains. Determined by the cooler summers, where highs are around 27 °C (80.6 °F). The medium daily temperatures can get as low as 19 °C (66.2 °F), while winters are chilly to mild and wet. Annual precipitation varies from 400 to 700 mm.
- Continental: Dominates the mountainous regions of the north and central parts of the country, where summers are hot to very hot, with highs between 32 °C (89.6 °F) and 36 °C (96.8 °F). Winters on the other hand are cold, and lows usually go beyond the freezing point. And when cold damp air comes to Morocco from the northwest, for a few days, temperatures sometimes get below −5 °C (23.0 °F). It often snows abundantly in this part of the country. Precipitation varies between 400 and 800 mm.
- Alpine: Found in some parts of the Upper Middle Bula Mountain range and the eastern part of the High Bula Mountain range. Summers are very warm to moderately hot, and winters are longer, cold and snowy. Precipitation varies between 400 and 1200 mm. In summer highs barely go above 30 °C (86.0 °F), and lows are cool and average below 15 °C (59.0 °F). In winters, highs average around 8 °C (46.4 °F), and lows go well below the freezing point. In this part of country, there are many ski resorts.
Administrative Divisions
Abayad is divided into 79 electoral districts, each receiving one representative in the Chamber of Merchants and a proportional number of representatives in the People's Chamber according to their population. Currently, an electoral district receives one People's Deputy for every 70,000 people living within its borders. This means that there are currently 79 Merchants' Deputies and 287 People's Deputies in the Upper and Lower Houses. For the most part, dividing lines drawn for electoral districts are drawn in the attempt of equalizing representation, but urban areas with higher population will still tend to have more representatives.
Politics
Politics in Abayad take place under the framework of a unitary semi-presidential representative democratic republic , whereby the Prime Minister is the head of government. Abayad has a multi-party system. The Chancellor is the head of state elected for up to two six-year terms and largely handles foreign affairs, but retains some domestic powers. Executive power is exercised by the Chancellor and the Cabinet of Ministers. Legislative power is vested in the National Assembly of the Republic, which is divided into two houses: the Chamber of Merchants and the People's Chamber. Deputies of both chambers serve four-year terms, as does the Prime Minister. The Judiciary of the Republic is independent of the executive and the legislature.
Since the legalization of political parties in 1916, Abayad's political system has been dominated primarily by two main parties: the Institutional Revolutionary Party and Rally for Democracy Party.
Law and Law Enforcement
The Abayadi legal system has operated on the civil law since the abolition of Abayad's common law community courts in the 1880s. Its main laws include its National Constitution, Civil Code, and Penal Code. Other important bodies of law include the Commercial Code and Code of Civil Procedure. The supreme national courts are the Supreme Court of Justice and the Constitutional Court. The Public Ministry, headed by the Attorney General of the Republic, constitutes the independent body of public prosecutors.
Abayad's main police organizations are the Public Security Police, a civilian force who work in urban areas, the Republican National Guard, a gendarme, and the Judicial Police, who function as a highly specialized criminal investigation police overseen by a separate ministry. Abayad has 48 correctional facilities in total run by the Ministry of Justice. They include 17 central prisons, 4 special prisons, and 27 regional prisons. Current prison population is about 24,106 inmates, which comes to about 0.12% of the population. The incarceration rate has been on the rise since 2010, with a 15% increase over the past eight years.
While technically still good law, Abayad has not sentenced someone convicted of a capital crime to death in twenty-five years. It is also known for its decriminalization of usage for common drugs in 1998, although penalties remain for trafficking and possession of amounts higher than "10 days of personal use."
Military
The armed forces have five branches: Army, Navy, Air Force, Military Police, and Special Forces. They serve primarily as a self-defense force whose mission is to protect the territorial integrity of the country and provide humanitarian assistance and security at home and abroad. All Abayadis are required to serve in the military from ages 19-21, with conscientious objectors diverted to civic service programs instead, directed at schools, hospitals, and other social welfare frameworks. Most however, simply serve out their time. During active duty, civilian soldiers will attend drills once a month for their duration of their service, although if the nation is at war more is demanded of them. After their mandatory service is over, they can apply to join the professional military as a career. Those who do not are still sometimes expected to perform reserve duties, but generally not unless the nation is at war or experiencing a calamitous natural disaster. The army, navy, and air force have civilian reserves, but the special forces do not.
The nation's military relies heavily on high-tech weapons systems designed and manufactured by its trading partners, notably Florencia. In particular, it has focused a great deal of attention on the development of anti-ballistic and surface-to-air missile installations, anticipating attacks from any side in order to keep the republic and its people safe. Abayad officially denounces the use and possession of nuclear weapons, and is not believed to currently possess any of its own. Abayad spends $10.4 billion on military expenditures yearly, roughly 1.7% of its gdp.
Foreign Relations
Traditionally, Abayad avoids alliances that might entail military, political, or direct economic action and has been neutral since the end the birth of the Abayadi Confederation in 110. Its constitution contains a provision requiring that any such alliance or agreement entered into by the Chancellor must be ratified by national referendum, a check that has rarely been tested. Abayad maintains diplomatic relations with almost all countries and historically has served as an intermediary between other states in times of war and of peace.
Demographics
According to its 2020 census, Abayadi is home to 20,102,945 people. The resulting population density, at 29 per square kilometer, is widely even between the nation's regions. The most densely populated regions can be found on the western shadow of the Bula Mountains along the coast, as well as the metropolitan area of the cities of Akhar and Zil-Haryun on the west coast. Meanwhile, vast regions such as the North and South Bula Ranges, the coastal plains of the northeast and far south, and the island of Alkhadim are sparsely populated by comparison.
The population of Abayad almost doubled during the 18th century, but the pattern of growth was extremely uneven because of large-scale internal migration from the rural South and East to the industrial cities of the North and Northwest, a phenomenon which happened as a consequence of uneven industrial and economic development. High fertility and birth rates persisted until the 1950s, after which they began to stagnate and then decline. However, in recent years Abayad has experienced significant growth in birth rates bringing back up nearly to replacement rates, in large part thanks to the development of the nation's social safety net. The total fertility rate has also climbed from an all-time low of 1.18 children per woman in 1965 to 1.91 in 2020, albeit still below the replacement rate of 2.1 and considerably below the high of 5.06 children born per woman in 1783. Nevertheless, the total fertility rate is expected to reach 2.0–2.3 by 2030.
Ethnicity
Most Abayadi report themselves as "Broadly Abayadi" on census forms, a term introduced by the young republic in the early 20th century in hopes of eroding ethnic divisions between groups within Abayad. Prior to industrialization, Abayadi society was largely tribal, with three primary identities. Two of these were "tribal" and "ritist," people either dedicated to their family tribe or religious rite that they were a member of. The third was "trader," those who made their livings traveling and selling or trading goods. While the first two lent themselves to isolation and even mistrust of other groups, the third allowed for prosperity and development to reach Abayad in full. By the time of industrialization, mass migrations to urban centers wore away even the most stubborn tribal divisions, allowing for the more inclusive definition of the Abayadi ethnicity used today.
A notable exception to this are the Tinifghani peoples, indigenous to the inland mountains of Abayad. During Abayad's Classical Era, they were invaded and largely dispersed by the Kingdom of Qabl, forcing many to integrate with Abayadi society. Those who remained were forcibly resettled to less hospitable regions of the mountains over time, with encroachment from the lowlander populations. Discrimination did not end with the end of the Kingdom, as the succeeding Confederation government ruled by the Merchant Families enacted laws forbidding the speaking of the Tinighani language, citing it as rebellious and disruptive. By the time these laws were repealed with the birth of the Republic, Tinifghani language and culture had largely disappeared or been forced into hiding. Today, many Tinifghanis work diligently to revive their culture, and preserve what is left of it. A few have managed to learn the original language, from fragments remembered by their elders. Indeed, Tinifghani activist Dihya Hamba even invented a Tinifghani script in 1922, publishing an Abayadi-Tinifghani Dictionary with both languages six years later.
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