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Princely States of Ayvana

Flag of Ayvana
Coat of arms of Ayvana
Coat of arms
Anthem: Grand March of the Confederation
Largest cityJegurjur
Official languagesBangla
GovernmentFederation of Princely States
• 2020 estimate
• 2020 census
GDP (nominal)estimate
• Per capita
HDI (2020).85
very high
CurrencyAyvani Rupee
Date formatdd-mm-yyyy CE
Internet TLD.avi

Ayvana refers to a region of Ochran organized into a confederation of princely states bordering Ankat and Jhengtsang to the east and Uluujol to the north. The 6 Princely States and other political formations, elect a Peshwa and Council of Ministers. Since the end of the Sandhyāra yud'dha Ayvani farmers are no longer bound to any particular prince and the princes lost claim to wide tracts of land outside cities or forts. For the regions outside princely control, distinctive sociopolitical models are known as Ayvani Communalism developed - where farmers are organized into agrarian communes led by charismatic religious figures. Unfortunately, this distinctive sociopolitical form is now under threat with urbanization and the growth of agribusiness.

While no specific date exists for when the Confederation began, a historical consensus has emerged it began with the Sargenari Accords in 1743 where various Hindu Kingdoms organized with the Catholic kingdom Konikar and the Ishur Sultanate to escape out of Shambhala hegemony. These accords began the Atapa Revolts which eventually morphed into The War of the Feuding Suns - a destructive war that completely reshaped the landscape of southern Ochran. In 1785 when the Wars ended, the States united into a defense pact for their common protection. The first test of this new union was the growth in influence by trading powers such as Tsurushima, Mutul, and Arthurista - who created numerous trading posts and made inroads into traditional Ayvani industries. The Confederacy was forced to strengthen itself with the establishment of a common trading policy, standards for currency, and the creation of common trading cartels for goods such as tea or sugar. For most of the 19th century, the Confederation would engage in steady modernization.

The balance of power within Ochran was completely disturbed when Jhengtsang fell into revolution. There would be a series of wars known as the Jhengtsangi Revolutionary Wars, completely shifting the spital order in Ochran. Afterward, during the 40s to 60s, Avyana would fall into a constant insurgency known as the Sandhyāra yud'dha. The peace accords ending it - signed in Koshigawa - saw the effective end of feudalism in the country, which forced the states to modernize: Ayvana quickly annexed many foreign trading cities on its coast - threatening to cut away water supplies - and an economic boom began.

Today, Ayvana has a rapidly growing manufacturing-based economy. The country is a major exporter of consumer goods, textiles, electronics, petroleum products, and steel. Its rapid growth has allowed quick diversification into new areas and establishing more of a service sector. The economic boom has led to the development of massive vertically integrated conglomerates who have huge amounts of political influence, often owned by the same princes running the various states. The countries rapidly expanding cities are some of the densest in the world and contain extreme inequality. Linked with these massive conglomerates are a massive array of more informal entiprises who create diverse yet interconnected supply chain clusters enabling the fast transfer of knowledge and quick innovation. Princely firms are seen often as just "front" companies which obfuscate what is in reality a much more complex and informal economic landscape. Ayvana's massive economic growth has drawn comparisions to it being a "computer" based around the maxmization of economic growth.

The nation's eccentric contrast between the old and modernity, and the unique and diverse cultures, cuisines, and philosophies within it has made it an object of fascination among observers. This fascination is only furthered by Ayvana's rare status of being a political formation that does not fit neatly into the category of a "nation-state" in the world.


Atapar Revolts

-Some context into why the Sargenari accords were signed
-Meeting of Sargenari
-Sargenari accords signed
-States declare independence against Shambala

War of the Feuding Suns

-Shambala mobilizes and attacks Ishur
-States begin to raise a milita
-Peace treaty

Ayvana-Mutulese War

-Ayvani states worried about trade posts
- Attacks Mutulese outpost
- Brief war with Mutul
- Ayvana loses and is forced to concede treaty ports

Six Modernizations

- States create a plan to modernize
- Ayvana raises the Orange Standard Armies
- Ayvana creates the new Ayvani navy

Late 1800s

- Ayvana becomes an industrial power
- Early urbanization

Early 1900s

- Nationalistic politics
- Calls for democratization

Jhengtsang Revolutionary Wars

- War
- creation of Uttara

Valchram Peace Accords

- Borders solidiftes

Sandhyāra Yud'dha

- peasant revolt begins
- jheng supports peasant revolts
- uttara declared
- war

Treaty of Koshigawa

- sides get tired of fighting
- tsuru holds a peace treaty
- war stops

Kontika Restoration

- problems faced by princes
- princes sit down and hash out a reform
- neoliberalism
- massive growth

Modern Day




Politics and Government

The Peshwa's Palace

Being that Ayvana is not a nation-state, there exists no large central bureaucracy at the highest level of the confederation: Instead, Ayvana exists as a collection of treaties that give limited powers to the Peshwa, and his Defense Council - as of now limited to monetary policy, foreign policy, defense policy, interstate commerce, and infrastructure. Many see this limited apparatus as a coordination mechanism, allowing other political units to cooperate without compromising their autonomy.

Oversight of these limited functions is done by the Peshwa, who appoints Chief Executives to lead various departments. The Peshwa is elected every 5 Years by the Ayvani Consultive Congress - a body of princes, businesspeople, bankers, and religious leaders. Ayvana has 4 departments: the Office of Interstate Commerce, the Central Bank of Ayvana, the Ayvani Armed Forces, and the Ayvana Railroads and Highways Board. There exists no judicial system however all bodies as per their founding charters are required to respect the laws of local princes. The army is regulated through the legal concept of Uttara since their funding is reliant on princely support: Uttara is a subset of zulka - an important relationship in Ayvani political science where entities pay other for protection or access to networks.

At the local level, there exist various political units - princely cities, urban villages, rural communes, and religious monasteries - all having distinct constitutions and a diversity of political structures. These units are organized into a distinct spatial order - where instead of clearly defined borders there exist local agreements that delineate control of space. These agreements are signed with and primarily backed by the princes while the princes are the only ones to have proper judicial systems, giving them a preeminent position: All other political units are defined through the agreements with the princes. Some see these princely cities as "IQ shredders" which take the smartest from the periphery and reduce their birthrates to further the reproduction of capital.

Ayvana has a complex system of internal passports, where princely cities effectively control internal movement and access to services. There exists a class of permits for Residents and Migrants: Residents are given both services and access to employment whereas Migrants are only given access to employment and have to rely on religious charity for support. The poor's reliance on said religious institutions has led godmen to gain massive amounts of influence in recent years. These religious institutions straddle the line between white grey and black market activity. Much scandal has erupted over the godmen, many of whom have been forced to renounce their positions by the Ayvani Consultive Congress.

Outside the princely cities there exists a vast heterodoxy of polities, many of who utilize the panchayati raj system: Local villages elect village elders who settle disputes and engage in wider diplomacy. These assemblies organize into larger khaps who have a better position to negotiate in the interests of the community. Khaps are infamous for their corruption, as khap leaders take in a large share of farmers crops for reduced prices and selling them to cities at higher ones, pocketing the difference - forcing farmers to take barely subsistence wages: Said corruption has forced many farmers to move towards overcrowded urban villages and work in sweatshops. [a]

Princely States

The highest political divison of Ayvana, those with Aisya instead of Aidha, are the princely states. The Princes are sovereign over their own relams, and lower relams must associate with a prince who has the absolute authority to arrange and legitimatize coordination structures among lower units. Lower units still have autonomy, something guarenteed to them by the unwritten constitution established with the Peace of Koshigawa. Yet, they do not have sovereignity, and their autonomy can be rescinded through a declaration of uttara. While they pay zulka, it is often not in monetary forms, but through jewels, or crops.

Kingdom of Konkiar

By far the wealthiest state, Konkiar is the economic center of Ayvana. In it are headquartered many of the largest conglomerates and foreign multinationals. Konkiar's ideology is integralist, believing that the temporal power of the king should be restrained towards the spiritual power of the church: Temporal power is organized into a trinitarian structure, with three branches. All of these are thought to derive their power from the king, who derives his power from the people and ultimately god. Konkiar's legal code is heavily inspired by Belisaria - a major reason foreign MNCs base there.

Konkiar has no political parties, and all candidates for office must be vetted by the church. Legislatures meet once every week to write and submit laws for the king. Konkiar elections don't work on the principle of "one man one vote", but instead a corporatist structure where various guilds and social classes are given representation.

The role of the church in Konkiar is quite elusive, as it hasn't been clearly defined. The church is thought to hold power over all spiritual affairs, however, in many respects, it does interfere in the temporal: One example of its interference in its management of most of the free education system. The church is an institution of social redistribution, using dividends from its various assets to reinvest in art, education, and social charity. While the Christian population in Konkiar has lost its majority since the 00s, the church remains an important facet in Konkani life.

Sultanate of Ishur

Ishur is the most populated state, due to the extreme fecundity of its farmland. Politically, it is an absolutist state, dominated by the Sultan of Ishur and his royal court: The Sultan appoints ministers who run important governmental functions across his realm. The legal system of Ishur functions through various district magistrates appointed by the Sultan: These magistrates decide on criminal cases, not civil matters. Ishur has a system of religious courts for civil matters and has distinct court systems for Hindus, Buddhists, and Christians to respect their customs, while civil Yen courts in Ishur utilize a modified version of Iqar.

Ishur is the second wealthiest state in Ayvana due to its wide array of industries. The state is seen as a heavy industry powerhouse of Ayvana, producing much of the confederation's steel textiles and petrochemicals. It's economy developed due to the Sultan's decision in the 80s to use much of his assets in the 80s to create world-class steel, petrochemical, and shipbuilding plants. These plants are owned by so-called "Charities for Worker Dignity" and redistribute their profits to the poor.

Princely State of Maziampur

Maziampur is an absolutist state, ruled by the Maharaj of Maziam - who appoints ministers and spies. The bureaucracy of the state is run by these various ministers, who exercise direct authority for 5 years. The spies however are picked over a much longer period, usually for 10-20 years. The spies watch over the activities of the ministers - reporting it back to the king. These spies also hold an absolute say in Maziampur's judicial system, where they utilize their observations and interpret smritis to dole out punishments. Mazamipur's judicial system is distinct in that instead of it being seen as a mode of state enforcement, it is a means for various groups to sort out disputes. As such spies come from various caste and ethnic backgrounds and help the king learn about diverse viewpoints.

The economy of Maziampur is based upon both heavy and light industries. The Maharaj owns the "commanding heights" of the Mazim economy - industries such as steel, banking, and communications. Meanwhile, the private sector has been reglated to less profitable industries or various services. Maziampur is among Ayvana's largest steel producers, and also creates a large amount of locomotives and machinery. It is the "textile capital" of Ochran, with thousands of textile mills producing clothing sold the world over.

The economic structure of Maziampur is based on formalized companies owned by the prince, and a vast informal sector that sells to the princes various firms. This enables the prince to collect massive surpluses, which is reinvested into the local economy. While this enables a "positive feedback loop" and massive growth in the Maziam economy, it has kept the state unwilling to regulate the private sector - if it had the ability in the first place. To stem social tension the prince funds social charity, however unlike the other states, he does it in an incosistent manner without any central religious institutions to dole out the funds. For the most part, the management of these funds are the responsibility of community elders and not the Maharaj himself.

Cheamb Kingdom

Cheamb is the smallest princely relam in the confederation, made up of only one city. However it is the least polluted, due to primarily relying on tourism, finance, and services instead of industry. The state is among the most modern in Ayvana, due to the numerous reforms pursued by the leadership in the 19th century. Cheamb is ruled by the Maharaj of Cheamb, although he is a consitutional monarch, limited to the Diwan of Cheamb who is popularly elected every 5 Years. The Diwan is the head of the administration and the most powerful man in the kingdom. The Diwan is the only elected offical in the state, and candidates are selected by a panel of elders.

Cheamb is noteworthy for its vast investments in education, healthcare, and infrastucture as a percentage of the state budget with little spent on royal excesses. The kingdom charges no corporate or income tax, gaining most revuenes from fines, sales tax, and a land-value tax. The Kingdom runs several large insurance companies and pension funds, but otherwise the rest of the economy is private. While Cheamb has historically had low inequality, a vast amount of migrant workers has severly strained class relations in the kingdom. Addicted to large flows of funds from the rest of Ayvana, Cheamb has had a rather stagnant economy in contrast to the dynamism of the rest of the country.

The kingdom is among the largest tourist hotspots in Ayvana with numerous beautiful beaches, clean air, and distinctive traditions. It has the highest HDI, and GDP per capita in all of Ayvana, however other states are quickly catching up.

Ichae State

Ichae is Ayvana's northernmost princely state, with its territories located in the panhandle between Ankat and Uluujol. Mountanouis geography has led it to develop numerous diverse ethnic groups and many languages. Ichae is the most ethnically diverse state in the entire country, and among the most diverse areas in the entire world. Its cities are usually quite tiny, located in the backdrop of mountains.

Ichae is ruled by the King of Ichae, an absolute monarch. He is advised by a class of rotating monks, who alternate between the monestary, the court, and so on. The Gurka warrior caste also carries signficant political influence in the Ichae political system, making up a large amount of the court and controlling many state functions. At the end of a king's life the Gurkas are given responsibility to select a new king, often from within their own.

Ichae has the poorest economy in Ayvana, the mountains making infrastucture difficult to construct. Industry is small in Ichae compared to the rest of Ayvana, but the government has invested in some state industries. Ichae has built many plants to create chemical fertilizer, various fibers, or refine foodstuffs. Tourism is also very important for Ichae, with the nations beautiful scenery attracting tourists from Southern Ayvana and the rest of the world. Still the vast majority of its population lives outside of princly controlled areas engaged in agriculture.

Saira State

Saria makes up the lowlying plains of northern Ayvana, taking up the various cities of that plain. It has the some of most fertile farmland in Ayvana along with Ishur. Saria has historically lent itself to being a breadbasket of Ayvana, with massive population growth. The region is one of the largest growers of crops such as basmati rice in the entire world. Due to the lack of geographical barriers Saria's cities are quite spread out, extending out for many kilometers.

Saria is ruled by the Maharaj of Saira, an elective monarch. Real power is thought to reside in the Five Clans - powerful business families. The Clans are involved in construction, manufacturing, and agriculture and cooperate with local godmen to establish large holdings. They are also thought to control many mines in the region and in neighboring Ichae.

Religious Socieites

Khurish Conciousness



Foreign Relations










Music and Art


South Indian Thali Cropped.jpg

Ayvana has a varied and unique cuisine. The country is one of the largest food producers in Ajax growing spices, rice, legumes, and sorghum. The country's palate reflects its various unique environments and is known for including large amounts of spices such as cumin, black pepper, coriander, and cinnamon. For staple foods Ayvana has a few main dishes: curries are based upon a masala sauce, cooked with vegetables, legumes, eggs, or white meat, pilaf is based upon flavored rice - cooked with spices, vegetables and possibly a broth. Finally, Ayvana has thupka noodles, a type of noodle cooked in a cabbage and carrot broth. These three dishes form the basis of Ayvana's staple diet, along with various millet or rice-based flatbreads and momos. Many urbanite Ayvanis mix these into a hotpot, where thupka noodles, fish, and vegetables are constantly simmering in a masala sauce. Ayvani staple foods are known not to use wheat, as most of Ayvana's land is not suitable for wheat production. Ayvana's staple foods also have many regional variations. For example in Konkiar onions and ginger garlic paste are utilized, while in Cheamb the curries are primarily tomato-based. Each region has unique dishes that represent their unique climates and cultures.

In Ayvana meat is quite rarely consumed, seen as something to be reserved for special occasions. Many people forgo all red meat altogether, and the most common meats are white meats such as fish and chicken. Animal products however are quite common, with most Ayvanis utilizing ghee instead of oil, and chai being the main drink for many. Animal milk is also seen to carry a divine essence within them and is utilized during religious ceremonies. Ayvana has one of Ajax's largest populations of vegetarians, with over 40% of Ayvanis stating they haven't eaten meat within a year. Among urbanites, veganism has become popular, seen as a solution to climate and health issues. A study found that over 70% of young Ayvani urbanites were attempting to reduce their meat consumption, and 30% had adopted fully vegan diets. Ayvana is one of the friendliest countries for vegetarians and vegans due to their prevalence, with most Ayvani restaurants having fully vegetarian options, and many being fully vegetarian. Concerns over climate change have seen many high profiles Ayvani celebrities and politicians renounce meat.

Ayvana is known for having a vast assortment of sweets and dried fruits. Ayvana has thousands of confectionary stories, with many confectionaries specific to certain regions. It is impossible to go over all of them, however Ayvana does have sweets enjoyed throughout the confederation. Ladoo - a sweet ball - is one of the most popular sweets, with numerous regional varieties exisiting: such as besan ladoo, coconut ladoos, and bindi ladoos. Kaju katli - ground cashews mixed with sugar and fat - is another popular sweet. Ayvana has many sweets that utilize dairy such as ras maili - cheese curds in milk. Gulub jammun is another popular milk-based sweet - and has gained a large following abroad. Ayvana also has dried nut based candies, such as chikki.

Ayvana in recent years has developed a large fast food and snack industry.




  1. "Corruption" neglects other factors such as agribusiness, however, the point remains that the cheap labor that began the Ayvani Miracle never came "naturally" - but according to leftist scholars such as Anjali, was due to deliberate policy designed to impoverish farmers. [1]


  1. Bhakta, Anjali (2002) On the Ayvani Miracle