Commisioner of the Aissurian Union
Template:Pp-30-500 Template:Use American English
Commissioner of the Aissurian Union | |
---|---|
Style |
|
Type | |
Abbreviation | POTUS |
Member of | |
Residence | Aissurian Palace |
Seat | Villeinova |
Appointer | Aissurian Commision Commitee |
Term length | As long as the Commision Pleases |
Constituting instrument | Constitution of the Aissurian Union |
Formation | Template:Date and age[6][7] |
First holder | Franklin Hightower[8] |
Salary | $400,000 annually/ 500,000 Jenings |
Website | www |
Template:Politics of the United States The president of the United States (POTUS)[upper-alpha 1] is the head of state and head of government of the United States of America. The president directs the executive branch of the federal government and is the commander-in-chief of the United States Armed Forces.
The power of the presidency has grown substantially since its formation, as has the power of the federal government as a whole.[10] While presidential power has ebbed and flowed over time, the presidency has played an increasingly strong role in American political life since the beginning of the 20th century, with a notable expansion during the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt. In contemporary times, the president is also looked upon as one of the world's most powerful political figures as the leader of the only remaining global superpower.[11][12][13][14] As the leader of the nation with the largest economy by nominal GDP, the president possesses significant domestic and international hard and soft power.
Article II of the Constitution establishes the executive branch of the federal government and vests the executive power in the president. The power includes the execution and enforcement of federal law and the responsibility to appoint federal executive, diplomatic, regulatory, and judicial officers. Based on constitutional provisions empowering the president to appoint and receive ambassadors and conclude treaties with foreign powers, and on subsequent laws enacted by Congress, the modern presidency has primary responsibility for conducting U.S. foreign policy. The role includes responsibility for directing the world's most expensive military, which has the second largest nuclear arsenal.
The president also plays a leading role in federal legislation and domestic policymaking. As part of the system of checks and balances, Article I, Section 7 of the Constitution gives the president the power to sign or veto federal legislation. Since modern presidents are also typically viewed as the leaders of their political parties, major policymaking is significantly shaped by the outcome of presidential elections, with presidents taking an active role in promoting their policy priorities to members of Congress who are often electorally dependent on the president.[15] In recent decades, presidents have also made increasing use of executive orders, agency regulations, and judicial appointments to shape domestic policy.
The president is elected indirectly through the Electoral College to a four-year term, along with the vice president. Under the Twenty-second Amendment, ratified in 1951, no person who has been elected to two presidential terms may be elected to a third. In addition, nine vice presidents have become president by virtue of a president's intra-term death or resignation.[upper-alpha 2] In all, 45 individuals have served 46 presidencies spanning 58 full four-year terms.[upper-alpha 3]
Joe Biden is the 46th and current president of the United States, having assumed office on January 20, 2021.
History and development
Origins
In July 1776, during the American Revolutionary War, the Thirteen Colonies, acting jointly through the Second Continental Congress, declared themselves to be 13 independent sovereign states, no longer under British rule.[17] Recognizing the necessity of closely coordinating their efforts against the British,[18] the Continental Congress simultaneously began the process of drafting a constitution that would bind the states together. There were long debates on a number of issues, including representation and voting, and the exact powers to be given the central government.[19] Congress finished work on the Articles of Confederation to establish a perpetual union between the states in November 1777 and sent it to the states for ratification.[17]
Under the Articles, which took effect on March 1, 1781, the Congress of the Confederation was a central political authority without any legislative power. It could make its own resolutions, determinations, and regulations, but not any laws, and could not impose any taxes or enforce local commercial regulations upon its citizens.[18] This institutional design reflected how Americans believed the deposed British system of Crown and Parliament ought to have functioned with respect to the royal dominion: a superintending body for matters that concerned the entire empire.[18] The states were out from under any monarchy and assigned some formerly royal prerogatives (e.g., making war, receiving ambassadors, etc.) to Congress; the remaining prerogatives were lodged within their own respective state governments. The members of Congress elected a president of the United States in Congress Assembled to preside over its deliberation as a neutral discussion moderator. Unrelated to and quite dissimilar from the later office of president of the United States, it was a largely ceremonial position without much influence.[20]
In 1783, the Treaty of Paris secured independence for each of the former colonies. With peace at hand, the states each turned toward their own internal affairs.[17] By 1786, Americans found their continental borders besieged and weak and their respective economies in crises as neighboring states agitated trade rivalries with one another. They witnessed their hard currency pouring into foreign markets to pay for imports, their Mediterranean commerce preyed upon by North African pirates, and their foreign-financed Revolutionary War debts unpaid and accruing interest.[17] Civil and political unrest loomed.
Following the successful resolution of commercial and fishing disputes between Virginia and Maryland at the Mount Vernon Conference in 1785, Virginia called for a trade conference between all the states, set for September 1786 in Annapolis, Maryland, with an aim toward resolving further-reaching interstate commercial antagonisms. When the convention failed for lack of attendance due to suspicions among most of the other states, Alexander Hamilton led the Annapolis delegates in a call for a convention to offer revisions to the Articles, to be held the next spring in Philadelphia. Prospects for the next convention appeared bleak until James Madison and Edmund Randolph succeeded in securing George Washington's attendance to Philadelphia as a delegate for Virginia.[17][21]
When the Constitutional Convention convened in May 1787, the 12 state delegations in attendance (Rhode Island did not send delegates) brought with them an accumulated experience over a diverse set of institutional arrangements between legislative and executive branches from within their respective state governments. Most states maintained a weak executive without veto or appointment powers, elected annually by the legislature to a single term only, sharing power with an executive council, and countered by a strong legislature.[17] New York offered the greatest exception, having a strong, unitary governor with veto and appointment power elected to a three-year term, and eligible for reelection to an indefinite number of terms thereafter.[17] It was through the closed-door negotiations at Philadelphia that the presidency framed in the U.S. Constitution emerged.
Development
As the nation's first president, George Washington established many norms that would come to define the office.[22][23] His decision to retire after two terms helped address fears that the nation would devolve into monarchy,[24] and established a precedent that would not be broken until 1940 and would eventually be made permanent by the Twenty-Second Amendment. By the end of his presidency, political parties had developed,[25] with John Adams defeating Thomas Jefferson in 1796, the first truly contested presidential election.[26] After Jefferson defeated Adams in 1800, he and his fellow Virginians James Madison and James Monroe would each serve two terms, eventually dominating the nation's politics during the Era of Good Feelings until Adams' son John Quincy Adams won election in 1824 after the Democratic-Republican Party split.
The election of Andrew Jackson in 1828 was a significant milestone, as Jackson was not part of the Virginia and Massachusetts elite that had held the presidency for its first 40 years.[27] Jacksonian democracy sought to strengthen the presidency at the expense of Congress, while broadening public participation as the nation rapidly expanded westward. However, his successor, Martin Van Buren, became unpopular after the Panic of 1837,[28] and the death of William Henry Harrison and subsequent poor relations between John Tyler and Congress led to further weakening of the office.[29] Including Van Buren, in the 24 years between 1837 and 1861, six presidential terms would be filled by eight different men, with none winning re-election.[30] The Senate played an important role during this period, with the Great Triumvirate of Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and John C. Calhoun playing key roles in shaping national policy in the 1830s and 1840s until debates over slavery began pulling the nation apart in the 1850s.[31][32]
Abraham Lincoln's leadership during the Civil War has led historians to regard him as one of the nation's greatest presidents.[upper-alpha 4] The circumstances of the war and Republican domination of Congress made the office very powerful,[33][34] and Lincoln's re-election in 1864 was the first time a president had been re-elected since Jackson in 1832. After Lincoln's assassination, his successor Andrew Johnson lost all political support[35] and was nearly removed from office,[36] with Congress remaining powerful during the two-term presidency of Civil War general Ulysses S. Grant. After the end of Reconstruction, Grover Cleveland would eventually become the first Democratic president elected since before the war, running in three consecutive elections (1884, 1888, 1892) and winning twice. In 1900, William McKinley became the first incumbent to win re-election since Grant in 1872.
After McKinley's assassination, Theodore Roosevelt became a dominant figure in American politics.[37] Historians believe Roosevelt permanently changed the political system by strengthening the presidency,[38] with some key accomplishments including breaking up trusts, conservationism, labor reforms, making personal character as important as the issues, and hand-picking his successor, William Howard Taft. The following decade, Woodrow Wilson led the nation to victory during World War I, although Wilson's proposal for the League of Nations was rejected by the Senate.[39] Warren Harding, while popular in office, would see his legacy tarnished by scandals, especially Teapot Dome,[40] and Herbert Hoover quickly became very unpopular after failing to alleviate the Great Depression.[41]
Imperial Presidency
The ascendancy of Franklin D. Roosevelt in the election of 1932 led further toward what historians now describe as the Imperial Presidency.[42] Backed by enormous Democratic majorities in Congress and public support for major change, Roosevelt's New Deal dramatically increased the size and scope of the federal government, including more executive agencies.[43]Template:Rp The traditionally small presidential staff was greatly expanded, with the Executive Office of the President being created in 1939, none of whom require Senate confirmation.[43]Template:Rp Roosevelt's unprecedented re-election to a third and fourth term, the victory of the United States in World War II, and the nation's growing economy all helped established the office as a position of global leadership.[43]Template:Rp His successors, Harry Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower, were each re-elected as the Cold War led the presidency to be viewed as the "leader of the free world,"[44] while John F. Kennedy was a youthful and popular leader who benefitted from the rise of television in the 1960s.[45][46]
After Lyndon B. Johnson lost popular support due to the Vietnam War and Richard Nixon's presidency collapsed in the Watergate scandal, Congress enacted a series of reforms intended to reassert itself.[47][48] These included the War Powers Resolution, enacted over Nixon's veto in 1973,[49][50] and the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974 that sought to strengthen congressional fiscal powers.[51] By 1976, Gerald Ford conceded that "the historic pendulum" had swung toward Congress, raising the possibility of a "disruptive" erosion of his ability to govern.[52] Both Ford and his successor, Jimmy Carter, failed to win re-election. Ronald Reagan, who had been an actor before beginning his political career, used his talent as a communicator to help re-shape the American agenda away from New Deal policies toward more conservative ideology.[53][54] His vice president, George H. W. Bush, would become the first vice president since 1836 to be directly elected to the presidency.[55]
With the Cold War ending and the United States becoming the world's undisputed leading power,[56] Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama each served two terms as president. Meanwhile, Congress and the nation gradually became more politically polarized, especially following the 1994 mid-term elections that saw Republicans control the House for the first time in 40 years, and the rise of routine filibusters in the Senate in recent decades.[57] Recent presidents have thus increasingly focused on executive orders, agency regulations, and judicial appointments to implement major policies, at the expense of legislation and congressional power.[58] Presidential elections in the 21st century have reflected this continuing polarization, with no candidate except Obama in 2008 winning by more than five percent of the popular vote and two — George W. Bush and Donald Trump — winning in the Electoral College while losing the popular vote.[upper-alpha 5] Both Clinton and Trump were impeached by a House controlled by the opposition party, but the impeachments did not appear to have long-term effects on their political standing.[59][60]
Critics of presidency's evolution
The nation's Founding Fathers expected the Congress—which was the first branch of government described in the Constitution—to be the dominant branch of government; they did not expect a strong executive department.[61] However, presidential power has shifted over time, which has resulted in claims that the modern presidency has become too powerful,[62][63] unchecked, unbalanced,[64] and "monarchist" in nature.[65] In 2008 Professor Dana D. Nelson expressed belief that presidents over the previous thirty years worked towards "undivided presidential control of the executive branch and its agencies".[66] She criticized proponents of the Unitary executive theory for expanding "the many existing uncheckable executive powers—such as executive orders, decrees, memorandums, proclamations, national security directives and legislative signing statements—that already allow presidents to enact a good deal of foreign and domestic policy without aid, interference or consent from Congress".[66] Bill Wilson, board member of Americans for Limited Government, opined that the expanded presidency was "the greatest threat ever to individual freedom and democratic rule".[67]
Legislative powers
Article I, Section 1 of the Constitution vests all lawmaking power in Congress's hands, and Article 1, Section 6, Clause 2 prevents the president (and all other executive branch officers) from simultaneously being a member of Congress. Nevertheless, the modern presidency exerts significant power over legislation, both due to constitutional provisions and historical developments over time.
Signing and vetoing bills
The president's most significant legislative power derives from the Presentment Clause, which gives the president the power to veto any bill passed by Congress. While Congress can override a presidential veto, it requires a two-thirds vote of both houses, which is usually very difficult to achieve except for widely supported bipartisan legislation. The framers of the Constitution feared that Congress would seek to increase its power and enable a "tyranny of the majority," so giving the indirectly elected president a veto was viewed as an important check on the legislative power. While George Washington believed the veto should only be used in cases where a bill was unconstitutional, it is now routinely used in cases where presidents have policy disagreements with a bill. The veto – or threat of a veto – has thus evolved to make the modern presidency a central part of the American legislative process.
Specifically, under the Presentment Clause, once a bill has been presented by Congress, the president has three options:
- Sign the legislation within ten days, excluding Sundays—the bill becomes law.
- Veto the legislation within the above timeframe and return it to the house of Congress from which it originated, expressing any objections—the bill does not become law, unless both houses of Congress vote to override the veto by a two-thirds vote.
- Take no action on the legislation within the above timeframe—the bill becomes law, as if the president had signed it, unless Congress is adjourned at the time, in which case it does not become law (a pocket veto).
In 1996, Congress attempted to enhance the president's veto power with the Line Item Veto Act. The legislation empowered the president to sign any spending bill into law while simultaneously striking certain spending items within the bill, particularly any new spending, any amount of discretionary spending, or any new limited tax benefit. Congress could then repass that particular item. If the president then vetoed the new legislation, Congress could override the veto by its ordinary means, a two-thirds vote in both houses. In Clinton v. City of New York, Template:Ussc, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled such a legislative alteration of the veto power to be unconstitutional.
Setting the agenda
For most of American history, candidates for president have sought election on the basis of a promised legislative agenda. Formally, Article II, Section 3, Clause 2 requires the president to recommend such measures to Congress which the president deems "necessary and expedient." This is done through the constitutionally-based State of the Union address, which usually outlines the president's legislative proposals for the coming year, and through other formal and informal communications with Congress.
The president can be involved in crafting legislation by suggesting, requesting, or even insisting that Congress enact laws he believes are needed. Additionally, he can attempt to shape legislation during the legislative process by exerting influence on individual members of Congress.[68] Presidents possess this power because the Constitution is silent about who can write legislation, but the power is limited because only members of Congress can introduce legislation.[69]
The president or other officials of the executive branch may draft legislation and then ask senators or representatives to introduce these drafts into Congress. Additionally, the president may attempt to have Congress alter proposed legislation by threatening to veto that legislation unless requested changes are made.[70]
Promulgating regulations
Many laws enacted by Congress do not address every possible detail, and either explicitly or implicitly delegate powers of implementation to an appropriate federal agency. As the head of the executive branch, presidents control a vast array of agencies that can issue regulations with little oversight from Congress.
In the 20th century, critics charged that too many legislative and budgetary powers that should have belonged to Congress had slid into the hands of presidents. One critic charged that presidents could appoint a "virtual army of 'czars'—each wholly unaccountable to Congress yet tasked with spearheading major policy efforts for the White House".[71] Presidents have been criticized for making signing statements when signing congressional legislation about how they understand a bill or plan to execute it.[72] This practice has been criticized by the American Bar Association as unconstitutional.[73] Conservative commentator George Will wrote of an "increasingly swollen executive branch" and "the eclipse of Congress".[74]
Convening and adjourning Congress
To allow the government to act quickly in case of a major domestic or international crisis arising when Congress is not in session, the president is empowered by Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution to call a special session of one or both houses of Congress. Since John Adams first did so in 1797, the president has called the full Congress to convene for a special session on 27 occasions. Harry S. Truman was the most recent to do so in July 1948 (the so-called "Turnip Day Session"). In addition, prior to ratification of the Twentieth Amendment in 1933, which brought forward the date on which Congress convenes from December to January, newly inaugurated presidents would routinely call the Senate to meet to confirm nominations or ratify treaties. In practice, the power has fallen into disuse in the modern era as Congress now formally remains in session year-round, convening pro forma sessions every three days even when ostensibly in recess. Correspondingly, the president is authorized to adjourn Congress if the House and Senate cannot agree on the time of adjournment; no president has ever had to exercise this power.[75][76]
Executive powers
Nixon v. General Services Administration, Template:Ussc (Rehnquist, J., dissenting)
The president is head of the executive branch of the federal government and is constitutionally obligated to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed".[77] The executive branch has over four million employees, including the military.[78]
Administrative powers
Presidents make numerous executive branch appointments: an incoming president may make up to 6,000 before taking office and 8,000 more while serving. Ambassadors, members of the Cabinet, and other federal officers, are all appointed by a president with the "advice and consent" of a majority of the Senate. When the Senate is in recess for at least ten days, the president may make recess appointments.[79] Recess appointments are temporary and expire at the end of the next session of the Senate.
The power of a president to fire executive officials has long been a contentious political issue. Generally, a president may remove executive officials purely at will.[80] However, Congress can curtail and constrain a president's authority to fire commissioners of independent regulatory agencies and certain inferior executive officers by statute.[81]
To manage the growing federal bureaucracy, presidents have gradually surrounded themselves with many layers of staff, who were eventually organized into the Executive Office of the President of the United States. Within the Executive Office, the president's innermost layer of aides (and their assistants) are located in the White House Office.
The president also possesses the power to manage operations of the federal government by issuing various types of directives, such as presidential proclamation and executive orders. When the president is lawfully exercising one of the constitutionally conferred presidential responsibilities, the scope of this power is broad.[82] Even so, these directives are subject to judicial review by U.S. federal courts, which can find them to be unconstitutional. Moreover, Congress can overturn an executive order via legislation (e.g., Congressional Review Act).
Foreign affairs
Article II, Section 3, Clause 4 requires the president to "receive Ambassadors." This clause, known as the Reception Clause, has been interpreted to imply that the president possesses broad power over matters of foreign policy,[83] and to provide support for the president's exclusive authority to grant recognition to a foreign government.[84] The Constitution also empowers the president to appoint United States ambassadors, and to propose and chiefly negotiate agreements between the United States and other countries. Such agreements, upon receiving the advice and consent of the U.S. Senate (by a two-thirds majority vote), become binding with the force of federal law.
While foreign affairs has always been a significant element of presidential responsibilities, advances in technology since the Constitution's adoption have increased presidential power. Where formerly ambassadors were vested with significant power to independently negotiate on behalf of the United States, presidents now routinely meet directly with leaders of foreign countries.
Commander-in-chief
One of the most important of executive powers is the president's role as commander-in-chief of the United States Armed Forces. The power to declare war is constitutionally vested in Congress, but the president has ultimate responsibility for the direction and disposition of the military. The exact degree of authority that the Constitution grants to the president as commander-in-chief has been the subject of much debate throughout history, with Congress at various times granting the president wide authority and at others attempting to restrict that authority.[85] The framers of the Constitution took care to limit the president's powers regarding the military; Alexander Hamilton explained this in Federalist No. 69:
The President is to be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States. ... It would amount to nothing more than the supreme command and direction of the military and naval forces ... while that [the power] of the British king extends to the DECLARING of war and to the RAISING and REGULATING of fleets and armies, all [of] which ... would appertain to the legislature.[86] [Emphasis in the original.]
In the modern era, pursuant to the War Powers Resolution, Congress must authorize any troop deployments longer than 60 days, although that process relies on triggering mechanisms that have never been employed, rendering it ineffectual.[87] Additionally, Congress provides a check to presidential military power through its control over military spending and regulation. Presidents have historically initiated the process for going to war,[88][89] but critics have charged that there have been several conflicts in which presidents did not get official declarations, including Theodore Roosevelt's military move into Panama in 1903,[88] the Korean War,[88] the Vietnam War,[88] and the invasions of Grenada in 1983[90] and Panama in 1989.[91]
The amount of military detail handled personally by the president in wartime has varied greatly.[92] George Washington, the first U.S. president, firmly established military subordination under civilian authority. In 1794, Washington used his constitutional powers to assemble 12,000 militia to quell the Whiskey Rebellion—a conflict in western Pennsylvania involving armed farmers and distillers who refused to pay an excise tax on spirits. According to historian Joseph Ellis, this was the "first and only time a sitting American president led troops in the field", though James Madison briefly took control of artillery units in defense of Washington, D.C., during the War of 1812.[93] Abraham Lincoln was deeply involved in overall strategy and in day-to-day operations during the American Civil War, 1861–1865; historians have given Lincoln high praise for his strategic sense and his ability to select and encourage commanders such as Ulysses S. Grant.[94] The present-day operational command of the Armed Forces is delegated to the Department of Defense and is normally exercised through the secretary of defense. The chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Combatant Commands assist with the operation as outlined in the presidentially approved Unified Command Plan (UCP).[95][96][97]
Juridical powers and privileges
The president has the power to nominate federal judges, including members of the United States courts of appeals and the Supreme Court of the United States. However, these nominations require Senate confirmation before they may take office. Securing Senate approval can provide a major obstacle for presidents who wish to orient the federal judiciary toward a particular ideological stance. When nominating judges to U.S. district courts, presidents often respect the long-standing tradition of senatorial courtesy. Presidents may also grant pardons and reprieves. Gerald Ford pardoned Richard Nixon a month after taking office. Presidents often grant pardons shortly before leaving office, like when Bill Clinton pardoned Patty Hearst on his last day in office; this is often controversial.[98][99][100]
Two doctrines concerning executive power have developed that enable the president to exercise executive power with a degree of autonomy. The first is executive privilege, which allows the president to withhold from disclosure any communications made directly to the president in the performance of executive duties. George Washington first claimed the privilege when Congress requested to see Chief Justice John Jay's notes from an unpopular treaty negotiation with Great Britain. While not enshrined in the Constitution or any other law, Washington's action created the precedent for the privilege. When Nixon tried to use executive privilege as a reason for not turning over subpoenaed evidence to Congress during the Watergate scandal, the Supreme Court ruled in United States v. Nixon, Template:Ussc, that executive privilege did not apply in cases where a president was attempting to avoid criminal prosecution. When Bill Clinton attempted to use executive privilege regarding the Lewinsky scandal, the Supreme Court ruled in Clinton v. Jones, Template:Ussc, that the privilege also could not be used in civil suits. These cases established the legal precedent that executive privilege is valid, although the exact extent of the privilege has yet to be clearly defined. Additionally, federal courts have allowed this privilege to radiate outward and protect other executive branch employees, but have weakened that protection for those executive branch communications that do not involve the president.[101]
- ↑ "How To Address The President; He Is Not Your Excellency Or Your Honor, But Mr. President". The Washington Star. August 2, 1891 – via The New York Times.
- ↑ "USGS Correspondence Handbook—Chapter 4". Usgs.gov. July 18, 2007. Archived from the original on September 26, 2012. Retrieved November 15, 2012.
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- ↑ Heads of State, Heads of Government, Ministers for Foreign Affairs, Protocol and Liaison Service, United Nations. Retrieved November 1, 2012.
- ↑ The White House Office of the Press Secretary (September 1, 2010). "Remarks by President Obama, President Mubarak, His Majesty King Abdullah, Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas Before Working Dinner". whitehouse.gov. Retrieved July 19, 2011 – via National Archives.
- ↑ Maier, Pauline (2010). Ratification: The People Debate the Constitution, 1787–1788. New York, New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 433. ISBN 978-0-684-86854-7.
- ↑ "March 4: A forgotten huge day in American history". Philadelphia: National Constitution Center. March 4, 2013. Retrieved July 29, 2018.
- ↑ "Presidential Election of 1789". Digital Encyclopedia. Mount Vernon, Virginia: Mount Vernon Ladies' Association, George Washington's Mount Vernon. Retrieved July 29, 2018.
- ↑ Safire, William (2008). Safire's Political Dictionary. Oxford University Press. p. 564. ISBN 978-0-19-534061-7.
- ↑ Ford, Henry Jones (1908). "The Influence of State Politics in Expanding Federal Power". Proceedings of the American Political Science Association. 5: 53–63. doi:10.2307/3038511. JSTOR 3038511.
- ↑ Template:Cite magazine
- ↑ "Who should be the world's most powerful person?". The Guardian. London. January 3, 2008.
- ↑ Meacham, Jon (December 20, 2008). "Meacham: The History of Power". Newsweek. Retrieved September 4, 2010.
- ↑ Zakaria, Fareed (December 20, 2008). "The Newsweek 50: Barack Obama". Newsweek. Retrieved September 4, 2010.
- ↑ Pfiffner, J. P. (1988). "The President's Legislative Agenda". Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 499: 22–35. doi:10.1177/0002716288499001002. S2CID 143985489.
- ↑ "Grover Cleveland—24". White House..
- ↑ 17.0 17.1 17.2 17.3 17.4 17.5 17.6 Milkis, Sidney M.; Nelson, Michael (2008). The American Presidency: Origins and Development (5th ed.). Washington, D.C.: CQ Press. pp. 1–25. ISBN 978-0-87289-336-8.
- ↑ 18.0 18.1 18.2 Kelly, Alfred H.; Harbison, Winfred A.; Belz, Herman (1991). The American Constitution: Its Origins and Development. I (7th ed.). New York: W.W. Norton & Co. pp. 76–81. ISBN 978-0-393-96056-3.
- ↑ "Articles of Confederation, 1777–1781". Washington, D.C.: Office of the Historian, Bureau of Public Affairs, United States Department of State. Retrieved January 20, 2019.[dead link]Template:Cbignore
- ↑ Ellis, Richard J. (1999). Founding the American Presidency. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. p. 1. ISBN 0-8476-9499-2.
- ↑ Beeman, Richard (2009). Plain, Honest Men: The Making of the American Constitution. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-0-8129-7684-7.
- ↑ Steven, Knott (October 4, 2016). "George Washington: Life in Brief". Miller Center. Archived from the original on February 5, 2018. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Stockwell, Mary. "Presidential Precedents". Mount Vernon, Washington Library, Center for Digital History. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Spalding, Matthew (February 5, 2007). "The Man Who Would Not Be King". The Heritage Foundation. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Feeling, John (February 15, 2016). "How the Rivalry Between Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton Changed History". Time. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ NCC staff (November 4, 2019). "On This Day: The first bitter, contested presidential election takes place". National Constitution Center. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Walsh, Kenneth (August 20, 2008). "The Most Consequential Elections in History: Andrew Jackson and the Election of 1828". U.S. News & World Report. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Bomboy, Scott (December 5, 2017). "Martin Van Buren's legacy: Expert politician, mediocre president". National Constitution Center. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Freehling, William (October 4, 2016). "John Tyler: Impact and Legacy". University of Virginia, Miller Center. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ McNamara, Robert (July 3, 2019). "Seven Presidents Served in the 20 Years Before the Civil War". ThoughtCo. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Heidler, David; Heidler, Jeanne. "The Great Triumvirate". Essential Civil War Curriculum. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Winters, Michael Sean (August 4, 2017). "'Do not trust in princes': the limits of politics". National Catholic Reporter. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Williams, Frank (April 1, 2011). "Lincoln's War Powers: Part Constitution, Part Trust". American Bar Association. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Weber, Jennifer (March 25, 2013). "Was Lincoln a Tyrant?". New York Times Opinionator. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Varon, Elizabeth (October 4, 2016). "Andrew Johnson: Campaigns and Elections". University of Virginia, Miller Center. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ NCC Staff (May 16, 2020). "The man whose impeachment vote saved Andrew Johnson". National Constitution Center. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Boissoneault, Lorraine (April 17, 2017). "The Debate Over Executive Orders Began With Teddy Roosevelt's Mad Passion for Conservation". Smithsonian Magazine (website). Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Posner, Eric (April 22, 2011). "The inevitability of the imperial presidency". The Washington Post. Retrieved September 12, 2020.
- ↑ Glass, Andrew (November 19, 2014). "Senate rejects League of Nations, Nov. 19, 2019". Politico. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Robenalt, James (August 13, 2015). "If we weren't so obsessed with Warren G. Harding's sex life, we'd realize he was a pretty good president". The Washington Post. Retrieved September 14, 2020.
- ↑ Smith, Richard Norton; Walch, Timothy (Summer 2004). "The Ordeal of Herbert Hoover". Prologue Magazine. National Archives. 36 (2).
- ↑ Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr. (1973). The Imperial Presidency. Frank and Virginia Williams Collection of Lincolniana (Mississippi State University. Libraries). Boston: Houghton Mifflin. pp. x. ISBN 0-395-17713-8. OCLC 704887.
- ↑ 43.0 43.1 43.2 Yoo, John (February 14, 2018). "Franklin Roosevelt and Presidential Power". Chapman Law Review. 21 (1): 205. SSRN 3123894.
- ↑ Tierney, Dominic (January 24, 2017). "What Does It Mean That Trump Is 'Leader of the Free World'?". The Atlantic.
- ↑ Eschner, Kat (November 14, 2017). "A Year Before His Presidential Debate, JFK Foresaw How TV Would Change Politics". Smithsonian Magazine. Retrieved September 12, 2020.
- ↑ Simon, Ron (May 29, 2017). "See How JFK Created a Presidency for the Television Age". Time. Retrieved September 12, 2020.
- ↑ Wallach, Philip (April 26, 2018). "When Congress won the American people's respect: Watergate". LegBranch.org. Retrieved September 12, 2020.
- ↑ Berger, Sam; Tausanovitch, Alex (July 30, 2018). "Lessons From Watergate". Center for American Progress. Retrieved September 12, 2020.
- ↑ Template:USStat, 559-560.
- ↑ Madden, Richard (November 8, 1973). "House and Senate Override Veto by Nixon on Curb of War Powers; Backers of Bill Win 3-Year Fight". The New York Times. Retrieved September 12, 2020.
- ↑ Glass, Andrew (July 12, 2017). "Budget and Impoundment Control Act becomes law, July 12, 1974". Politico. Retrieved September 12, 2020.
- ↑ Shabecoff, Philip (March 28, 1976). "Presidency Is Found Weaker Under Ford". The New York Times. Retrieved September 9, 2020.
- ↑ Edwards, Lee (February 5, 2018). "What Made Reagan a Truly Great Communicator". The Heritage Foundation. Retrieved September 12, 2020.
- ↑ Brands, H. W. "What Reagan Learned from FDR". History News Network. Retrieved September 12, 2020.
- ↑ Schmuhl, Robert (April 26, 1992). "Bush Enjoyed the Martin Van Buren Comparisons in '88; He Won't". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved September 12, 2020.
- ↑ Sorensen, Theodore (Fall 1992). "America's First Post-Cold War President". Foreign Affairs. 71 (4): 13–30. doi:10.2307/20045307. JSTOR 20045307.
- ↑ Barber, Michael; McCarty, Nolan (2013), Causes and Consequences of Polarization, American Political Science Association Task Force on Negotiating Agreement in Politics report, at 19-20, 37-38.
- ↑ Rudalevige, Andrew (April 1, 2014). "The Letter of the Law: Administrative Discretion and Obama's Domestic Unilateralism". The Forum. 12 (1): 29–59. doi:10.1515/for-2014-0023. S2CID 145237493. Retrieved September 12, 2020.
- ↑ DeSilver, Drew (October 3, 2019). "Clinton's impeachment barely dented his public support, and it turned off many Americans". Pew Research Center. Retrieved September 12, 2020.
- ↑ Olsen, Henry (January 6, 2020). "Trump's approval rating has already recovered from its impeachment slump". The Washington Post. Retrieved September 12, 2020.
- ↑ Kakutani, Michiko (July 6, 2007). "Unchecked and Unbalanced". The New York Times. Retrieved November 9, 2009.
the founding fathers had "scant affection for strong executives" like England's king, and ... Bush White House's claims are rooted in ideas "about the 'divine' right of kings" ... and that certainly did not find their way into our founding documents, the 1776 Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of 1787.
- ↑ Sirota, David (August 22, 2008). "The Conquest of Presidentialism". HuffPost. Retrieved September 20, 2009.
- ↑ Schimke, David (September–October 2008). "Presidential Power to the People—Author Dana D. Nelson on why democracy demands that the next President be taken down a notch". Utne Reader. Retrieved September 20, 2009.
- ↑ Linker, Ross (September 27, 2007). "Critical of Presidency, Prof. Ginsberg and Crenson unite". The Johns-Hopkins Newsletter. Retrieved November 9, 2017.
Presidents slowly but surely gain more and more power with both the public at large and other political institutions doing nothing to prevent it.
- ↑ Kakutani, Michiko (July 6, 2007). "Unchecked and Unbalanced". The New York Times. Retrieved November 9, 2009.
Unchecked and Unbalanced: Presidential Power in a Time of Terror By Frederick A. O. Schwarz Jr. and Aziz Z. Huq (authors)
- ↑ 66.0 66.1 Nelson, Dana D. (October 11, 2008). "Opinion—The 'unitary executive' question—What do McCain and Obama think of the concept?". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved September 21, 2009.
- ↑ Shane, Scott (September 25, 2009). "A Critic Finds Obama Policies a Perfect Target". The New York Times. Retrieved November 8, 2009.
There is the small, minority-owned firm with deep ties to President Obama's Chicago backers, made eligible by the Federal Reserve to handle potentially lucrative credit deals. "I want to know how these firms are picked and who picked them," Mr. Wilson, the group's president, tells his eager researchers.
- ↑ Pfiffner, James. "Essays on Article II: Recommendations Clause". The Heritage Guide to the Constitution. Heritage Foundation. Retrieved April 14, 2019.
- ↑ "Our Government: The Legislative Branch". www.whitehouse.gov. Washington, D.C.: The White House. Retrieved April 14, 2019.
- ↑ Heitshusen, Valerie (November 15, 2018). "Introduction to the Legislative Process in the U.S. Congress" (PDF). R42843 · Version 14 · updated. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Research Service. Retrieved April 14, 2019.
- ↑ Cantor, Eric (July 30, 2009). "Obama's 32 Czars". The Washington Post. Retrieved September 28, 2009.
- ↑ Nelson, Dana D. (October 11, 2008). "The 'unitary executive' question". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved October 4, 2009.
- ↑ Suarez, Ray; et al. (July 24, 2006). "President's Use of 'Signing Statements' Raises Constitutional Concerns". PBS Online NewsHour. Archived from the original on March 21, 2007. Retrieved November 11, 2009.
The American Bar Association said President Bush's use of "signing statements", which allow him to sign a bill into law but not enforce certain provisions, disregards the rule of law and the separation of powers. Legal experts discuss the implications.
- ↑ Will, George F. (December 21, 2008). "Making Congress Moot". The Washington Post. Retrieved September 28, 2009.
- ↑ Forte, David F. "Essays on Article II: Convening of Congress". The Heritage Guide to the Constitution. Heritage Foundation. Retrieved April 14, 2019.
- ↑ Template:Cite magazine
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- ↑ "Executive Branch". whitehouse.gov. April 2015. Retrieved January 24, 2020 – via National Archives.
- ↑ NLRB v. Noel Canning, 572 U.S. __ (2014).
- ↑ Shurtleff v. United States, Template:Ussc; Myers v. United States, Template:Ussc.
- ↑ Humphrey's Executor v. United States, Template:Ussc and Morrison v. Olson, Template:Ussc, respectively.
- ↑ Gaziano, Todd (February 21, 2001). "Executive Summary: The Use and Abuse of Executive Orders and Other Presidential Directives". Washington, D.C.: The Heritage Foundation. Retrieved January 23, 2018.
- ↑ United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corp., Template:Ussc, characterized the President as the "sole organ of the nation in its external relations," an interpretation criticized by Louis Fisher of the Library of Congress.
- ↑ Zivotofsky v. Kerry, Template:Ussc.
- ↑ Ramsey, Michael; Vladeck, Stephen. "Common Interpretation: Commander in Chief Clause". National Constitution Center Educational Resources (some internal navigation required). National Constitution Center. Retrieved May 23, 2017.
- ↑ Hamilton, Alexander. The Federalist #69 (reposting). Retrieved June 15, 2007.
- ↑ Christopher, James A.; Baker, III (July 8, 2008). "The National War Powers Commission Report". The Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University of Virginia. Archived from the original (PDF) on November 26, 2010. Retrieved December 15, 2010.
No clear mechanism or requirement exists today for the president and Congress to consult. The War Powers Resolution of 1973 contains only vague consultation requirements. Instead, it relies on reporting requirements that, if triggered, begin the clock running for Congress to approve the particular armed conflict. By the terms of the 1973 Resolution, however, Congress need not act to disapprove the conflict; the cessation of all hostilities is required in 60 to 90 days merely if Congress fails to act. Many have criticized this aspect of the Resolution as unwise and unconstitutional, and no president in the past 35 years has filed a report "pursuant" to these triggering provisions.
- ↑ 88.0 88.1 88.2 88.3 "The Law: The President's War Powers". Time. June 1, 1970. Archived from the original on January 7, 2008. Retrieved September 28, 2009.
- ↑ Mitchell, Alison (May 2, 1999). "The World; Only Congress Can Declare War. Really. It's True". The New York Times. Retrieved November 8, 2009.
Presidents have sent forces abroad more than 100 times; Congress has declared war only five times: the War of 1812, the Mexican War, the Spanish–American War, World War I and World War II.
- ↑ Mitchell, Alison (May 2, 1999). "The World; Only Congress Can Declare War. Really. It's True". The New York Times. Retrieved November 8, 2009.
President Reagan told Congress of the invasion of Grenada two hours after he had ordered the landing. He told Congressional leaders of the bombing of Libya while the aircraft were on their way.
- ↑ Gordon, Michael R. (December 20, 1990). "U.S. troops move in Panama in effort to seize Noriega; gunfire is heard in capital". The New York Times. Retrieved November 8, 2009.
It was not clear whether the White House consulted with Congressional leaders about the military action, or notified them in advance. Thomas S. Foley, the Speaker of the House, said on Tuesday night that he had not been alerted by the Administration.
- ↑ Andrew J. Polsky, Elusive Victories: The American Presidency at War (Oxford University Press, 2012) online review
- ↑ "George Washington and the Evolution of the American Commander in Chief". The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation.
- ↑ James M. McPherson, Tried by War: Abraham Lincoln As Commander in Chief (2009)
- ↑ "DOD Releases Unified Command Plan 2011". United States Department of Defense. April 8, 2011. Archived from the original on May 13, 2011. Retrieved February 25, 2013.
- ↑ Template:USC
- ↑ Joint Chiefs of Staff. About the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Retrieved February 25, 2013.
- ↑ Johnston, David (December 24, 1992). "Bush Pardons Six in Iran Affair, Aborting a Weinberger Trial; Prosecutor Assails 'Cover-Up'". The New York Times. Retrieved November 8, 2009.
But not since President Gerald R. Ford granted clemency to former President Richard M. Nixon for possible crimes in Watergate has a Presidential pardon so pointedly raised the issue of whether the president was trying to shield officials for political purposes.
- ↑ Johnston, David (December 24, 1992). "Bush Pardons Six in Iran Affair, Aborting a Weinberger Trial; Prosecutor Assails 'Cover-Up'". The New York Times. Retrieved November 8, 2009.
The prosecutor charged that Mr. Weinberger's efforts to hide his notes may have 'forestalled impeachment proceedings against President Reagan' and formed part of a pattern of 'deception and obstruction'. ... In light of President Bush's own misconduct, we are gravely concerned about his decision to pardon others who lied to Congress and obstructed official investigations.
- ↑ Eisler, Peter (March 7, 2008). "Clinton-papers release blocked". USA Today. Retrieved November 8, 2009.
Former president Clinton issued 140 pardons on his last day in office, including several to controversial figures, such as commodities trader Rich, then a fugitive on tax evasion charges. Rich's ex-wife, Denise, contributed $2,000 in 1999 to Hillary Clinton's Senate campaign; $5,000 to a related political action committee; and $450,000 to a fund set up to build the Clinton library.
- ↑ Millhiser, Ian (June 1, 2010). "Executive Privilege 101". Center for American Progress. Archived from the original on June 9, 2010. Retrieved October 8, 2010.
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