Anahuense Civil War
| Anahuense Civil War | |||||||
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| Part of Anahuacan Political Crisis , Era of Civil Wars | |||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||
Material support: | |||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
 Susete Hernández Niño Bernardo Castillejos Luis Carlos Arreola Comandante Cresencio Advisor Daisuke Itō Advisor Takayuki Hasegawa Advisor Futoshi Ishihara Advisor Hosuke Konako Advisor Kinjo Yosuke † | |||||||
| Strength | |||||||
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(1968- 1970)
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| Casualties and losses | |||||||
| 20,000 - 30,000 killed | 7,000 - 15,000 killed | ||||||
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70,000–85,000 killed (in total) 8,000 disappeared 410,000 internally displaced | |||||||
| 1 Historians debate whether the post-war period of La Limpieza (1973-1975) should be included in the general timespan of the conflict. | |||||||
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The Anahuense Civil War (Spanish: Guerra Civil Anahuense) was a civil war in Anáhuac fought from 1968 to 1972, officially between Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, a military-led junta of leftist and singularist ideals and federalist loyals. The PRN were led by a changing triumvirate of generals within the branches of the Army, Air Force and Navy. While the federalist loyals, better known as the Provisionales, were led by deposed president Susete Hernández Niño.
The civil war began after a coup d’état overthrew Susete Hernández Niño as President of Anáhuac on 5 May 1968. A joint military junta was installed to replace her; this was headed by Lieutenant General Rafael Alemán Valades, Admiral Leobardo Zavala, and Commander-in-cheif of the Air Force Anastasio Kuribeña Müller. The political process initiated on 5 May 1968 took the official name of "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional" (Common: National Reorganization Process). Following the deposition of Hernández and exile to Isla Roca Roja, she alongside federalist generals of her trust declared a Provisional Government in said island. Open warfare would officially begin on 5 August 1968 and wouldn’t cease until 19 September 1972 with the siege of the capital of San Jorge Xayacatlán and the following Santa Elisa Peace Accords, signed on 24 September 1972.
Being the last conflict and the de-escalation of a political crisis that had been simmering since the end of the Anahuacan Revolution, the war created a major rift between the political spectrums of the right-wing politics and the left-wing politics never seen before. After centrism won in 1972, most left-leaning parties and organizations were banned until the early 1990s, not without before a last conflict. The war occurred in an unstable international political climate at time known unofficially as the Social Rebounds. The Anterian World Assembly estimates that between 70,000 and 85,000 people died in the conflict along with approximately 8,400 disappeared persons. Violations of the most basic human rights were pervasive.
The war included the deliberate terrorizing and targeting of civilians by government death squads including prominent clergy from the Catholic Church, the recruitment of child soldiers and other human rights violations – particularly the kidnapping, torture, and murder of suspected Provisional or NRP sympathizers by state security forces, paramilitary death squads or guerrillas– and destruction to most of infrastructure of the nation. Overall, the AWA estimated that Provisional forces were responsible for 15 percent of atrocities committed during the civil war, while 85 percent were committed by the NRP. Most former generals or collaborators of the regime were prosecuted in the following years, with many of them, still imprisoned or granted conditional freedom in the country.
The destructive nature of the conflict compared to the prior conflicts led to historians, anthropologists and sociologists naming this conflict La Definitiva (English: The Definitive) or El Cuadrienio Trágico (English: The Tragic Quadrennium).
Background
After the period known as the Lenociato ended with the Rugidoense Revolution, political instability prevailed the country even after the National Revolutionary Party (PNR) took charge with the Senoran junta of Jorge Olguín Marcor, Ignacio L. Dueñas and Martín Falcón at its lead. Polarization between the left and right became more apparent starting the 1930s, after a convoluted election that resulted in former general Videl de la García being elected under the PNR and the legacy of peasant leaders Alberto Fernández and Doroteo Alanis continued through their groups becoming the first modern left-wing guerrillas, as t his government laxed previous restrictions.
The periods known as El Temblor and La Violencia are considered the first indications that the post-revolutionary Gran Rugido was crumbling and approaching another and more destructive conflict. The first significant breaking point for the unipartite government of the PNR was a 1936 peasant massacre south of Zaragoza called commonly El Trenazo. Protests of former Fernandistas against neglect of the Senate to answer their agrarian demands were suppressed by the military-led government to keep power in the region. After El Trenazo, most of left-wing guerillas armed themselves with left-over equipment from the Revolution although other desisted from armed resistance and called for fighting in the electoral tables such as the National Workers Syndicate of Gran Rugido (NWSGR) or the recently founded Rugidoense Socialist Party (PSGR).
In 1953, the Federal Army assassinated [[ Yvonne Fernández, leader of the Ejército de Liberación del Norte during a guerrilla ambush in Sabana. The left-wing group responded with the murder of Avelino Montes Gaitán on April 9th 1954, making the polarization between left and right impossible to ignore to the Rugidoense society. After 1954, the election of Oscar Vela Cantú, the first civilian president in the post-revolutionary period, Gran Rugido embarked on an aggressive program of economic development, known as “El Milagro Rugidoense” (The Rugidoense Miracle), which was characterized by rapid industrialization, urbanization, and the increase of inequality between urban and rural areas. Despite the progress in certain sectors, many social and political problems between both spectrum sides continued. Many members of the Ejército de Liberación del Norte abandoned the fight in 1959 and merged themselves between the Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores del Gran Rugido and the Frente Gildardo Pagaza para la Liberación Nacional
Tensions escalated further after the 1962 Rugidoense general election. Even after the PNR lost for the first time against the newly formed Unión Democratica Rugidoense (UDR) with Susete Hernández Niño as candidate, the election was called by the left as a massive fraud against the nation’s principles. Opposition to the Hernandez Niño government was strong on the leftist side and eventually, culminated with the 1967 student’s movement in the nation. In the political spectrum meanwhile, most of guerrillas and communist associations rearose. The railway syndicate led by Hectór Barrón and the steel foundries syndicate led by Emilio Bustos Nieto eventually aligned themselves with the Sindicato Nacional and the unofficial army of the Rugidoense Socialist Party, the Frente Gildardo Pagaza para la Liberación Nacional.
By early 1968, General Commander of the Navy Leobardo Zavala saw the situation as out of control and recruited fellow generals Rafael Alemán Valades and Anastasio Kuribeña Müller to his cause under the Idealismo de Zavala, a mixture between the economical elements of Singularism and the social views from the far-left. Under his vision, the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional will at best reduce the polarization on the country and at worst, trigger another event as La Violencia. The day before the May 5th coup d’état, the three men had a drink before supposedly proclaiming amongst themselves:
Mañana nos espera el final de la Vieja República o la muerte. Gloria a Dios por la Nueva Federación.
Historian [[Homero Salgado also adds in his book Una breve historia de Anteria y sus conflictos sociales (English: A Brief History of Anteria and its Social Conflicts) that apart the political polarization of the nation as a major factor in igniting the civil war, the displacement and dispossession rates as a major factor. Nearly 35% of the civilians in Gran Rugido were disfranchised from land ownership either through historical injustices, the never made promises of several former Revolution leaders, war, or economic downturns in the commodities market. During this time frame, the country also experienced a growing population amidst major disruption in agrarian commerce and trade, which the guerrilleros took as a chance to protest the rapid growth and neglection of rural areas.
May 5th coup d'état
Despite Susete’s claim as the country's ruler, she rapidly lost political gravitas and power due to the growing leftist uprisings and protests. The week before the coup, a group of military officials, tasked by Hernández to aid her since the Prime Minister position was vacant, took control to revitalize Gran Rugido's deteriorating political and social climate. Paving the way to the coup, Leobardo Zavala took charge of a final loose end in his pursuit of power.
On the early hours of May 5th, 1968, the situation deemed out of control was “resolved”. The three generals arrested President Susete Hernandez Niño at around 01:00 a.m and was taken to the Aeropuerto Internacional Aramberri Levín to Los Canas, arriving circa 02:30 a.m. At 03:10 a.m, all television and radio stations were interrupted. Regular transmissions were cut and replaced by a military march, after which the first communiqué was broadcast:
[...] People are advised that as of today, the country is under the operational control of the Joint Chiefs General of the Armed Forces. We recommend to all inhabitant’s strict compliance with the provisions and directives emanating from the military, security, or police authorities, and to be extremely careful to avoid individual or group actions and attitudes that may require drastic intervention from the operating personnel. Signed: General Leobardo Zavala, Admiral Anastasio Kuribeña Müller and Brigadier Rafael Alemán Valadés.
A state of siege and martial law were implemented, as military patrolling spread to every major city. The morning was seemingly uneventful, but as the day progressed, the detentions multiplied. Hundreds of workers, unionists, students, and political activists were abducted from their homes, their workplaces, or in the streets.
The following day, May 6th, a message from the former president was broadcasted through an open channel in Rugidoense radios for a few minutes:
“I regret to report that both our country and our democracy have fallen, with the dark shadow of the military rising to take their place. This message is a warning and a reminder to any patriot to our democracy: trust me. I know that I have not been the greatest leader to all of my loyal citizens, but have I, as much as you, have place to the principles of our nation. Our future might be uncertain. We will each be challenged: our trust, our faith, our friendships. But we must persevere and in time, and in time, a new hope will arise. May God be with you all."
Following the announcement, the Provisional Government of Gran Rugido was established in Isla Roca Roja, with its capital in Los Canas. The Junta assumed the executive power until May 19 when Zavala was designated president. Both the Congress and the Senate were disbanded, and an entity known as the Comisión de Asesoramiento Legislativo (Eng.:Legislative Advising Commission assumed a Legislative role.
In their first session of the CAL, the speech known as Proclamación del Nuevo Orden Nacional was issued by Zavala and invited members of the SNTGR and the FGPLN. As the new order progressed, patriotic loyalists or people who opposed the new militaristic order fled to Los Canas.
Prelude
Following the rise of the military junta, a nationwide state of emergency was declared. Under the National Reorganization Process, the first death squad under the name of ORDEN, acronym of Organización Democratica Nacional (English: National Democratic Organization) was formed; with the task of protecting the interests of the newly formed government. Under the CAL, new reforms, and modifications to the Rugidoense Constitution of 1917 were made to please the still rebellious guerrilla cells that aligned themselves with the Pensamiento de Zavala.
However, the major land reform program was received with hostility from radical right-wing persons inside the military and economic elites, which sought to sabotage the process as soon as it began. Upon learning of the government's intent to distribute land to the peasants and organize cooperatives, wealthy Rugidoense landowners began killing their own livestock and moving valuable farming equipment across the border, where many Rugidoense elites owned additional land. Nonetheless, the reforms were received with praise from the SNTGR and the FGPLN.
Although Susete's power had weakened in the "last Days of the Federal Republic", support for the federalist grew following numerous repressions in the mainland. The port cities of Puerto Padilla and Sonido de Tortuga were founded as a response to the Hernández government to support smuggling supplies and weaponry to the island from mainland enclaves. In April, the situation of the Provisionals prompted the foundation of the Provisional Air Force and the Provisional Armada under Generals Bernardo Castillejos and Luis Carlos Arreola respectively.
As the leftist government began to expand its violence towards its citizens, not only through the ORDEN but also through the military, any group of citizens that attempted to provide any form of critique whether physically or verbally ran the risk of death. Even so, many still chose to participate and support Hernández Niño after Radio Libre 97.8 was open. Later, the violence was not limited to just activists but also to anyone who promoted ideas that "questioned official policy" were tacitly assumed to be subversive against the government. The 1967 Rugidoense student movement culminated in the Saint Ark massacre in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas on July 12, 1968.
Internal infighting in the FGPLN prompted Rafael Galeano to leave the organization and founded its own guerrilla: the Movimiento Unión y Fuerza. Although most members of this guerrilla were of a left-wing ideology, through Galeano or his nom de gerre Comandante Crescencio swore loyalty to the Provisionals in Roca Roja. These insurgents viewed their initial support as a demonstration of their opposition to the powerful elite’s unfair treatment of peasant communities that they experienced on an everyday basis, so there was a class element associated with these insurgencies and the feeling that they were abandoned after the coup. They reveled in their fight against injustice and in their belief that they were writing their own story alongside a government that, despite its capitalistic flaws, was better than an ultra-leftist based authoritarian government willingly to massacre their own citizens to secure their power.
The Nobles of the Unión y Fuerza guerrilla were the first cell to splinter from the SNTGR and the FGPLN. An official declaration of war on 21 July 1968 followed soon after, citing the repression of the student movement in Santa Arca and non-compliance with policies favorable to the people as the main reason to their rebellion. The First Uprising of Santiago de Lujambio was the first sign of cracks with the singularist-left wing government of Gran Rugido. The uprising was soon repressed by the ORDEN, inflicting heavy casualties on the guerrilla movement, but also destroying important neighborhoods of the city in the process.
Following the uprising, the high commands on the PRN soon drafted the Campaña de Liberación against the perceived threat of the Provisional Government in Isla Roca Roja. Leobardo Zavala and Rafael Alemán deemed Susete Hernández as a loose end that should been eliminated when the coup took place and expected a full maritime battle before a regiment of paratroopers descended on Los Canas with the main goal to capture or kill the former president. Operation Rosalía was planned to take place on 5 August 1968 and require the might of the newly formed Popular Federal Air Force and Popular Federal Navy.
The war
Year One (1968 - 1969)
Operation Rosalía
In the early hours of August 5, 1968, the Popular Federal Navy surrounded the surroundings of Isla Roca Roja, offering the provisional government an ultimatum and the possibility of a peaceful surrender, which if they disobeyed or did not receive a response before 09:00 a.m., would result in ships from the Popular Federal Navy opening fire on the city, without any consideration or exception.
Despite being outnumbered, Susete Hernández and the trinity of generals under her chose to resist, knowing that they had nothing to lose by opposing the forces of the Proceso. The answer to the ultimatum of the Armada soon come in the size of an air fleet of P.50 Colibrís, FAMAS E.10 Tetras, la Laefedd Avocados, and FAMAS F-02 Guivernos launching a frontal attack against the PFN fleet. A state of open war was declared at 11:00 a.m. as both sides battled each other on the cold waters surrounding the port village of Los Canas. The landing of the PRN in the Malecón district of Los Canas was eventually repelled at 14:50 p.m. (UTC +06:00) and the flagship of the APF, the ANGR Santísima Trinidad sunk at 17:12 p.m., after withstanding missile impacts and torpedoes from the air fleet. After eight hours of battle, at 18:42 P.M. (UTC +06:00) the Popular Federal Navy would emerge in a pyrrhic victory. Although Isla Roca Roja was besieged and most of the Provisional Air Fleet was destroyed in the battle, the Popular Federal Navy suffered heavy losses, including the Santísima Trinidad, and failed the primary objective of the invasion.
The following day, open war was declared when President Hernández issued the Campaña Ofensiva N°451 (Eng: Offensive Campaign N°451) which called the Provisional Government to retake what is rightfully from our people. She also called any allies to the Federal cause to show their support and fight the oppression. Officially, the civil war began after both events took place.
Los Desembarcos
Immediately after the First Battle of Los Canas, the Provisional Government attempted to regain control of key cities on the mainland to deter another invasion of the island. Proximity with the state of Pesquería led the National High Command to draft the Campaña de Los Desembarcos (Eng: The Landings Campaign). Under the strategical guidance of General Ramón Gerardo Onofre, the port cities of Puerto Peñasco and Jaumave were chosen to be the first cities to be part of the campaign, as news that most of Proceso military personnel were driven back to the capital of San Jorge Xayacatlán, the supposition that these cities would be near without any resistance prevailed.
On 19 August 1968, the Provisional Army and Provisional Air Force began their offensives in Puerto Peñasco and Jaumave. Both offensives were guided by Generals Bernardo Castillejos and Luis Carlos Arreola. The little resistance of the cities soon grew into military defense by Proceso personnel, who were redirected from the state of Vizcaya to the new front. The offensive at Puerto Peñasco would end three weeks after the initial landings, while the Jaumave landing was called off a month later after the Provisional forces were repelled by a combination between the Popular Federal Navy, and the Popular Federal Army and the newly formed ORDEN death squad. These battles prove to be humiliations against the young offensive branches of the Provisional Army, whose high commands sought foreign advisor assistance.
The second invasion of Puerto Peñasco on September 20 would be repelled the following day, due to a lack of resources by the reinvading Loyalists.
Operativo Dardanelos
After the failed Provisional offensives in Pesquería and the losses sustained during Operación Rosalía, the military junta launched Operación Dardanelos which focused on terrorizing members of pro-democratic movements, moderate left parties, and the Catholic Church. The main goal of the operation was to prevail on the influence and stability of the Proceso at a domestic level. Chairman of the Junta Rafael Alemán Valades took a staunch position against the Church’s support for the Provisional Government. Operation Dardanelos would continue until the fall of San Jorge Xayacatlán in 1972. Ironically, most of the casualties of the Operación Dardanelos, an estimated 7,000 to 11,000 victims are believed to be innocents. Given the increased repression of the singularist-leftist military junta, a small fraction of Rugidoense citizens began to support the government of Hernández Niño by forming the first Community Self-Defense Groups (Spanish: Grupos de Autodefensa Comunitarios).
Operation Dardanelos would continue throughout the war.
Operación Huella
Fearing a Proceso counterattack on Roca Roja and following the failed Desembarcos campaign, the Provisional High Command devised Operación Huella (Eng.: Operation Footprint), as a last-ditch effort to take the major city of Santa Elisa. If successful, the campaign would proceed towards the port city of Santa Fe, where the Provisional Main Headquarters would be relocated after a month or two of Santa Elisa being secured. Utilizing captured Vultesian recon equipment, the prelude to Operación Huella was altered to include a limited attrition battle at Jaumave, expected to begin a week before Día X (October 19th, 1968).
The Third Battle of Puerto Peñasco would begin on October 12th, 1968, intended to wear down most capable personnel before Día X. Static warfare soon followed on Jaumave, requiring the PRN to focus troops on the siege of Jaumave. On the early hours of October 19th, 1968 (Día X), Operación Huella begins. A combination of urban warfare and search and destroy tactics were successful against unprepared Proceso armies. The battle of Santa Elisa would last until New Year’s Eve. When news of the victory in Santa Elisa was heard in the country, the Provisionals began their march to Santa Fe, while the populace supporting the cause celebrated on the streets at the same time 1969 would begin.
Operación Huella was put into effect on 19 October 1968. The battle of Santa Elisa lasted until December while the Santa Fe offensive lasted until February of 1969. The Proceso forces and the ORDEN began to suffer their first major defeats around this time. It is said that the Provisionals also agreed on having undercover foreign support from Gavrilia, likely in gratitude to the regime of Aureliano Delgado Ribeiro due to the country housing the leader when Hugo Santana Gil deposed him from power. Other sources add the claim that Hernández and Delgado maintained a friendship at the time of the latter's exile, which prompted the decision of support when "things got out of hand".
Local insurrections
Before Día X, the cause of center-right guerrillas began to be repelled heavily by the ORDEN, as exemplified in the Zaragoza uprising. Most of the guerrilla forces under Commander Cresencio were captured or killed when Proceso forces encircled the group on the outskirts of said city. To survive, the Unión y Fuerza guerrilla relied on absorbing or recruiting newly formed resistance pockets in the state of Mendoza or Zaragoza. A group known as the Caballeros Dolientes de Mendoza (Eng.: Suffering Knights of Mendoza) joined forces with the U&F commands to begin plans for guerrilla warfare.
When the first words of a successful landing of the Provisional forces in the neighboring state of Anáhuac came, these guerrillas began a march from Coatzacoalcos, Zaragoza to the city of Santa Elisa, in the hopes of joining forces with the Provisionals. Major uprisings in the northern cities of San José de Cortés, Sabane, and Ciudad Concepción were repelled with such brutality, that survivors eventually joined the Provisional cause or joined the ranks of the Popular Federal Army in the hopes of surviving.
On January 2nd, 1969, the U&F and the CDM finally made first contact with the Provisionals on their way to Santa Fe. Although with skeptical generals, President Hernández herself welcomed her cause and the guerrillas soon swore loyalty to the democratic-moderate cause.
Anáhuac's Long March
As the civil conflict grew larger and was by its first year of open warfare, the Provisional cause was marked by the Long March, which focused on retaking Anáhuac. As their support grew larger in the mainland, Operación Dardanelos escalated as the ORDEN began to target civilians alongside scorched earth policy on Anáhuac. Analyzing Provisional tactics and planning renewed defensives, Proceso forces reorganized between February and March of 1969, with the assistance of militants of the SNTGR, the FGPLN, and the Acción Singularista party. After advancing through Anáhuac nearly unopposed, combat resumed in Puerto Progreso, an interstate city between Anáhuac and Tectetán. New counter-offensives by the PRN had the general purpose to hold until reinforcements from the capital arrived. The main objective according to Valades was "to deny any breathing space, to drive them eastward without let-up, to make them use up their reserves before summer comes..."
Battle of Puerto Progreso
On February 10th, 1969, Provisional artillery began opening fire at Proceso blockades on Puerto Progreso. The 20th Infantry Legion, part of the Provisional Federal Army, the 22nd Tank Brigade, and four air squadrons launched their attack after the artillery barrage. Proceso forces consisted of the 332nd Popular Army Division and the 89th Tactical Fighter Squadron, stationed at the time in the city. Tactics utilized in the siege included urban warfare and urban guerrilla warfare.
By 17 February, Provisional progress began to stagnate, given that the PRN began an encirclement campaign to deny reinforcements. Likewise, the PRN began to stagnate after a campaign of strafing bombings that negated their reinforcements from the capital. Attrition warfare soon followed. On 21 February, Proceso forces managed to temporarily push back the Provisional Army, not before allegedly using mustard gas against the retreating forces. The stagnation on Puerto Progreso was broken on March 12th, when the Provisionals flanked the PRN forces after the latter had neglected for months to consolidate their positions along the natural defensive line of the Girón River. Proceso forces were overrun by March 16th and the battle of Puerto Progreso would end on March 21st. In the aftermath, it is said that Provisional forces took personal vengeance against the Proceso forces for attempting to use chemical warfare as a legitimate method of defense.
After this victory and the aftermath, it was well assumed that the Popular Armed Forces, although well-equipped and “unmatched”, were unprepared for the offensives that the Provisional Army would later launch.
Domestically, the CAL finally passed its reform on the land by redistributing land in the nation that once belonged to landlords to the peasants tilling the land. However, mismanagement, corruption, and general hostility to the violent rule coupled with the draining effects of constant warfare resulted in a drastic decline in the general productivity of food and cash crops.
Operation Perfidia
Led by General Bernardo Castillejos, Operación Perfidia (Eng.: Operation Perfidia) intended to advance through the remaining portions of Anáhuac and entering Tectetán. On March 30th, 1969, the Provisionals launched an attack on the town of Quintero, Anáhuac which took the Proceso forces by surprise: using helicopters, they landed behind enemy lines, silenced their artillery, and captured the local train station to secure a safe railway passage of ammunition and supplies. PRN forces, in response, used many tanks, helicopters, and fighter jets, to attack the buildup around the headquarters. With new figures as Hoterallian advisors Takayuki Hasegawa, Futoshi Ishihara, and Daisuke Itō helping to perfection the Provisional tactics of urban warfare, counter-guerrilla, and clear and hold. Though the Provisional Army was briefly pushed back due to heavy fire, the headquarters and the local train station were recaptured on April 1st, after most of the tank and aerial divisions of the Proceso were destroyed by the Provisional Air Force.
On the same day, as the battle of Quintero was won, the Unión y Fuerza leader and the CDM leadership reunited themselves with a rebellious group in the city of Yanhuitlán, Zaragoza. On April 3rd, Leobardo Zavala would take the position as chairman of the military junta following the advancement of the Provisional forces in Tectetán. At the same time, the Provisional capital was moved from Los Canas to Santa Elisa, after almost one year of exile on the small island.
Operation Wraith of God
The second biggest offensive of 1969 was Operación Cólera de Dios (Eng.: Operation Wrath of God). The operation intended to destroy or significantly reduce the capacity of the Popular Air Force to make offensives, taking advantage of the precarious position after their lack of involvement in the recent conflict. Several areas across Gran Rugido were proposed to lure the Popular Federal Air Force, before Loyalist Commander in Chief of the Air Force, Heriberto Reyes Heroles, suggested areas in the Jilachi Desert, arguing that the nearly hostile conditions to any pilot shot down in the area would prove to be decisive for these pilots to return to home or any nearby base. Sector Y5K was finally chosen. In the weeks before the eventual battle, a campaign consisted in creating false intelligence for the enemy, and the sabotage of numerous airfields through spies, among others.
On May 28th, 1969, PRN radars detected massive aircraft takeoffs in Anáhuac for a “massive air raid intended for the industrialized city of Aztlán”. Squadrons of VSZ-47 Furores, FG335J Griffons, and IA 56 Tololoches took off from different parts of the country to stop the air raid. Soon after, the rendezvous between the Provisional Air Force and the Popular Federal Air Force took place on sector Y5K, starting the Battle of the Jilachi Desert.Provisional pilots in newly bought F-04 Starfires launched a surprise attack on the PRN pilots heading on towards them. PRN pilots were initially caught off-guard but strongly rebounded, and the battle soon tipped into Proceso's favor.
The Provisional Forces were not about to give up one of their defense lines. Even though 40% of the Loyalist pilots had already been shot down by the time reinforcements arrived, their efforts were key to the battle turning back into the Provisionals' favor. Soon, the strategy of Provisional pilots consisted of launching several offensive wave attacks, which were followed up by an interceptor charge to eliminate enemy fighters. Although casualties were estimated to be at 65%, the final loss percentage on the Provisional side was reduced to 50%, giving a small boost to morale after the battle ended by night. Modern-day reports estimated that out of 120 individual aircraft and five elite squadrons deployed by the Popular Federal Air Force, only two squadrons and 12 aircraft returned either to close airfields or to San Jorge Xayacatlán.
Three days later, with air superiority achieved and consistent support, the Provisional Federal Army, alongside other guerrillas, launched the offensive on the northwestern and central parts of Tectetán and southern parts of Mendoza. General Arreola devised that splitting the country in two would rip from essential supplies to the Popular Federal Armed Forces in a year or less”. 31,000 Ground Army soldiers and 9,000 guerrilla members struck on several axes – Ixchel, Bahía Escondida, the west bank of the Santa Lucía River, and Solidaridad de Mendoza. Under heavy pressure from the CAL, the Popular Federal Army retreated, leaving behind another scorched earth strategy.
As the week progressed, news from San Jorge indicated that Air Force General and then Chairman of the Junta Anastasio Kuribeña Müller committed suicide after the defeat of the Air Force in the Jilachi Desert. When Leobardo Zavala took position as chairman of the military junta, speculation for peace negotiations and talks would begin to circulate on the air. Concurrent counter-offensives thwarted any chance of ceasefires, giving rise to underground peace negotiations take place between senators of the Provisional Senate and the CAL.
Year Two (1970)
State of the PRN leadership
The fighting had battered the PRN military: its strength fell from 17,000 to 9,000 troops; over 7,000 soldiers were either killed or captured; two out of four active armored divisions and at least three mechanized divisions fell to less than a brigade's strength; and the Loyalists had captured over 450 tanks and armored personnel carriers that were now using against their own. The Popular Federal Air Force was also left in poor shape: after losing in the Battle of the Jilachi Desert most of valuable aircraft and pilots, they had only 120 intact fighter-bombers and interceptors. Intel in June 1969 revealed that the PFAF had only three squadrons of fighter-bombers capable of mounting operations into the national territory but were commencing forced recruiting campaigns in the aftermath of said battle. The Popular Federal Army Air Corps was in slightly better shape, and could still operate more than 43 helicopters, with Vultesian arms support arriving at the Puerto of San Jorge.
The NWSGR and the FGPLN were in no better shape. The joint militia who aligned themselves with the Proceso were heavily unequipped by 1969, and several prominent members were executed by treason either by the Loyalists or by petition of the leader, Gildardo Pagaza. The CAL, alongside the chairman Leobardo Zavala and vice-chairman Rafael Alemán Valades arranged a session of emergency on September 1, 1969, to determine what course of action should the armed forces take.
A divided CAL argued that most of the army and its branches were way too demoralized to hold onto the east and center of the nation. Optimistic generals such as Gala Graffigna, Eduardo Passeghini, and Enrique Haüer hold the thought that the military could still handle the relative unorganized Loyal offensives in the states of Mendoza, Vizcaya, and Córdoba. After 8 hours of deliberations, the CAL and the junta decided to concentrate any remaining forces through Senora and Autlán to halt the Loyal offensive. Cities such as Aztlán, Santiago de Lujambio and San Jorge Xayacatlán were reinforced to expect any offensive in any shape or magnitude. Sometimes even unopposed, the Loyal Army would advance through the states of Mendoza, Tectetán and Córdoba.
On March 12, 1970, Heriberto Albán assumed as the de facto chairman of Gran Rugido and attempted to call for a temporal ceasefire, with the Loyal government declining the accord after the realization that the only way to win the war was through unconditional surrender.
Year Three (1971)
First peace conference
Main Article: Provisional-Nationalists peace conference
Nonetheless, on January 5, 1971, the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional and the Provisional Government held the first of two peace conferences on the city of Puerto Real, Gavrilia. Delegations included Provisional leader Susete Hernández Niño, senators from the Provisional Senate and CAL senators. Both delegations met at the Gran Rugidoense embassy in Gavrilia with President Aureliano Delgado Ribeiro and three diplomats serving as arbitrators.
At the beginning of the meeting, Provisional Senator Dafne Jiménez opened up the discussions, leading the Provisional senators in the peace negotiations, but she was quickly rebuffed by Senator Javier Santana, who called for the unconditional surrender of all Provisional forces in the main land. Negotiations, while lasted for three days, eventually fell through after a terrorist strike took place on the capital of San Jorge Xayacatlán.
Ceasefire of the Holy Week
Another negotiation soon followed on March 23, 1971, this time on Orajioe, Hoterallia. This meeting took place on the grounds of the National Diet Building. Representatives agreed to a temporary ceasefire, effective on April 2, 1971. At this point on the conflict, the Provisional forces were advacing through the inter-state border of Senora and Autlán, while Proceso forces were besieging the Provisional-aligned city of Temixtlán. This ceasefire, known as the Ceasefire of the Holy Week (Spanish: Cese al fuego de Semana Santa). The cessation of hostilities allowed for the creation of new refugee camps and the very brief reopening of the border between Gran Rugido and Riojania.
While named after the Holy Week, the ceasefire in reality lasted until June 12. When fightning resumed, the Popular Federal Armed Forces enacted a series of "civic-action" programs, consisting of the establishment of "citizen defense committees" to guard plantations and businesses against attacks by insurgents and the establishment of a number of free-fire zones. By September, the government of Leobardo Zavala had established 12 free-fire zones in which any inhabitants unidentified by the army were deemed to be insurgents.
Provisional offensive of 1971 and retaliation
Tired of the stagnation seen on all fronts, the Provisional Armed Forces, with the assistance of the two Hoterallian battalions, launched a major offensive known as the "Último Empujuncito", with the aim of unseating the government of the NRP on September 28, 1971. This offensive brought the epicenter of fighting into the wealthy suburbs of San Jorge Xayacatlán for essentially the first time in the history of the conflict, as the PAF began a campaign of selective assassinations against political and military officials, civil officials, and upper-class private citizens.
The government retaliated with a renewed campaign of repression, primarily against activists in the democratic sector. On 13 February, the Saint Ark Battalion attacked a guerrilla field hospital and killed at least 10 people, including five patients, a physician and a nurse. Two of the female victims showed signs that they had been raped before they were executed. The offensive, while did not accomplish the main objective proposed, set a new precedent of the coming events for the NRP.
Year Four (1972)
Operation Huracán
In the last year of the war, while the Provisional Army had begun to overwhelm the Proceso armies and the latter had lost much of its territory, with what remained being targeted in the sieges, the idea of a new overwhelming offensive was still a threat, and the Proceso Army was also engaging in desperate campaigns across the nation, while the Loyals were encircling the Proceso forces, moving ever-nearer to the capital of San Jorge Xayacatlán. Nevertheless, despite being a bitter stalemate for a time, by March of 1972, the sieges would ultimately turn the tide of the conflict to be in the Loyalists favor.
Starting on late February of 1972, Operation Huracán saw Loyalist troops conquering Senora, Mendoza and 75% of Lujambio in a whirlwind campaign. The states of Senora and Mendoza were freed shortly after on March 1. In desperation, the remnants of the Popular Federal Navy attempted a third invasion of Los Canas, city that despite having ceased to be the capital of the Provisionals, it still contributed in a way to the loyal cause. The amphibious landing failed again but in one of the last victories of the Proceso forces, most of the Loyalist offensive fleet was destroyed. While boosting temporarily the moral of the enemy forces, the victory of Los Canas would eventually be pointless by the Proceso forces as the destruction of most of the Loyal Fleet strengthen the Provisionals cause. Operatción Huracán ended when President Hernández Niño declared victory over the PRN ground troops when the sieges of Aztlán and Torrejón ended nearly at the same time.
Through the eyes of international observers and foreign suppliers, the Provisionals were prevailing in the war and the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional was on the brink of collapse being so overwhelmed on each flank. However, they also noted that the Proceso began a huge professionalization on their army ranks and rebuilt most of the military massively, to overwhelm the Loyalists through sheer size. Nevertheless, the balance would remain under the Loyal cause after defeats on the cities of Santiago de Lujambio, La Rioja and Zoquipan.
On the 4th anniversary of the May 5th Coup, President Hernández issued a declaration, saying that the war should be preferably won by September or October 1972. Doubling recruitment efforts, an animosity between the Army and the guerillas quickly arose. The guerillas wanted to use more refined, limited military attacks while the Army wanted to carry out major offensives. The Loyals, confident in its successes, began planning their largest offensives of the war, as part of Operación Trompetas del Apocalipsis (English: Operation Trumpets of the Apocalypse).
Rebirth for a dying junta
In contrast, the junta government seemed to be doomed. The NWSGR and the FGPLN, angered by Passeghini’s decisions, threatened with a coup against the dying junta unless they were allowed to conduct operations freely. In one of the few times during its short life span, the CAL and the junta leaders gave in to the demands of their associates. The defeat at Santiago de Lujambio prompted Passeghini to announce that all civilians had to take part in the war effort, no matter the age or capabilities. The universities were closed, and all the male students were drafted into the military. Civilians were instructed to clear marshlands to prevent amphibious infiltrations, build fixed defenses, and weapon handling. Students and leaders from the UASE took advantage of the situation and resentment after the events in Saint Ark, convincing fellow students of the NAUGR to rebel against the forces defending San Jorge Xayacatlán to weaken their defenses. The subsequent student uprising ended with the NAUGR’s Ciudad Universitaria being nearly destroyed, and the movement quelled with such violence it that nearly eclipsed the Saint Ark massacre.
Following this, the Popular Federal Army began to prioritize the professionalization of their military using remaining Vultesian arms before their eventual disposal. Prior to 1972, the conscription based Rugidoense regular army conducted the bulk of the operations in the war, to little effect. The Presidential Guard, formerly an elite guard, was expanded as a volunteer army and filled with Gran Rugido's best generals. Loyalty to the state was no longer a primary requisite for joining. Full-scale war games against hypothetical Loyalist positions were carried out in an undisclosed part of the Steppes of Laura against mock targets, and they were repeated over the course of two months until the forces involved fully memorized their attacks.
Siege of San Jorge Xayacatlán
Further information: Siege of San Jorge Xayacatlán
The siege of the capital of San Jorge Xayacatlán was the last big military operation of the war from the Loyalist side. Advancing through Xayacatlán, the Provisionals alongside the Unión y Fuerza guerrilla and the recently formed Batallón Doliente de San Agustín (comprised by survivors of a carpet bombing in said city) encircled the capital in June and began the Siege of San Jorge, that lasted the rest of the war.
Transported via APCs, railways, and the specialized road–rail Shinpo M.2593, the companies were later stationed near the then encircled capital of San Jorge Xayacatlán in August of 1972. Participating in the siege as rear support and holding strongpoints in the city, most notably its airport and the Federal Army supplies line.
Despite the professionalization of the Popular Federal Army and the newly acquired Vultesian armory, the guerrilla attacks though the entirety of the Colonia Laderas del Desierto took the Proceso forces by surprise. By July, 20% of the capital were under the hands of the joint Provisional-guerrilla armies. Reinforcements for the Proceso forces stalemated the Loyal advance a month, fighting a hybrid between urban and guerrilla warfare. As popular support for the Proceso dwindled, the student uprising rearose on the grounds of the ruined NAUGR. This uprising obligated troops that were stalemating the Loyals, to be redirected to quell the movement once again. Taking a huge breath, the Provisionals, and guerrillas advanced further through the city, settling on the ruins of the Xaliecan city of Nextlalpan.
By the early hours of September 19, the Proceso perimeter shrank and as the surviving defenders fell back, they became concentrated into a small areas in the Plaza de la República, Colonia Tlaxomolco and Colonia El Conde. By now there were about 5,000 Proceso soldiers in the city center, which was being assaulted from all sides. At 05:56 a.m., the remaining tanks took up positions in the east of the Distrito La Playa to defend the center against the Cuarto Ejército Leal (which although heavily engaged around the Palacio Nacional was also flanking the area by advancing through the northern Playa) and the Decimo Batallón de Infantería Leal advancing through the south. These Loyalist-guerrilla forces had effectively made any escape attempt in the center much more difficult.
In the Palacio Nacional, the Tercer Ejército Leal crossed the Avenida Padres y Madres Fundadores and started to fan out into the surrounding streets and buildings. The initial assaults on buildings, including the Ministerio del Interior, were hampered by the lack of air and artillery support. Air support arrived at 11:00 hours. By the next hour, the Loyals had solved a bridging problem and with air and artillery support at 13:00 they launched an attack on the Palacio Nacional, entering the building by 15:40. The complex had not been in use since it was bombed in May 1968 and its interior resembled a rubble heap more than a government building. The Proceso troops inside made excellent use of this and were heavily entrenched. Fierce room-to-room fighting ensued. At that point there was still a large contingent of leftist soldiers in the basement who launched counterattacks against the Loyal Army. By 22:00 p.m., and after suffering an exhaustive battle, the Loyalists and the guerrilleros opposed to the Proceso retook the Palacio Nacional and raised the flag of the Restored Republic in the complex. After 4 years, 4 months and 14 days, the Republicanism emerged victorious against the Pensadores de Zavala.
After a long day urban warfare, the war “ended” with the surrender of Rafael Alemán Valades, Leobardo Zavala and Eduardo Passeghini on the grounds of the Senate building was announced as early as 11:43 p.m. Fighting across the capital stopped around 12:19 a.m. of September 20.
The following peace
Further information: Santa Elisa Peace Accords
Five days after the siege of San Jorge was over, in the grounds of the Santa Elisa Autonomous University, reestablished president Susete Hernández, UyF commander Crescencio and Proceso representative, Carlos Labarthe negotiated a peace agreement with assistance of selected members of the AWA assessors. While fears of fighting would resume if an agreement wasn´t reached loomed the tired population, an agreement was reached by 7:10 hours with Hernández Niño saying to the radio:
Countrymen, peace has returned to us. With this peace, I can assure you that the terrible conflict that has haunted us since the Rugidoense Revolution ended 54 years ago has ceased. Now, as my term is nearing completion, it is time to look up, to reborn from the ruins and embrace the new world. Men and women of Gran Rugido, time to build the brightest of futures!
Following the statement, the president proceeded to embrace the former leftist Labarthe, in an act now known as Abrazo de la Paz, an act still controversial to these days given the context and numerous conspiracies in the Westernism branch of politics. Despite the signing of the peace agreement, low-scale engaging and isolated combats against Proceso remnants lasted until 1973-75, especially in the states of Córdoba, Senora and Autlán as part of the cleansing of ex-junta cells. In the immediate aftermath of the peace, the graudal loss of troops from the Armed Forces took place to reduce tensions and the possibility of another coup.
The distribution of land to ex-guerrilla combatants took longer than expected, as did the establishment of the Guardia Nacional. The delays began to create tension among the political forces which led COPAZ to call for a rescheduling which was carried out on November 12, 1972. Said schedule was repeatedly modified to adjust to the actual deadlines that set the pace of progress in the process. Several months later than planned, on February 3, 1974, the definitive and official end of the armed conflict was officially celebrated in silence under the presidency of former general Luis Carlos Arreola. Despite AWA statements that former Proceso generals would not be prosecuted, national organizations established the Justicia organization, demanding trial for all captured members of the PRN for crimes against humanity. Violating AWA terms, the Comisión Nacional para el Juicio a la Junta was established in 1975, with the long awaited trial against the leaders of the military junta taking place two years later.
Aftermath
Main articles: La Limpieza, Lost Decade (Gran Rugido)
See also: Gran Rugidoense Civil War in arts, Movimiento por el Gran Rugido Libre
After the Peace Accords were signed, the figure of Susete Hernández was immortalized as The Mother of Gran Rugido, for bringing an end to nearly five decades of political instability that was inherited from the aftermath of the Rugidoense Revolution. However, problems began to plague again the destroyed nation. Remnants of former Proceso infantry battalions and army legions were scattered across the unoccupied Loyal territories that weren’t considered for Operación Colera de Dios. A low-scale purge began to wipe these remnants under the presidency of Arreola known as La Limpieza began. The purge would also extend to collaborators of the Proceso that were still in important roles in politics, economics, and other branches of government. La Limpieza ended between 1974-1975 after the last Proceso remnant surrendered its weapons to Federal forces. However, generals in the movement would eventually join to create the Movimiento por el Gran Rugido Libre (English: Free Gran Rugido Movement) under a self-imposed exile in Gavrilia.
Politically, the rebuilding process of the war and the fact that a former hated president led the nation to victory are still a matter of controversy whether the figure of Susete Hernández should be immortalized as is now or should be seen as a president who failed to prevent such destructive conflict to happen. Meanwhile, former leaders of Union were elected as governors of certain states were their sympathies stick with the population, leading to far better agrarian reforms and the arrival of television, school, and other technological advance to rural areas. The Unión Democratica Rugidoense party eventually was dissolved in 1971 but was refounded for the elections of 1994. The reformed PRN (now PFR) prompted the creation of the Alianza Republicana Nacionalista, simply called Alianza Republicana, a joint-electoral alliance consisting of all centrists to center-right parties in Gran Rugido to avoid any polarization to ever escalate again. Any left-wing parties were ostracized until the 1998 general elections, when they formed the Coalición de la Noble Izquierda. A left-wing presidency would eventually come under Moctezuma Ortega in 2010, ending the polarization of national politics.
The economic loss at the time was believed to exceed $150-500 billion at the time. In addition, economic development stalled, and oil exports were disrupted. Gran Rugido's leftist government had accrued more than $130 billion of international debt, excluding interest, and was also weighed down by a slowed GDP growth. During the so called, Década Perdida, Gran Rugido's economy was plagued with unpayable external debts, taxes, and volatile inflation and exchange rates. Almost immediately and after the 1970 elections where PFR candidate and former general Luis Carlos Arreola was elected, the Congress and the President himself made several economic reforms to boost economy and to quickly pay foreign debts. Vultesian military equipment that was sold to the dictatorship was integrated into the Army, Navy and Air Force with the promise that the nation will pay the Principate the full debt of the Proceso. Gran Rugido didn't saw any full economic recovery until the early 1990s. Most of the foreign debts were paid in 2011 after the country integrated in the Saltstil Pact.
The war had its impact on medical science: a surgical intervention for comatose patients with penetrating brain injuries was perfected by Rugidoense physicians treating wounded soldiers, later establishing neurosurgery guidelines to treat civilians who had suffered blunt or penetrating skull injuries. On a cultural and artistic side, the war has become a theme in the post-1970s arts of the nation, even shadowing the Dirty War and the Political Crisis that preceded it. Several films, books, music, and other forms of art have used the conflict as part of storytelling. Prior to the late 1980s, the conflict was seen as taboo to depict until the epic war film Águilas Doradas was released.
Post-war crime prosecution
Further information: Trial of the Junta
Three years after the return of the democracy, the government of Luis Carlos Arreola and several civil groups opened the Trial of the Junta, the judicial trial of the members of the de facto military government that ruled the nation during the dictatorship of the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional (el Proceso), which lasted from 1968 to 1970. Those on trial were: Rafael Alemán Valades, Leobardo Zavala, Heriberto Albán, Anastasio Kuribeña Müller (in abstentia), Gala Graffigna, Jorge Alberto Castañeda, Eduardo Passeghini and Enrique Haüer.
The Trial of the Juntas began on September 19, 1974. The main prosecutors were Julio César Sepulveda and his assistant Alejandro Espinosa Jaramillo. The trial was presided over by a tribunal of six judges: León Diógenes, Alfredo Xicale, Alan Muñoz, Elena Cisneros, Rubén Montemayor, and Jimena Leal.
It succeeded in prosecuting the crimes of the junta, which included kidnapping, torture, forced disappearance, and murder of an estimated 5,000 to 80,000 between civilians and political dissidents and the infamous usage of weapons of mass destruction in the conflict.
Prosecutors presented 709 cases, of which 480 were heard. A total of more than 1000 witnesses testified during the cross-examination phase, which lasted until 12 October. Witnesses included former President Susete Hernández, writer Seberiano Medrano, Solidaridad Garza García, surviving civilians of the Saint Ark massacre, survivors of bombings in the cities of Mendoza and San Agustín, amongst others. Evidence against the accused is said to overpass more than 3200 pages of content.
S After 2 days of deliberation, on October 25 the jury declared guilty all accused with their sentences as follows: Rafael Alemán Valades and Leobardo Zavala were sentenced to life imprisonment with the posiblity to be court martialied, Heriberto Albán: one hundred seventy years, Gala Graffigna: eighty years, Anastasio Kuribeña Müller (in abstentia): two hundred forty years. Most surviving generals are still imprisoned or in conditional freedom within the territory.
Foreign support
Hoterallia
The Second Empire of Hoterallia, following their devasting civil war, supported Susete Hernández Niño and her provisional government due to her struggle with the leftist groups. The people, including several government officials, voiced their backing of her. Much like their Gavrilian counterparts, the Hoterallia Self-Defense Forces (HSDF) sent basic firearms and equipment to armed the army of the Provisional Government during the December of 1968. Several of the firearms include the Type 6 70 mm AT rocket launcher, the Type 100 flamethrower (which was later used during the La Limpieza event) and the Type 99 light machine gun
At the start of 1969, the support from Hoterallia grew little by little from firearms and ammunition, the HSDF started to send vehicles to help the Provisional Government, some of the vehicles include the Type "Hokoku" armored car and the Shinpo M.2593. Shortly after the supplies start to rampant, one of the very first Hoterallian military advisors for the Provisional Government arrived, Admiral Hosuke Konako was tasked to assist the Gran Rugidoese Provisional Navy to protect itself from the Popular Federal Navy. His contribution during the civil war wouldn't go unnoticed as he successfully secured the supplies lines of weapons for the Government and helped the navy improve on a large scale.
Three more Hoterallian official military advisors would arrive shortly after, in March of 1969, Futoshi Ishihara, Takayuki Hasegawa, and Daisuke Itō became three of the military figureheads helping the Loyalists fight during the war. With the three being experienced from the Hoterallian civil war, they helped instruct the Federal Army in urban warfare, counter-guerrilla, and clear and hold. These strategies are found to be useful against the enemy and heavily contributed to the future victories of Operación Perfidia and the Battle of La Perfumada.
Initially reluctant to use troops, the Hoterallia Self-Defense Forces, with the approval seal of the Loyals around the time of the Third Battle of Los Canas, was able to send a total of two companies (38. Ordnance Company, and 3. Reconnaissance Company), totaling up to 360 Hoterallian troops. Remained in secrecy as the forces set out to maintain peace as its primary objective. It also oversaw the training and peacekeeping with the Federal Army. Being part of the HSDF, the two companies were better equipped with weapons than the Federal Army with the Type 11 rifle being the primary rifle that the companies used.
The two companies' primary missions were peacekeeping, prioritizing the captured territories that are suspicious of lingering guerrillas. They saw little fighting, mainly instructing the Federal Army, and on some rare occasions, would patrol and scout areas. Even though being on the sideline, the companies participated in the decisive, final battle of the Siege of San Jorge Xayacatlán.
Zhiguryia
In 1969, months of deliberation and with the balance of the war seemingly favoring the Provisional side, the neighboring nation of Zhiguryia and it's Parliament sent two voluntary armed divisions to assist the Loyalists in the conflict. Having bordering conflicts with Proceso forces before, the 10th Infantry Division & 4th Armored Division led by advisor Kinjo Yosuke made their debut on the Battle of Córdoba. A pyrrhic Proceso victory, the city of Hernández de Córdoba was mostly destroyed in its entirety but with heavy casualities, Yosuke likely being one of them. Zhiguryian volunteers would remain active until the end of the conflict, albeit in smaller numbers compared to the Hoterallian volunteers.
See also
- 1988 Siege of Senora
- Movimiento por el Gran Rugido Libre
- Susete Hernández Niño
- Proceso de Reorganización Nacional
- Timeline of the Gran Rugidoense Civil War
- La Limpieza
- 2021 Gran Rugidoense uprising