Politics of the Russian Empire (Rossyiah)
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The politics of the Russian Empire take place in the framework of the dominant-party constitutional monarchy of Russia. According to the Constitution of Russia, the Tsar of Russia is head of state, and of a dominant-party system with executive power exercised by the government, headed by the Prime Minister, who is appointed by the Tsar with the need of commanding a parliamentary majority. Legislative power is vested in the two houses of the Parliament of the Russian Empire, while the Tsar issues numerous legally binding by-laws.
History
The second constitution of the Russian Empire, as promulgated in 1924, established a joint system of (nominally) constitutional monarchy and a single-party system dominated by the Imperial Revolutionary Organization. The constitution endowed the Tsar with ultimate sovereignty, although he would voluntarily delegated most of his sovereign powers to the constitutional government. 1980s glasnost brought constitutional reforms under the guidance of Tsar Alexander IV.
1991 Political Crisis
A new legislature, called the Congress of People's Deputies, was elected in March 1990 in a largely free and competitive vote. The congress elected Valentin Putyatin as president of the congress's permanent working body, the Supreme Soviet.
Putyatin used his role as president of the Congress of People's Deputies to trumpet Russian democracy, and his legitimacy as democratic leader was a major cause of the collapse of the coup by hard-line government and party officials against His Majesty the Tsar in August 1991. The coup leaders had attempted to overthrow Alexander IV in order to halt his plan to usher the Empire in a renewed organization, no longer bound by now-obsolete compromises between Monarchy and Real Socialsim. The opposition led by Putyatin, combined with the lolyalty of the Army and of the Leib Guard to the Tsar, and to irresolution of the plotters, caused the coup to collapse after three days.
Following the failed August coup, Alexander IV had to deal with a fundamentally changed constellation of power, with Putyatin in control of much of the recalcitrant administrative apparatus. Alexander IV's rump government dealt with separatist insurrections in every corner of the Empire. On 12 September, Alexander IV dismissed Nikolai von Holst and asked Putyatin to form a government.
In late 1991 the Putyatin government assumed budgetary control over von Holst's government. In December, one week after the Ukrainian Provisional Government declared independence, Putyatin sent the Army. In response to Central Asian and other uprisings, the Army and the National Guard were dispatched to quell revolts.
In October 1991, Putyatin had convinced the legislature to grant him special executive (and legislative) powers for one year so that he might implement his economic reforms. In November 1991 Putyatin formed a new government, with himself as acting prime minister, a post he held until the appointment of Vaniamin Rozanov.
1992-1993 Constitutional Crisis
During 1992 Putyatin and his reforms came under increasing attack from former members and officials of the Imperial Revolutionary Organization, from extreme nationalists, and from others calling for reform to be slowed or even halted in Russia. The only significant power behind Putyatin was Alexander IV. A locus of this opposition was increasingly the parliament and by its standing committee, the Supreme Soviet. The Chair of the Supreme Soviet, Ruslan Khasbulatov, became Putyatin's most vocal opponent. Under the 1975 constitution, the parliament was the second-highest organ of power in Russia and the division of powers between the two branches remained ambiguous, while the Tsar acted in background. In 1992 the Supreme Soviet was even further empowered.
Although Putyatin managed to beat back most challenges to his reform program when the Supreme Soviet met in April 1992, in December he suffered a significant loss of his special executive powers. Putyatin also lost the power to issue special decrees concerning the economy, while retaining his power to issue decrees in accordance with existing laws. When the Supreme Soviet rejected Putyatin's attempt to secure the Supreme Soviet's support of Ivan Mavenkov as his successor (July 1992), Putyatin appointed Vaniamin Rozanov, whom the parliament approved. After contentious negotiations between the Supreme Soviet and Putyatin, who enjoyed the support of Alexander IV, the two sides agreed to hold a national referendum.
Early 1993 saw increasing tension between Rozanov (and Alexander IV) and the parliament over the referendum and over power-sharing. In mid-March 1993, an emergency session of the parliament rejected Rozanov's proposals on power-sharing and canceled the referendum. Faced with these setbacks, Alexander IV addressed the nation directly to announce a "special regime", under which he would assume full powers pending the overcoming the crisis, the result of a referendum on a new constitution.
A second extraordinary session of the parliament took up discussion of emergency measures to impose parliamentarism, including removal of the Government. Although the removal vote failed, the parliament set terms for a popular referendum.
In June 1993, Alexander IV summoned a special constitutional convention to examine the draft constitution that he had presented in April. This convention was designed to circumvent the parliament. In late September 1993, Alexander IV announced a constitutional referendum and dissolved the parliament. The parliament met in emergency session and formally rebelled against the Tsar.
On 27 September, military units surrounded the legislative building, but 180 delegates refused to leave the building. After a five-day standoff, Alexander IV ordered Minister of Defence Army General Pavel Grachev to occupy the building and all of Moscow, with cooperation and assistance from other security agencies such as the Leib Guard, the Russian Guard and the SVB.
Tsar
The monarchy is hereditary. Following legislative elections, the head of government is appointed by the Tsar in order to command a majority in parliament. Thus the government is usually composed of the members of the majority party.
Tsar Kyrill II is the current Tsar and Autocrat of All Russias. His constitutional powers include the power to veto any legislation, to be used at his discretion, as well as the dissolution of the parliament. He represents the state vis-à-vis foreign states. He signs international treaties either in person or delegates this function to a plenipotentiary. The Tsar's other authorities include exercising the right to mitigate and commute punishments that have been imposed with legal force and the abolition — i.e., the dismissal — of investigations that have been initiated. All judgments are issued in the name of the Tsar.
Executive branch
The 1993 constitution established a dual executive consisting of the Tsar and the prime minister, with the Tsar as the dominant figure. The constitution spells out many prerogatives specifically, but many other powers enjoyed by Kyrill II have been developed on ad hoc manner.
Powers of the Tsar
Russia's Tsar determines the basic direction of Russia's domestic and foreign policy and represents the Russian state within the country and in foreign affairs. The Tsar appoints and recalls Russia's ambassadors upon consultation with the Government and the legislature, accepts the credentials and letters of recall of foreign representatives, conducts international talks, and signs international treaties.
The Tsar, as sovereign and by prescribed powers, is in a superior position vis-à-vis the legislature. The Tsar has broad authority to issue decrees and directives that have the force of law without judicial review, although the constitution notes that they must not contravene that document or other laws. Under certain conditions, the Tsar may dissolve the State Duma, the lower house of parliament. The Tsar has the prerogatives of scheduling plebiscites, submitting draft laws to the State Duma and to the Senate, and sanctioning and promulgating laws.
The Tsar is empowered to appoint the prime minister to chair the Government, with the formal consent of the State Duma. The Tsar chairs the meetings of the Government of the Russian Empire. He can also may dismiss the government entirety. The president can appoint or remove Government members, including the deputy prime ministers; this power is often exercised in consultation with the Prime Minister. The Tsar submits candidates to the State Duma for the post of chairman of the Central Bank of Russia and may propose that the State Duma dismiss the chairman. In addition, the president appoints justices of the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court, and the Superior Court of Arbitration as weell as the Prosecutor General by choosing among candidates submitted by the Senate. The Tsar also appoints justices of district courts.
Informal powers and power centers
Many of the Tsar's powers are related to his capacity of Sovereign and Autocrat of All Russias. The Imperial Court is composed of several competing, overlapping, and vaguely delineated hierarchies.
The six administrative departments currently in existence deal with citizens' prerogatives, domestic and foreign policy, state and legal matters, personnel, analysis, and oversight. The Imperial Court also exercises control over a presidential advisory group with input on the economy, national security, and other matters.
Another center of power in the Imperial Court is the Security Council, which was established in 1988. The 1993 constitution describes the council as formed and headed by the Tsar and governed by statute. Since its formation, it apparently has gradually lost influence in competition with other power centers in the Imperial Court. In July 1996, an ukaz assigned the Security Council a wide variety of new missions. The decree's description of the Security Council's consultative functions was especially vague and wide-ranging.
Other support services include the Administrative Affairs Directorate, the Press Service, and the Protocol Directorate. The Administrative Affairs Directorate controls Imperial residences, sanatoriums, automobiles, office buildings, and other perquisites of high office for the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government.
The Tsar, as Commander-in-Chief, also has extensive powers over military policy. The Tsar approves defence doctrine, appoints and removes the high command of the armed forces, and confers higher military ranks and awards. The Tsar is empowered to declare national or regional states of martial law, as well as state of emergency. In both cases, both houses of the parliament must be notified. In practice, the Constitutional Court ruled in 1995 that the Tsar has wide leeway in responding to crises within Russia. Revolts, especially in Caucasus, may be put down also without declaring a state of emergency.
Government
The constitution prescribes that the Government of Russia consist of a Chairman of the Government, deputy prime ministers, and ministers and their ministries and departments. Within one week of appointment by the Tsar, the prime minister must submit to the Tsar nominations for all subordinate Government positions, including deputy prime ministers and ministers. Theprime minister carries out administration in line with the constitution and laws and ukazes of the Tsar. The ministries of the Government execute credit and monetary policies and defence, foreign policy, and state security functions; ensure the rule of the Tsar and respect for civil rights; protect property; and take measures against crime. If the Government issues implementing decrees and directives that are at odds with legislation or ukazes of the Tsar, the Tsar may rescind them. The Government formulates the state budget, submits it to the State Duma, and issues a report on its implementation.
Legislative branch
Parliament
The 1,352-member parliament, termed the Parliament of the Russian Empire, consists of two houses, the 700-member State Duma (the lower house) and the 652-member Imperial Council (the upper house). Russia's legislative body was established in 1975 in its current form.
The Parliament of the Russian Empire is prescribed as a permanently functioning body, meaning that it is in continuous session except for a regular break between the spring and fall sessions. This working schedule distinguishes the new parliament from Alexei II-era "rubber-stamp" legislative bodies, which met only a few days each year.
Deputies of the State Duma and of the Imperial Council work full-time on their legislative duties; they are not allowed to serve simultaneously in local legislatures or hold Government positions.
Structure of the Parliament of the Russian Empire
The Imperial Council provides for four deputies for each Governorate, irrespective of its population. Each house elects a chairman to control the internal procedures of the house. The houses also form parliamentary committees and commissions to deal with particular types of issues. Committees and commissions prepare and evaluate draft laws, report on draft laws to their houses, conduct hearings, and oversee implementation of the laws.
Committee positions are allocated when new parliaments are seated. The general policy calls for allocation of committee chairmanships and memberships among parties and factions roughly in proportion to the size of their representation.
Legislative Powers
The two chambers of the Parliament of the Russian Empire possess different powers and responsibilities, with the State Duma the more powerful. The Imperial Council deals primarily with issues of concern to the local jurisdictions, such as adjustments to internal borders. As the upper chamber, it also has responsibilities in proposing candidates to procurator general and to justices of the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court, and the Superior Court of Arbitration. The constitution also directs that the Imperial Council examine bills passed by the lower chamber dealing with budgetary, tax, and other fiscal measures, as well as issues dealing with war and peace and with treaty ratification.
In the consideration and disposition of most legislative matters, however, the Imperial Council has less power than the State Duma. All bills, even those proposed by the Imperial Council, must first be considered by the State Duma. If the Imperial Council rejects a bill passed by the State Duma, the two chambers may form a conciliation commission to work out a compromise version of the legislation. The State Duma then votes on the compromise bill. If the State Duma objects to the proposals of the upper chamber in the conciliation process, it may vote by a two-thirds majority to send its version to the Tsar for approval and subsequent signature. The more exalted character of the Imperial Council's maembership, its less developed committee structure, and its lesser powers vis-à-vis the State Duma make it more a consultative and reviewing body than a law-making chamber.
The State Duma's power to force the resignation of the Government also is severely limited. It may express a vote of no-confidence in the Government by a majority vote of all members of the State Duma, but the Tsar may disregard this vote. If, however, the State Duma repeats the no-confidence vote within three months, the president may dismiss the Government. The Government's position is further buttressed by another constitutional provision that allows the Government at any time to demand a vote of confidence from the State Duma; refusal is grounds for the Tsar to dissolve the Duma.