Tahamaja Empire

Grand Thalassocracy of Tahamaja Tahamaja, Segara Telas
782 CE–1460 CE
Flag
The Tahamaja at its height, circa 1150 CE
Status	Former Empire
Common languages	Uthire
Religion	N'nhivara, traditional religions
Government	Thalassocracy
Pelautama
• 782-823 CE	Yugah Mardanang
• 824-865 CE	Garaj Ritarja Anukana
• ...	...
• 1324-1353 CE	Tuminindyah Selangit
• 1435-1460 CE	Teiro Arekantara Tokamoriki
Sudasanan
• 782-823	Moestadja
• 825-831	Adjoikenang Melbama
• 832-863	Khoipan Irdokimojim Sukarnoputi
Historical era	The Age Of Pearls
• Declaration of the 'Padwam Mena'	782 CE
• 'Asing Mesa' Declaration	843 CE
• The Siriwang Eruption	1353 CE
• Disestablished	1460 CE
Preceded by Succeeded by Ayuhaya Dynasty Meuihmatan Empire Yajawil of Maok'ab Age of Fire
Today part of	Ankat,Daobac, Fahran,Kainuinoa, Kembesa, Lusoña, M'biruna, Onekawa-Nukanoa, Pulacan, Pulau Keramat, Zanzali

The Tahamaja Empire, also known as The Grand Tahamaja, was a maritime empire that originated in archipelagic Malaio during the late 8th century with the formal Padwam Mena declaration by the first Pelautama(trans.First Captain) of the Tahamaja, Yugah Mardanang, who had unified the Solustheri Islands under a swift maritime campaign against the various, house based city-states that had formed. The Tahamaja existed as an extremely powerful naval and maritime influence throughout the Ozeros and Karaihe seas, with an exceptionally advanced standard of fleet standards and technological advancements to ensure maritime supremacy. Their control of trade through the Pulaui Archipelago gave access to most of South Ochran, West Scipia, and Malaio in a dominant set of trade settlement establishment and the bolstering of harbor-centered outposts. Being recognized as one of the largest diffusors of technology and exchange of cultural ideas and religions, such as the expansion of N'nhivara throughout it's borders, the Tahamaja eventually collapsed due to the historically cataclysmic Siriwang Eruption that decimated not only the Pelautama's fleet, but a large proportion of the authority figures and their heirs, leading to the inevitable disarray of the Age of Fire. While the empire officially survived after the eruption, it was in notable decline as the territory retreated to its archipelagic core, existing for another century before its ultimate dissolution.

Geography

Centered around the Ozeros, Karaihe, and Kayatman, the Grand Tahamaja was defined by its maritime and coastal territories. With different meteorological and oceanographic qualities between the three seas that the Tahamaja bordered, the capacity for the empire to navigate and effectively produce via the maritime realm gave it an enormous advantage over surrounding polities. On a continental analysis, the Tahamaja, at its peak, had possessions in Scipia, Malaio, and Ochran, as well as having normal relations with polities throughout the Periclean. The core territories of the Tahamaja were predominantly alongside the equator, meaning development largely throughout tropical climate zones. This also included a consistent exposure to monsoons and other maritime storms - commonly originating through the Makrian.

Records of Tahamajan cartography identify that the empire centered a worldview that pictured the Periclean at the top of the map, and the Makrian at the bottom, with many references indicating it to be thought of a dead zone or endless sea. Tahamajan Cartography is recognized as being some of the earliest maps that could accurately identify both air and water currents, showcasing a prolific skill in navigation technologies that was inclusive of seasonal shifts, as many of these maps were found in groupings that would delineate based upon which seasonal winds may be anticipated.

The influx of warm and cold waters made the Kayatman and Karaihe ecologically rich zones, and the shallow waters throughout much of the Ozeros allowed for many spawning and nursing shoals to emerge, making the oceans resource rich. It also made maritime navigation easy for shallow water vessels alongside coasts and between islands, and influenced the early formation of naval vessel fleets for the Tahamaja to account for this.

The natural opening of the Ozeros also meant for natural wind formation to develop low-lying coastlines, erosion ensuring that natural coves and shore access would define many of the eastern faces of the archipelagic territories. This allowed for the development of many ports and harbors, and defined the patterns of early settlement throughout the region. Furthermore, the more gentle wind patterns of the western Ozeros basin made traveling along coastal territories necessary for mobility, resulting in the Tahamaja dominating routes of maritime mobility without much contest.

The presence of the Tahamaja alongside these coastal routes, as well as their proclivity to encourage mobility through its maritime territories, would assist in the development of the Citrus Roads; a network of maritime and coastal trade routes ranging from the Periclean to the Kayatman that would result in the diffusion of goods and sociocultural traits across the two seas. The name was derived from the tendency for various citrus to be one of the most commonly traded good across the various ports within the network, both to be transported and to be utilized in combating scurvy and other shipbound ailments.

Politics & Structure

The governing structure of the Grand Tahamaja is recognizable as being one of the most prolific forms of decentralized imperial power. Rather than emphasize a singular seat of political relevance and authority, governing structures were developed to serve in interdependent polities emphasizing the establishment of region-specific politics that allowed for relatively unimpeded terrestrial governance to retain autonomous structures. This is through the emphasis of structuring the harbor and port of every holding – following a political model known as Ravuma – that would formalize the flow of material, currency, and center political holdings to be formalized in an inherently transitory maritime commanded environment. By having political authority exercised at the port, the largely maritime-dependent holdings of the Tahamaja would allow for land-centered power structures to remain relatively unimpeded, yet dependent on adherence to the dictation and regulations imposed in uniform fashion by the Pelautama.

These governing officials were typically relatively transitory – following the Ravuma system which would see the regional governance move from harbor to harbor, prevented the entrenchment of familiar bureaucracies or patterns of potential nepotism to be realized given the transitory authorities of these fleet structures. Governance vessels – known as Panguwasa – would be delegated ports to be responsible for over half decade long appointments. These Panguwasa would be put in charge of tax collection, military movement, migration, and the responsibilities of the harbor. In addition, each outgoing Panguwasa would, prior to their departure, appoint a secondary governing body for the incoming Panguwasa, known as the Pelabuhan (Trans. Lighthouse). This body, traditionally selected from the local population, would serve to administer the terraqueous policies that involved the cohesion of local terrestrial based politics, fishing and agricultural needs, ceremonial practices, and supervision of the market space, as the critical conjecture point for the economic and cultural interactions of the Tahamaja with local populations. The Pelabuhan staff typically served the same period as the Panguwasa and were relieved of service in the last few months of the outgoing Panguwasa as part of the new appointment practice. However, it was not irregular for the newly appointed Pelabuhan governance to be largely comprised of the same individuals from previous structures, save instances where the Panguwasa identified incompetence, corruption, or noncompliance.

The most important responsibility of the Panguwasa and Pelabuhan was a joint-dictated responsibility over the recruitment, training, and education of youth to serve as sailors, fishers, and soldiers for the maritime economies that would embody the strength of the Tahamaja. These training sites, known as Sekkolah (Trans. Reef School), would feed, house, and care for youth in the development of skills and social education that would orient them to be able to serve throughout the harbors of the Tahamaja. These Sekkolah were places of language learning, vocational development, and the refinement of identification as citizens and denizens of the Tahamaja. The establishment of both mobile and local populations that would have easily utilized skills for secure labor, in tandem with procuring a sense of national service and duty, allowed for the maintenance of the Grand Tahamaja as a legitimate ruling body. This also made a clear distinction between terrestrial and aquatic based labor bodies, with many traditional terrestrial services becoming delineated as having their responsibilities and needs met through the interactions of the Pelabuhan and surviving local governance structures. In some instances, this resulted in a stratified social-class division in what services and spheres of influence laborers held, dependent on their proximity to maritime responsibility. However, these terrestrially bound classes and markets were typically more autonomous and enjoyed the more relaxed regulations placed upon them, as well as incentivized the establishment of relationships with the Pelabuhan that would more easily serve as a direct and recognizable source of authority in the case of land-based issues. Some military populations – namely the Onekawan and Tokotahan would establish proxy encampments and training facilities – would serve to specifically guard Tahamajan infrastructure and interests.

A secondary governing body was present in the spread of the N’nhivaran Gereja, whose spread was essential in signifying areas in which the Tahamaja’s political prowess would expand beyond socioeconomic suzerainty and divulge further into the integration of societal uniformity. The Gereja served as repositories for health services, the proliferation of literacy, and the establishment of a loyal policing body that would serve to combat locality-bound criminal action. Whilst many judicial functions were the responsibility of the Pelabuhan, the maintenance of social order was supplemented and entangled with religious social structuring through the Gereja. Historical record showcases that subversive dissent were often dealt with by the Gereja and the Nakkha Uhlam, whilst more visible forms of criminal misconduct were brought to the attention of the Pelabuhan. The capacity of these Gereja to develop divergent doctrine to specifically apply to local cultural and social contexts allowed for their legitimacy to be more easily acceptable, especially as syncretization of local beliefs became more widespread with the Tuntutan Ruhang. While a majority of the Gereja were present in the Kayatman, Karaihe, and Bemeritrian holdings of the Tahamaja, records showcase that there were Gereja as far north as Perateia; however, a majority of these N’nhivaran temples would rapidly close and fall into disservice following the Siriwang Eruption, usually due to religious persecution.

The moving capital of the Tahamaja was signified by whatever port the Pelautama was harbored in, traditionally moving between Imah Kakuatan, Tua Siriwang, Rimae, and Lehi Serinana. Following the Feast of Pearls and Hayop Tapa Wars, the formerly Bayarid holding of Kali Kembar would serve as a significant capital location. Each Pelautama was expected to move the capital once during their reign – and these five port cities were the most prominently and recurrently selected. However, there are instances of several other ports being utilized as the capital inter-provincially, including Faʻaʻā, Tuatotakura, Cardona, Congvat and Qaraax. In addition, there was regularly a secondary capital in service, as the Sudasanan would also rotate between cities, and would take over the responsibilities of the Pelabuhan for the full of their appointed period, usually in coordination of the interests of the Pelautama. The act of establishing two capitals – one more focused on centering maritime authority and prowess, with the other more focused on shoring up economic and infrastructural capacity -  would reduce the threat of instability through the overproduction and indulgence of a singular metropole, but was also responsible for the difficulty in reconstituting the empire following the Siriwang Eruption, as the many well-developed semi-capitals would all have enough standing and stability to claim legitimacy against one another.

The Pelautama

The absolute reigning authority of the Tahamaja was the Pelautama, which translates roughly into the ‘First Captain’. The Pelautama held their rule from a flagship vessel and subsequent fleet that would embody the political power and authority of the Tahamaja, being capable of serving as an administrative center and hugely incontestable naval force. The Pelautama, expected to serve as the captain of the flagship and its vessel, executed all policies, mobilization, and conquest from this flagship, known as the Duyun Kalangan (Trans. The Whale Song). Responsibilities included the appointment and testing of regional Panguwasa governor fleets, overseeing all military campaigns and treatise for the expansion of the Tahamaja, holding court for tributary polities, and the training of the new Pelautama.

Unlike many other imperial authorities at the time, the Pelautama was not a hereditary position. Rather, the Pelautama would specifically holding a testing of their new heir to take place during the first movement of the capital – and the transitory period from one capital to another would have the Pelautama testing a pool of the highest caliber applicants found amidst the Sekkolah schools throughout the Tahamaja. This testing was extremely rigorous, requiring applicants to showcase political acumen, a strategic naval mind, physical capacity to rule, and the ability to navigate most importantly, as the effectiveness of the Duyun Kalangan and its fleets were the heart of the ability to maintain the authority of the Tahamaja.

Each Pelautama would also name a Sudasanan, to be announced upon their retirement, or at their funeral in the case of a death before the end of service. This governor would serve the full regime of the following Pelautama and must be selected from the locality and Pelabuhan of the second capital the current Pelautama had moved to. In the case of the Sudasanan passing, a test would be enacted upon their immediate advisory council to see who would serve most capable of fulfilling the position, known as the Ravumdusta’(Trans. Test of Balance). This examination was typically supervised by the regional Panguwasa authority.

The Pelautama claimed the right to rule through several mediums, and was most notably recognizable by a few select gestures and symbols of authority.

One was a divine appointment to rule, recognized by the Upasamada of the N’nhivara. The gardens and cultivars of the Gereja throughout the capital provinces would be tasked with the cultivation and shaping of Red Mangrove to become the next Uyah Tahtah (trans. Salt Throne), a throne that would be installed in the Duyun Kalangan to serve as the seat of power for the Pelautama. The size, composure, and patterns of each Uyah Tahtah were said to be indicative of the predicted reign, and the support of the spirits from across the Melangkah Tasi in the decision and claimant status of the next Pelautama. The unification of the harbors and oceanic space under the Tahamaja was interpreted as a calming of the spiritual realms; and the proliferation of the Gereja under Tahamajan sanctioned authority ensured the maintenance of this relationship. An induction ceremony, partaking in Asci’diana, was expected of each Pelautama candidate, and those who succumbed to ‘Runtuh’ were declared unfit by the Upasamada to serve as a spiritual vessel and representative. These dosages were traditionally diluted, although the N’nhivaran order was recorded as once providing a fully unaltered dosage to a pool of applicants for historically disputed reasons.

Another was a ceremonially imbued right to rule, garnered by the capacity to declare a sovereign unification of the ocean through its many languages. While most Pelautama were not genuinely fluent in all the languages that comprised the Ozeros, they were trained in reading the Asing Mesa Declaration in the local languages of whatever port they entered, a speechcraft bound gesture that would be coupled with a fealty symbol by the various cities and regions that comprised the governed provinces of the Tahamaja. These fealty symbols would traditionally comprise of a shell, pearl, shark tooth, or other valued maritime resource, and would be carefully combined to serve as the ornamentation of the Pelautama’s Mahakutta’ (trans. Crown Belt), a silken sash that would serves as the most significant adornment for any Pelautama. In cases of discontent, some subject empires or tributaries would historically offer a cracked or broken symbol to indicate their discontent or demand of better treatment. A Pelautama would be able to challenge a cracked symbol, demanding a trial by the offending regional leader to be able to prove their responsibility over the province and its people. If a Pelautama would receive more broken symbols then complete, then a test would be called for one of the other tested recipients to prove their worth instead to the assembled leaders – and the assembled leaders would be expected to participate to showcase their discontent comes from a place of reciprocated political dependence. In one instance, the Pelautama Tuminindyah Selangit was recorded as cracking a symbol themselves to emphasize their own discontent with a province, demanding more responsibility of the province themselves to serve the Tahamaja.

Dependent on the capital province the Pelautama’s Duyun Kalangan would first and secondarily make port in, certain gestures were performed to indicate their localized right to rule. Some of these are rituals have been contemporarily forgotten - especially those recorded and destroyed in Bemiritra and Siriwang – but other records showcase the changing provincial rituals for the legitimization of the Pelautama.

Military

Kaiponu Tauā

Kaiponu Tauā, often shortened to Kaiponu, were Māori mercenary bands employed by the Tahamaja Empire between the 11th and 14th centuries. Whilst records of individuals and small groups are recorded in service with the Tahamaja Empire as early as the mid 10th century, Kaiponu Taua rapidly grew in prominence at the beginning of the 11th century. Kaiponu Tauā would go on to form a significant portion of fighting strength of the Tahamaja Empire on land, and played key roles in their conflicts with the Shambhalan Empire and Bayarid Empire, as well as Bayarid successor states in southern and south-western Ochran.

Kaiponu Tauā were initially viewed poorly by traditional Māori leaders and was first used as an derogatory term, but by the 12th century the cultural perception had changed significantly as it became a popular option as an avenue to accrue wealth and mana for those who took part to bring back to their iwi. These resources and experience were of significant advantage to the iwi they returned too and helped to fuel economic, technological and cultural development.

Kaiponu Tauā had no established organization, differing between groups and their respective iwi's practices on how war was conducted, but leadership was almost always focused on the Kaiponu Rangatira or Chief. Not necessarily a reflection of their status at home, they were almost always at least a close relative to a regular Rangatira if not one themselves, or someone who was considered a Tohunga. Subordinates “officers” selected by the Rangatira were known as Tohunga Tauā and were responsible for anywhere between 40-120 warriors. Particularly large Kaiponu Taua would have a Kaiponu Ariki with their own subordinate Kaiponu Rangatira to help manage the mercenary band. Between the Tohunga Tauā and the common warrior was the Tahu Toa, or first warrior. They lead a small group of warriors rarely larger then 15 and were chosen by common consensus by other warriors.

Kaiponu Tauā had four distinctive components in how they fought and were characterized by their aggressiveness. There was initially only two in the earliest periods of the Tahamaja Empire. Kōtuku Toa were lightly armed skirmishers equipped with a mix of light and heavy throwing spears and small wooden or flax shields, they would engage enemy skirmishers and harass the primary enemy formation until as late as possible before rapidly discharging their heavy throwing spears. Then the Tūātea Toa, armed with spear and shield would charge into the enemy line with the goal of breaking it and causing a mass rout.

Eventually Jaran Toa would play a key role as the third component and while initially relatively light equipped by the end of the 14th century had become increasingly heavily armed and armored. Mounted on either horses or Bunyips, these would engage the enemy flanks before attempting an encirclement. The final piece was the heavily armed and armored Kasan Toa, equipped with heavy two-handed polearms these would frequently be held in reverse to exploit any enemy weak-points.

Legacy

Following the Siriwang Eruption, several political entities emerged as claimant inheritors to the title of Pelautama, and as the successor of the Tahamaja. This led to the development of contemporary Kajera, as one of the few regions not to fall into infighting. The decentralized Ravuma model of the Tahamaja allowed for several prominent political centers to emerge as spaces of political authority and legitimacy throughout the Ozeros. Several contemporary national capitals within the Ozeros are still those political centers developed during the Tahamaja.

Political entities would claim legitimacy through a rekindling of sentiments around the Tahamaja for centuries afterwards, including the Mutulese Global Circuit and the Neo-Tahamajan Regime. The Mutulese Global Circuit actively proliferated a divine responsibility and imagery to serve as a second-coming of the Tahamaja, and used such sentiment to justify and pacify opposition to colonial imposition. The Neo-Tahamajan regime called upon historical nationalism and revisionism to declare a contemporary reading of the Asing Mesa Declaration as necessary for the success of the nation.

The Kabaya'an policies seen in various states and political parties throughout the Ozeros often cite the Tahamaja as a source of historical legitimacy, and emphasize the multicultural and diffusive power structures when emphasizing the development of regional networks and infrastructure.

The diffusion of language, religion, and resources through the proliferation of the Citrus Road remain significant in the contemporary presence of N'nhivara and Azdarin throughout the region. The population movements emerging from the Tahamaja are significant in considering the creole ethnic makeup of contemporary Zanzali, and the Ahlranese populations in both Pulau Keramat and Lusoña.