House of Commons (Themiclesia): Difference between revisions

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Government
'''Government'''
{{legend|#FF7373|Liberals: 132 seats}}  
{{legend|#FF7373|Liberals: 181 seats}}  
Opposition  
'''Opposition '''
{{legend|#45C7FF|Conservatives: 82 seats}}  
{{legend|#45C7FF|Conservatives: 140 seats}}  
{{legend|#FFB45E|Progressives: 14 seats}}  
{{legend|#FFB45E|Progressives: 9 seats}}  
{{legend|#949494|Independents: 7 seats}}
{{legend|#949494|Independents: 9 seats}}
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| committees1        = Whole<br> Appropriations<br> Foreign Affairs <br> Defence<br> Industry & Commerce<br> Transport<br> Education<br> Administration<br> Rural <br> Human Rights<br>Minorities
| committees1        = Whole<br> Appropriations<br> Foreign Affairs <br> Defence<br> Industry & Commerce<br> Transport<br> Education<br> Administration<br> Rural <br> Human Rights<br>Minorities
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| meeting_place2    = Kien-k'ang, Themiclesia
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| website            = {{URL|http://iiwiki.com/wiki/Council_of_Protonotaries}}
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}}The '''House of Commons''' or '''Council of Protonotaries''' (or '''Prothonotaries''' in some [[New Tyran|Tyrannian]] sources) is the elected chamber of Themiclesia's {{wp|bicameral}} legislature, the other being the [[House of Lords (Themiclesia)|House of Lords]].  This house is the one to which the executive branch is responsible and where most government legislation is tabled; in political practice, it is also the dominant chamber of the two.
}}The '''House of Commons''' is the elected chamber of Themiclesia's {{wp|bicameral}} legislature, the other being the [[House of Lords (Themiclesia)|House of Lords]].  This house is the one to which the executive branch is responsible and where most government legislation is tabled; in political practice, it is the dominant chamber of the two.


Originally a writing office for drafting decrees and proclamations, many new-recruits of the civil service found themselves appointed to this body to garner experience; they often voiced concerns from their origins, which function came to dominate towards the 18th centuryIt is now the sole elected chamber of the Themiclesian parliament and holds the most sway in the legislative process.
Originally a writing office for drafting decrees and proclamations, historians have emphasized its representative character as the place where those elected by the gentry worked.  This character has been exploited by both the crown and court potentates to bolster their political cloutIn the [[Great Settlement (Themiclesia)|Great Settlement of 1801]], it was reformed as a representative chamber, with limited legislative powers, to check the crown and its ministers, in conjunction with the Council of Peers. The growing demand for public participation culminated in the Revolution of 1845 that transformed it as the lower chamber of a bicameral legislature.
 
It sits in the Kien-k'ang Palace.


==Name==
==Name==
The House of Commons has several names reflecting the evolution of the organization which is notionally connected with the royal secretariat that first appeared in the historical record in the 5th century.  The term "house of the lineages" (群姓之省) is often used in the media and members of the public when it is contrasted with the House of Lords.
The House of Commons has several names reflecting the evolution of the organization.  In the 15th century, the assembly was called the "lords of the land" (群辟), and in the 17th century it came to be called the House of Notaries (中治書省), as it often met in the buildings that originally royal notaries.  The term "house of nobles" (群姓之省) then overtook the former terms in media to emphasize its elective nature.  The word "nobles" in this context refers to the major clans that had enjoyed broad political and economic privileges and formed a [[Themiclesian nobility|nobility]]; the house was named after this class, but subsequently the [[Parliamentary franchise in Themiclesia|franchise]] was expanded first to all who paid a certain amount in tax, and then to all adults.


==History==
==History==
===Pre-1700===
===Predecessors===
The deepest roots of the House of Commons may be traced to institutions introduced under King Kl′ang of TsjinhSeeking to balance the heredity of bureaucratic clans with meritocracy, he ordered the aristocracy clans in each county to assemble and rank candidates according to their reputation, which determined the ceiling of their bureaucratic career.  As this process did not distinguish the more from the less powerful clans, it effectively redistributed influence from the former to the latter. While this process implicitly acknowledged an aristocractic influence in politics, it was very distant from modern democratic politicsThe assemblies deliberated but did not cast actual ballots, and those that were rated neither met as a legislative body not acquired influence on account of their election.  Instead, it permitted popular clans to strengthen their faction in the bureaucracy.
{{See also|Parliamentary franchise in Themiclesia|Medieval Themiclesian assemblies}}
 
In early Themiclesian politics, it was common for rulers to convoke a formal assembly of nobles to demonstrate his powerFrom formulaic language, which survives in modern legislation, the assembly usually included patriarchs, barons, and the "lords of the land", i.e. large landowners with recognized governing rightsThese assemblies permitted rulers to demonstrate his wealth and the size of his following and to forge political agreements, such as loans or contributions for campaignsThey were irregularly held and not legislative.  As far as the assemblies were concerned, there were no internal subdivisions in the fashion of the [[New Tyran|Anglian]] {{wp|Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament}} or the [[Sieuxerr|Sieuxxerian]] {{wp|Estates general}}.
Nevertheless, this institution proved resilient and withstood the revolution of royal dynasties.  Clan-based factionalism dominated the court for at least the next five centuries, and the assembly was concretely conceived by the lesser aristocracy as their political entitlement.  Functionally, the triennial elections were opportunities for aristocrats at court to sway the opinions of those not at court by supporting a candidate in an appropriate clan or political persuasionFor the throne, which periodically switched alliances with the most powerful clans, they were also a weapon against unilateralists that push policies unpopular with the aristocracy, who could elect new bureaucrats that opposed him.  As the assembly could re-rate any of its elects and effectively remove their qualifications, bureaucrats during this period were typicall conscious of their reputation in office. 
 
===1700s===
The while the long-standing civic elections did not create a legislative body, some conservative Camian authors in the 1700s rudimentarily analyzed it through the lenses of Casaterran philosophy as a {{wp|constitution}}, or at least power-sharing agreement, of some kind.  They say that the crown ultimately has no power without bureaucrats that supported him, so by electing bureaucrats, the clans were, effectively, controlling the crown.  On the contrary, Tyrannians and their supporters in [[Camia]] used this idea to suggest that Themiclesians and Tyrannians could co-exist under the same political institutions, as long as the Themiclesian elites were willing to share this "political franchise" with their lessers. The purpose of this scholarship is somewhat controversial today, some asserting that the comparisons were made only to defend the civic elections' operation in Camia, which supported political cliquism and excluded much of the commoners there. 


This form of thinking evidently had little impact in Themiclesia, most writers still taking the civic election as one of several "bureaucratic paths" (仕途), the politics of the 1st millennium now largely bygone.  The 1600s and early 1700s was a period of centralization, with the crown gaining against the bureaucracy in government and aristocrats in the countryLiterature provices that many voices were heard at court, and the rural gentry felt little compunction to elect candidates that opposed warfare and ridiculed the crownSome writings also criticize the emperor for disregarding the views of the aristocracy, which was framed as an aberrance from the "harmony and normalcy" of former centuries. This reference to the past was a recurrent motif in Themiclesian politics, compelling monarchs exepriencing failures to reconcile his relationship with the aristocracy.
The first incarnation of the House of Commons is traced by textbooks to 1410, held to rafify the deposition of Emperor ′Ei.  The emperor summoned prominent individuals from counties and cities to his increasingly unpopular court, in an effort to purchase support and suppress a firm opposition against him, but the assembly ultimately ratified his deposition, crating the [[Themiclesian Republic|Republic]]Throughout the Republic, the general assembly of nobles elected the chief executive and was consulted taxation and warDuring this period, the institution was either named by its meeting place, the former seat of the Royal Secretariat, or as "the lords" (群后 / 群辟, ''n.ghur-gwās'' / ''n.ghur-pīk''), the term "lords" being a generic appelation for prominent individuals.


Despite such monitions, Themiclesia was in the largest part still a centralized, autocratic state, and aristocratic displeasure formed only an ineffective opposition to [[Emperor 'Ei (Themiclesia)|Emperor 'Ei]] and his disastrous and expensive warsA closer reading of the history of the period reveals that the Emperor acquired clout by aligning himself with the bureaucracy and nurturing his own faction within it, while still (perhaps reluctantly) respecting the rules of civic elections and the underlying reality that, without their assistance, much bureaucratic experience would simply be inaccessible.
The relationship between the general assembly of nobles and the extant [[Council of Peers (Themiclesia)|Council of Barons]] remains much-debated todaySome believe the barons acted as an executive or standing committee to the general assembly of nobles, during the period without a monarchy.  Unlike in more modern times, barons who did not receive summonses to attend the crown in the Council of Barons were counted amongst the lords of the land and only attended the general assembly.


In the 1790s, Themiclesia suffered a series of defeats that weakened the emperor's position at court.<ref>In 1791, the Tyrannian Royal Navy landed in Themiclesia proper and burned down four-fifths of all the vessels belonging to the Themiclesian navy, outnumbering Themiclesian forces on Themiclesian soil; the responsible officer was one of the Emperor's favourites.  The same year, Camia declared war on Themiclesia and deployed 40,000 men to assist a colonial revolt in northern Maverica.  In 1793, Sieuxerr imports an army of nearly 100,000 to Solevent and, with great difficulty, overcame and expelled Themiclesian forces thereIn 1795, the Camian Campaign, designed to alleviate logistical burden to Maverica and to divert the Camians' attention, fails dramatically.  In 1796, Themiclesia was forced to cede over 1,000,000 km² of land to Hallia in exchange for a loan and a friendship treaty and another 400,000 km² to Maverica to end hostilities there.  Themiclesia fielded an army of 300,000 and failed in each of these fronts.</ref>  Emperor ′Ei's faction was built on aristocrats who, for one reason or another, had personal interests in Themiclesian power in the Halu'an and beyond.  For their support in office, the Emperor awarded them more profitable opportunities and dignities, as well as domestic and foreign lands.  Other aristocrats, however, felt that their interests, primarily agrarian ones, were unfairly burdened with the costs of the crown's hawkish policies and came to view ′Ei's relationship with his favourites as corrupt.  
By the end of the Republic, it is known that elections of some kind occur in some cities that had a number of local lords who were eligible to be represented.  While some towns were under the control of a sole lord, others, particularly large ones, were governed by multiple lords172 lords held land in or around the largest city, [[Kien-k'ang]], and it is understood that they selected a smaller number amongst themselves to participate in the general assembly.


Though the royal faction was initially strong, the war's unenviable progress alienated the emperor's supportersThe Emperor was forced to sacrifice the interests of some  supporters to protect those of others, while doubts developed, amongst the faction itself, of the Emperor's aptitude in both political and military affairs.<ref>Conpare the case of [[Long Lêt]], whom the Emperor made a general even though he had no experience organizing an entire military expedition.</ref> At court, the [[Lord of Gar-lang]] exploited this weakness and persuaded many of the emperor's supporters that, continuing in power, he would lead Themiclesia to financial and military destructionIn the country, he visited other aristocrats whose estates have lost both men and revenue due to royal taxes in name of war and claimed that "their money" either went into the pockets of royal favourites or into protecting them.
Ultimately, the general assembly ratified the restoration of monarchy in 1603, in return for the continued recognition for the political rights of the gentryWhile all who owned a certain amount of land and participated in local government could be called a lord, barons were lords who had a hereditary and mutualistic relationship with the crown; thus, barons usually supported the crown and represented its policies in conversation with other lords, many of whom had interests against the crownIt should be noted that these councils were (at least technically) consultative, and the crown sometimes ignored them altogether, though invariably at steep political costsNevertheless, the general assembly was summoned for the appointment of chief ministers and the establishment of the crown prince.


In 1798, the aristocracy's anger manifested as a petition to dismiss the prime minister, the Lord of Nap, who had an interest in textile exports to Camia and was therefore endeared to the throne's desire to rebuild the navy and re-subjugate Camia and SoleventWhile the crown relented, Gar-lang's faction persuaded pro-crown [[Peerage of Themiclesia|peers]] to decline the premiership, which was saddled with the task of raising an army, rebuilding a navy, and fielding them while the treasury was bankrupt.  With no prime minister for over a year, the emperor was left with no option other than Gar-lang himself,<ref>Tradition dictated that prime ministers must be peers.</ref> who was a vocal proponent of disarmament.  In office, Gar-lang refused to support the Emperor and instead began dismantling Themiclesia's armed forces, while ′Ei began sending letters to his former supporters, courting them once more.
While the Council of Barons was hand-picked by the crown, the right to participate in the general assembly was more fluid, and the latitude of these promises permitted merchants and early manufacturers to be recognized as part of the local gentryThe general assembly met frequently after the restoration, but absolutism then gained popularity, advocated by the crown's own political faction that drew on royal patronage and bribery.  Between 1680 and 1750, the general assembly met only ten times, and the crown's policies often received "broad assent" after the house was packed by the crown's supporters.


In previous centuries, the Emperor always chose highly-regarded men amongst recently-elects to fill the secretariat, which drafted royal edicts and letters; this was a device by which the emperor disguised his opinions as those of men elected by the aristocracy itselfGiven latitude in royal appointment, the secretariat was a tool to centralize power in some periods, while nominally retaining the aristocracy's approvalTo counter the Emperor's epistolic manoeuvres, Gar-lang first appointed pro-crown royal secretaries to distant regions and urged his supporters to select anti-crown candidates, who packed the secretariatWithout a secretary to draft his letters, the crown was left naked and unable to pretend support from the aristocracy.  Thus, by 1801, the crown was, for the first time in history, able to control neither his secretariat nor the Council of Peers.
The franchise reform of 1630 was considered a pivotal point in the development of the House of CommonsThe crown commanded that the gentry of major cities were to raise his taxes amongst themselves, which prompted the aristocrats to sell the local franchise in order to distribute taxation to a broader baseThis also meant that the franchise more accurately represented the current distribution of wealth or power, while the franchise had been confined to a single or several families in many townsWhile this broadened the ability to participate in politics, it also enabled the crown's faction to develop in more cities and contribute to the 18th century as one of absolutism, pushing the power of the crown to its strongest since the 12th century.


===1801 – 1845===
===Maverican War===
The 1801 civic election is often considered the first election in the political transition from monarchy to democracyInternally, it was the first time something resembling a political party was active in Themiclesia, advertising for anti-crown candidates in many places and convicing the electorate that they held the key to establishing an anti-war governmentCombined with peerage support, the party overcame royal power and reformed an existing institution for its goals, and became the dominant political body; it evolved into the [[Conservative Party (Themiclesia)|Conservative Party]] that remains active today.  Externally, it came during a period when Casaterran {{wp|Enlightenment}} had permeated Camia and was gaining currency in Themiclesia.  The success of a constitutional monarchy in Camia was, according to some authorities, indispensible in convincing Themiclesian electors to stand against royal power when used against their interests.
The course of the [[Maverican Wars]] had a strong influence on the development of parliamentary democracy in Themiclesia, as the scale of the mobilization and the finances required to suppot policized and unified an audience much larger than any war beforeIn 1768, the question of Norfeld colonies gained public attention in Themiclesia.  The Emperor wished to dedicate all its revenues to the upkeep of the army, while the general assembly tended towards opening the colony to foreign trade and settlementNo consensus was reached, so the Emperor relied on future promises to develop and maintain Themiclesian colonies in the subcontinent.  When the [[Maverican Wars|Second Maverican War]] ended, the general assembly refused to fund the refurbishment of the army and navy, and a general sense of anger in the assembly was responsible for the success of the [[Lord of Gar-lang]], who pushed for limits on royal authority in view of recent debacales.


Despite a revolutionary context, the terms of the 1801 elections were the same as virtually all those that came before itOn Jun. 28, the aristocracy of each [[Administrative divisions of Themiclesia|prefecture]] assembled in the prefectural capital and reviewed a list of male candidates who came from and were educated under aristocratic backgrounds.  The electors then interviewed candidates.  Each aristocratic house participated as a single unit and gave out its ratings, from a highest of two to lowest of nine, of each candidate; each elector may only award one "two" in the entire list of candidatesThe candidate who received most "two" ratings was given the Second Class ranking from that prefecture and presented to the royal court on Nov. 10, 1801 as a candidate for the royal secretariat.
In 1798, Gar-lang assembled the Emperor's barons, disgruntled by the Crown's inability to repay debts, at the Tor Gate and demanded the Emperor summon the the lords of the land to discuss the incredible debt that the nation's incredible debts.  The Emperor perceived Gar-lang's demands as a prelude to abdication and so told him that "the time is not yet for that solution." Gar-lang, reportedly, replied that "we are well past that point."  Thus on February 15, 1799, the barons and the lords of the land met in the palace and demanded that the Emperor surrender five of his six palaces and half his personal estate in exchange for forgiveness of his debts.  The Emperor refused and instead asked for the aristocracy to support the reconquest of Columbia, the spoils and lands wherefrom will satisfy his creditorsHis plans were resoundingly rejected by the lords that financed his campaign in [[Solevant]] and [[Camia]], who would only support such a plan if defrayed entirely by the imperial estate.


7,956 houses participated out of a total of 7,989, providing a turnout of 99.58%; the prefecture with fewest electors had 25, while the one with the most, the [[Inner Region]], had 582Around 184 ballots were attributable to a female householderAccounting for the number of administrative households, noble and common, the franchise was possessed by 0.43% of them.  While each household made its decisions autonomously, many fell into one of two models: a patriarch making decisions alone, or a patriarch and matriarch making decisions together.  The latter model was more common amongst the greater aristocracy, which married amongst itself and had more influential wifes.
Eventually, the Emperor obtained the lords' consent to retain his lands and three of the palaces, on condition that he divert at least 75% of his income to satisfy creditors and he appoint Gar-lang as [[Prime Minister of Themiclesia|prime minister]].  The lords formed a standing committee to ensure that profits from the royal estate were distributed accordinglyIn 1799, the [[Privy Council (Themiclesia)|Privy Councillor]] Lord Mak advised the Emperor that the lords would have no option but to allow him to resume control over the nation's affairs once a new war started, as head of the bureaucracy he would have the option of filling the armies with his allies, who could expand the extend of the war and attempt to recapture lost lands.  The prime minister must either then resign or support the war.


Existing royal secretaries having resigned, the results of the 1801 election presented the emperor with 22 hostile candidates for the secretariatWhile calls to change aristocratic opinion have long existed during civic elections, they have generally been ephemeral, fading away once the election was over, whatever its resultsThe emergence of a party political in 1801 meant that the candidates were discouraged by the threat of disqualification from defecting to the emperor.  Furthermore, this party's influence also extended to the Council of Peers, which was another institution that checked royal power.
Mak's plot nearly fruited at a border skirmish in June 1800, but Gar-lang found out about this plan and confronted the Emperor with it.  The lords, returning in October to be outraged by the Emperor's plot, reformed the Council of Barons, requiring at least twenty barons in attendance to ratify the Emperor's ordersFormerly with a quorum of five, the Emperor was able to select his allies to rubber-stamp his orders, but the new limit would require broader knowledge amongst the barons and inevitably involve those who opposed the EmperorAccusing the Emperor of "betrayal of the people of Themiclesia", the lords gave serious consideration to suspending the monarch or even deposing him in favour of his son, but ultimately decided against it in view of the ambiguous positions of P.ran, the crown prince.


However, the governance founded upon the 1801 elections was far from a normal one.  The Lord of Gar-lang himself initially believed this form of politics was extraordinary, and power should be restored to the throne when Themiclesia was in better shapeHowever, Emperor ′Ei's schemes, aimed at undermining him and keeping a pro-war faction at hand, convinced him that power should not return to a monarch that played aristocrats off one another, and Gar-lang's colleagues were larely of the same view.  Thus, starting in 1806, they implemented a series of reforms that would vest power permanently with the aristocracy.
===Early 1800s===
The post-1804 assembly had both hereditary and elective components and functioned as a legislative body to which the executive was responsibleWhile some business was transacted by acclamation, counted votes became more common in the 18th century, and as a result the precise number of members also more important.


In 1809, the ''Limited Elections Act'' provided that the electorate of each prefecture judged the admission of new electorsGar-lang believed this would create a conservative electorate unlikely to deviate from its current inclinationsAdditionally, since the old rules stipulated that a family gained the franchise when it was in higher public service for five consecutive generations, the Emperor inevitably had leeway through to promote the clans that supportied him; the new system would, in Gar-lang's design, prevent royal meddling with the franchiseIn 1810, he forbade peers from recommending their children as royal secretaries, since these individuals were, theoretically, free of the electoral will of the aristocracy, even though almost all peers backed Gar-lang.
Through the Council's enhanced powers were primarily designed to check the crown, the spread of democratic political philosophies enticed the mercantile class to support further political reforms that would provide them with political influenceEconomic liberalization in the wake of the war also encouraged gentry families to take advantage of their assets and participate in the expanding economyBy 1830, the alliance that instituted the anti-crown reforms had split between hardline conservatives and reformists, the latter of which would join the mercantile lobby and remnants of the Imperialists, who supported a more active monarchy.  Merchants and junior administrators staged two important strikes the paralyzed the government in 1841 and 1844Combined with fear of revolution, the general assembly evolved into the House of Commons.


Despite Gar-lang's best efforts, his party began to disintegrate in 1811So far, he slashed Themiclesian forces from its peak of 300,000 men, in 1795, to 43,000While demobilization was not earlier controversial and indeed one of the party's chief planks, the party became divided over the ideal size of the armed forcesSome in the party believed that a navy of 12,000 and army of 20,000 was normal before the reign of [[Emperor Gwidh-mjen]] (who was thought to have set Themiclesia on a belligerent path) and should be restoredOthers believed that an army that size was inadequate to address threats and must be augmented by militiamen.  However, the effects of mass mobilization were abundantly-demonstrated in the Second Maverican War and caused several lost harvests for rural aristocrats.
It has been noted that the House of Commons was not envisoned as the Council of Protonotaries with an enlarged electorate.  Themiclesian leaders did not consciously incorporate any significant separation of powers; the Council of Protonotaries and the Council of Peers jointly exercised the sovereign powerTheir powers were limited only by the unity and political inclinations of the political class, which comprised of less than 0.1% of the country by populationCriticism for this form of govenrment, however, waxed after the ascension of Emperor K.rjang, who touted the argument that restrictions on royal power established due to his father's incompetence should not apply to himselfK.rjang's machinations, however, did nothing except inspire renewed resistance against royal authority, which many Conservatives believed should be permanently limited.


In Jun. 1812, Gar-lang's government became aware of a plot by the Emperor to purchase the support of six royal secretaries and eventually to install a royalist as [[Inner Administrator]], which would give throne access to receipts and outlays.  Gar-lang acted decisively to prevent this coup and raised the threshold in the royal secretariat to produce an official draft, from five members to half of all sitting members, which was nine in 1912Politically, this was also Gar-lang's tactic to ensure that his party would not enact contradictory policies that undermined its unityThis was one of many reforms that eventually created a deliberative assembly out of the royal secretariat, though during this period discussions happened privately.
During the fora between the crown and the two councils, several schemes for the future constitution were tabled. [[Emperor Ng'jarh (Themiclesia)|Emperor Ng′jarh]] sided with the Reformists, hoping that some authority might be restored to the throne through a constitutional monarchy; however, the hardline conservatives were against any "independent power" vested in the crown.  The government sent a mission to [[New Tyran|Anglia and Lerchernt]] and [[Sieuxerr]] to study their respective governments, and the former, characterized by the mission as moderate and anti-revolution, dominated the Reformist causeUltimately, their primary demand of a "public franchise" was achieved in exchange for not establishing a written constitution and implicitly acknowledging the sovereighty of the future legislatureThe reforms came into effect on Nov. 10, 1844, when the Protonotaries were dissolved for the last time.


In Oct. 1814, Gar-lang resigned due to ill healthOn his deathbed in Jan. 1815, the visiting emperor asked who is to be his successor, and Gar-lang replied that as long as he made [[Oathtaking in Themiclesia|oath]] before his ancestors to restore the antiquated deference to the aristocracy that "is the quality of all cherished sovereigns," he was free to appoint any prime ministerEmperor ′Ei refused to make such an oath but offered to honour Gar-lang's choice of successor, and Gar-lang died before he could give a considered response′Ei appeared for Gar-lang's funeral, but he failed to move any observer: the Lord of N′rubh thought that "in 1796 he was a poor general, but in 1815 he is a poor emperor."
===19th century===
While the House of Commons is so translated in {{wp|English|Tyrannian}}, its [[Shinasthana]] name, "House of Many Lineages", reflects its original position as a deliberative assembly of recognized elites, many of whom possessed hereditary titles but were not peers (who sat in the House of Lords)In the first election for the new Commons, held in December 1844, 108 out of 125 members held [[Themiclesian nobility|titles]], recognizing their or their relatives' public services.  The granting of these titles, though now honourary, still possessed a singificant impact on the democratic processAmongst candidates of similar views or qualifications, the titled are more likely to be selected and electedThis is particularly true for holders of the highest non-peerage title, the titular lords (倫侯), who could pass down their titles indefinitely.


===Westminster interpretation===
===Early 20th century===
In imitation of the Westminster system, it was made statute in 1837 that if any member of the Protonotaries wished to stay beyond his "three year term", he had to seek re-election.  This change was one of the more controversial reforms in recent Themiclesian history, since it was openly imitative.  This rule was extended to administrative Protonotaries in 1853, after the new Protonotaries sought compositional independence from the executive, whereas formerly they were linked by the common identity of civil service and, if only theoretically, could be fluid.  Conservatives at court argued that this change was not necessary, since the administrative Protonotaries usually did not participate in legislation, but were unable to prosecute their position, after a Liberal majority, which consisted of Protonotaries who believed their functions to be analogous to that of the {{wp|House of Commons}} of [[New Tyran|the Kingdom of Anglia and Lechernt]], emerged in 1851.  The Protonotaries introduced voting around this time to replace the legislation by consensus or passing multiple drafts for the selection of the Correspondents (which evolved into the executive) that was traditional in this body for almost more than a millennium.


===Historical composition===
===Late 20th century===
After the executive-led Radical Reformist movement abated in the late 1840s in widespread criticism, the moderate segment of the party agreed to seek a less intrusive way towards the ideal of civic government, which they found supported by the classics.  The Moderates believed that the Westminster system was the ''method'' that the sages of antiquity desired but could not produce, which would allow all individuals of merit to participate in government with his own voice.


==Current composition==
==Current composition==
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==Traditions==
==Traditions==
===Meals===
In the 17th and 18th centuries, the assemblies that preceded the House of Commons enjoyed the Emperor's hospitality that was calculated at every turn to reflect grandeur and impress attendees.  Gradually, a kitchen department arose around the institution of Parliament to provide food for meetings that were increasingly frequent, and food for hundreds of MPs, always prepared at a presentable quality, became a considerable outlay of the emperor's privy purse.  In 1808, Parliament voted money to reimburse the Emperor's expenditures on MPs' food.  The current kitchen of the House of Commons was built in 1836 and is now overseen by the Clerk of the House.  The kitchen provides three meals, tea, alcohol, and snacks throughout the day.
In 1989, it was discovered that the meals served to MPs amounted to 9,500 kCal a day, more than four times the recommended intake of the average adult, and the figure did not include tea or snacks that may be ordered at leisure.  However, the study goes on to say that this is assuming that every morsel in the three set meals is consumed, which is rarely the case.


==Premises==
==Premises==
===Inner Court===
[[File:HOC 1.fw.png|thumb|Central sections of the Inner Court]]
The Inner Court (上省), or formally the Inner Court of Protonotaries, is the heart of the House of Commons, containing its main chamber, three large committee chambers, common areas, senior administrative offices, and waiting areas for servants.  The Inner Court is a walled compound on the inside of the second layer of walls of the [[Sk'ên'-ljang Palace]] and west of the Front Hall; it measures around 140 metres on each side, opening into the Commons Corridor, which divides it from the Front Hall.  A {{wp|peristyle}} is built around the inside of the compound.
The main building (堂, ''ntang'') of the House is centre-north within the Inner Court.  First built in the 800s, the current building dates to 1400 and encompasses around 1,970 m², ten bays in width and four in depth.  The current meeting chamber is around 14 meters wide and 35 metres long.  Benches are laid along the long axis in four rows on each side, accommodating eight MPs per bench.  The Speaker's chair is located on the west end, and the addressing podium is opposite on the east.  Before the speaker's chair, there is a long table where the officials of the house sit. 
East of the far end of the main chamber lies the addressing chamber, which spans the width of the chamber and extends one bay long.  Those summoned by the House to deliver reports to the house itself or the Committee of the Whole speak from this position.  When Parliament accepted direct petitions from the public, petitions were also read here.  Neither measure is common in modern practice, but 19th-century reports were frequently addressed to the House of Commons from members of the House of Lords serving as ministers, who could not speak from within the house.  Within the addressing chamber, there are further benches and boxes for the addresser and his assistants or other waiting individuals.
Flanking the main chamber on the south side is the visitors' gallery.  A scaffolding for visitors originally existed over the benches, but in 1898 they collapsed, killing four MPs and at five visitors; the remaining stands were subsequently demolished and functionally suppleted with the south corridor.  Within the corridor, there are two private boxes, one for royalty and the other for peers.  Conventionally, only peers who were government ministers may use this box; other peers sit with ordinary visitors.  These boxes accommodate at most a dozen spectators comfortably.
There are two square rooms to the east and west end of the chamber.  They were originally the ''aye'' and ''no'' lobbies, but were later converted into sitting areas for members.  The western one is now the Speaker's Chamber, reserved for members, and the eastern is the Visitors' Chamber, available for all of the house's scheduled visitors, which opens directly into the addressing chamber.  Members may enter and exit the house through either of these two chambers.  Further east and west are the current ''aye'' and ''no'' lobbies.  These two rooms are notoriously stuffy, originally being storage spaces, but they are physically larger than the areas they replaced.  There are seats in these rooms for division voting.
To the north of the house is the Members' Gallery, which is normally reserved for members.  There is a side door in the chamber that opens into the Members' Gallery.  This part of the building opens into the East Chamber, West Chamber, the Grand Gallery, and the two voting lobbies.  The East and West chambers are used as seating areas for members. 
North of the two chambers sits the Grand Gallery, which is located off the dais that supported the main building.  It was built in 1857 out of imported steel girders and glass, spanning the whole width of the main building before it.  The Grand Gallery is now used as a corridor and dining area.  Breakfast was usually served as a buffet, with serving tables laid out by staff on both ends, while lunch and dinner were served as formal meals; non-members may dine here with an MP's invitation, which by the rules of the house must be kept on record. 
The Banquet Room is nestled in the corner created by the Grand Gallery and ''aye'' lobby.  It measures about 15 m on each side and is the site of formal meals hosted by the Speaker or other officials in the name of the House.  Occasionally, large-scale publicity events are also hosted here.  Diagonally northwest of that room is the Commons Tower, which (despite its name) is only as tall as the other buildings in the compound, currently laid out as a sitting area.  South of the Tower is the Members' Bar, which is another dining area that serves snacks and informal meals.  This facility, added in 1908, is open throughout the night and is understood to be especially patronized when sittings run into the evenings.  Visitors may snack here with an MPs invitation. 
Next to the Bar is Committee Room 2, whose seats are laid out in a horseshoe shape, with the presiding officer sitting on the west side.  This building was added in 1876.  To its south stands Committee Room 1, which was built in 1344 and originally used as a storage area.  It is a square room measuring 14 metres on each side, but as it has a pillar at its centre, somewhat obstructing views, it is not frequently used.
To the east of the Grand Gallery is the Members' Reading Room, which is surrounded by bookcases populated by donated volumes.  The Reading Room has two flanking chambers added in the 1890s to function as private studies, which any member may use.  South of the Reading Room is the Large Committee Room, which was a wooden building designed only as a temporary home for the House when the main chamber was undergoing renovations.  The House chose to retain the building after it realized it needed a new, large committee room.  Directly south of that facility is the Visitors' Block, which was the original east wing of the compound.  Finished in 1464, this building is still very much a vacant corridor with seats and bookcases, so that visitors may sit here before viewing proceedings.
The Inner Court is rich in political symbols and architectural language.  The Speaker of the House sits in the west end, the tradition place of honour in an interior setting.  The House of Commons bench sits six to eight MPs under normal circumstances, while each member of the House of Lords has a personal bench; the latter reflects the privilege of peers during royal audiences.
===Commons Libraries===
===Outer Court===
===Custody house===
The House of Commons possesses a custody house (考室) that housed the members, officers, and visitors detained by order of the House.  These individuals may be "under custody" of the House or "committed to prison" by the House, the latter phrase used when the individual has been convicted by the House of an offence against itself.  The House has historically held individuals under custody for a variety of reasons, including prolonged committee hearings for which the witness will be convenienced by a nearby lodge or for fear of executive interference.  During impeachment proceedings, the defendant may also be held under custody to prevent escape or tampering with evidence or witnesses. 
The physical building that serves as the custody hosue has varied from time to time and is now Building S4 located in the southwest corner of the Inner Protonotaries Court.  This building was formerly accommodation for the Housekeeper and his staff.  The custody house has six suites that stand empty most of the time but may be used as dormitories if accommodation elsewhere is not available.  Each suite consists of a bedroom, ''en suite'', and sitting room, the last opening into the corridor.  Until 1988, prisoners ate from the same kitchen that produced MPs' meals, the Gentleman-Captain causing the food to be delivered; since MPs abolished their dining service for austerity, food is brought from the Cabinet Office kitchen instead. 
The custody-house is not considered a prison under the ''Prisons Act'' that regulate most of the country's correctional facilities.  For this reason, inmates here do not have certain rights that ordinary prisoners do, such as correspondence and visitation with family or legal counsel, access to open space, or medical attention.  However, the Gentleman-Captain, has discretion to allow any of these benefits.  Historically, only the prisoners deemed honourable—either an MP, a titled person, or official of the House—were allowed to walk in the House's grounds, without an accompanying official. 
A. R. Johnson, a foreign correspondent working in the Themiclesian Parliament, once commented "the custody house is a {{wp|black site}} of a kind.  You have no right to communication, counsel, or even fresh air, you are not entitled to be informed of charges against you or to an open trial where you may contest them, and the House of Commons can arbitrarily extend your imprisonment, technically forever.  That is implausible but legally possible.  The Themiclesian government does not acknowledge your detention because the custody house does not belong to it."


==See also==
==See also==

Latest revision as of 16:30, 28 August 2021

House of Commons

羣姓之省

gjun-sjêngh-st′ja-srêng′
Type
Type
Term limits
unlimited
History
FoundedJanuary 2, 1845 (1845-01-02)
Preceded byCouncil of Protonotaries
Leadership
Speaker
Kaw Rjem MP, Conservative
since Mar. 15, 2009
Deputy Speaker
Lord P.rjang MP, Liberal
since Jan. 4, 2017
Structure
Seats339
Political groups
Government
  Liberals: 181 seats

Opposition

  Conservatives: 140 seats
  Progressives: 9 seats
  Independents: 9 seats
CommitteesWhole
Appropriations
Foreign Affairs
Defence
Industry & Commerce
Transport
Education
Administration
Rural
Human Rights
Minorities
Length of term
Up to 5 years
Elections
first-past-the-post
Last election
Dec. 27, 2019
Next election
Dec. 27, 2024 latest
Redistrictingitself; super-majority required per convention
Meeting place
Themi protonotaries.gif
House of Commons Chamber

The House of Commons is the elected chamber of Themiclesia's bicameral legislature, the other being the House of Lords. This house is the one to which the executive branch is responsible and where most government legislation is tabled; in political practice, it is the dominant chamber of the two.

Originally a writing office for drafting decrees and proclamations, historians have emphasized its representative character as the place where those elected by the gentry worked. This character has been exploited by both the crown and court potentates to bolster their political clout. In the Great Settlement of 1801, it was reformed as a representative chamber, with limited legislative powers, to check the crown and its ministers, in conjunction with the Council of Peers. The growing demand for public participation culminated in the Revolution of 1845 that transformed it as the lower chamber of a bicameral legislature.

Name

The House of Commons has several names reflecting the evolution of the organization. In the 15th century, the assembly was called the "lords of the land" (群辟), and in the 17th century it came to be called the House of Notaries (中治書省), as it often met in the buildings that originally royal notaries. The term "house of nobles" (群姓之省) then overtook the former terms in media to emphasize its elective nature. The word "nobles" in this context refers to the major clans that had enjoyed broad political and economic privileges and formed a nobility; the house was named after this class, but subsequently the franchise was expanded first to all who paid a certain amount in tax, and then to all adults.

History

Predecessors

In early Themiclesian politics, it was common for rulers to convoke a formal assembly of nobles to demonstrate his power. From formulaic language, which survives in modern legislation, the assembly usually included patriarchs, barons, and the "lords of the land", i.e. large landowners with recognized governing rights. These assemblies permitted rulers to demonstrate his wealth and the size of his following and to forge political agreements, such as loans or contributions for campaigns. They were irregularly held and not legislative. As far as the assemblies were concerned, there were no internal subdivisions in the fashion of the Anglian Parliament or the Sieuxxerian Estates general.

The first incarnation of the House of Commons is traced by textbooks to 1410, held to rafify the deposition of Emperor ′Ei. The emperor summoned prominent individuals from counties and cities to his increasingly unpopular court, in an effort to purchase support and suppress a firm opposition against him, but the assembly ultimately ratified his deposition, crating the Republic. Throughout the Republic, the general assembly of nobles elected the chief executive and was consulted taxation and war. During this period, the institution was either named by its meeting place, the former seat of the Royal Secretariat, or as "the lords" (群后 / 群辟, n.ghur-gwās / n.ghur-pīk), the term "lords" being a generic appelation for prominent individuals.

The relationship between the general assembly of nobles and the extant Council of Barons remains much-debated today. Some believe the barons acted as an executive or standing committee to the general assembly of nobles, during the period without a monarchy. Unlike in more modern times, barons who did not receive summonses to attend the crown in the Council of Barons were counted amongst the lords of the land and only attended the general assembly.

By the end of the Republic, it is known that elections of some kind occur in some cities that had a number of local lords who were eligible to be represented. While some towns were under the control of a sole lord, others, particularly large ones, were governed by multiple lords. 172 lords held land in or around the largest city, Kien-k'ang, and it is understood that they selected a smaller number amongst themselves to participate in the general assembly.

Ultimately, the general assembly ratified the restoration of monarchy in 1603, in return for the continued recognition for the political rights of the gentry. While all who owned a certain amount of land and participated in local government could be called a lord, barons were lords who had a hereditary and mutualistic relationship with the crown; thus, barons usually supported the crown and represented its policies in conversation with other lords, many of whom had interests against the crown. It should be noted that these councils were (at least technically) consultative, and the crown sometimes ignored them altogether, though invariably at steep political costs. Nevertheless, the general assembly was summoned for the appointment of chief ministers and the establishment of the crown prince.

While the Council of Barons was hand-picked by the crown, the right to participate in the general assembly was more fluid, and the latitude of these promises permitted merchants and early manufacturers to be recognized as part of the local gentry. The general assembly met frequently after the restoration, but absolutism then gained popularity, advocated by the crown's own political faction that drew on royal patronage and bribery. Between 1680 and 1750, the general assembly met only ten times, and the crown's policies often received "broad assent" after the house was packed by the crown's supporters.

The franchise reform of 1630 was considered a pivotal point in the development of the House of Commons. The crown commanded that the gentry of major cities were to raise his taxes amongst themselves, which prompted the aristocrats to sell the local franchise in order to distribute taxation to a broader base. This also meant that the franchise more accurately represented the current distribution of wealth or power, while the franchise had been confined to a single or several families in many towns. While this broadened the ability to participate in politics, it also enabled the crown's faction to develop in more cities and contribute to the 18th century as one of absolutism, pushing the power of the crown to its strongest since the 12th century.

Maverican War

The course of the Maverican Wars had a strong influence on the development of parliamentary democracy in Themiclesia, as the scale of the mobilization and the finances required to suppot policized and unified an audience much larger than any war before. In 1768, the question of Norfeld colonies gained public attention in Themiclesia. The Emperor wished to dedicate all its revenues to the upkeep of the army, while the general assembly tended towards opening the colony to foreign trade and settlement. No consensus was reached, so the Emperor relied on future promises to develop and maintain Themiclesian colonies in the subcontinent. When the Second Maverican War ended, the general assembly refused to fund the refurbishment of the army and navy, and a general sense of anger in the assembly was responsible for the success of the Lord of Gar-lang, who pushed for limits on royal authority in view of recent debacales.

In 1798, Gar-lang assembled the Emperor's barons, disgruntled by the Crown's inability to repay debts, at the Tor Gate and demanded the Emperor summon the the lords of the land to discuss the incredible debt that the nation's incredible debts. The Emperor perceived Gar-lang's demands as a prelude to abdication and so told him that "the time is not yet for that solution." Gar-lang, reportedly, replied that "we are well past that point." Thus on February 15, 1799, the barons and the lords of the land met in the palace and demanded that the Emperor surrender five of his six palaces and half his personal estate in exchange for forgiveness of his debts. The Emperor refused and instead asked for the aristocracy to support the reconquest of Columbia, the spoils and lands wherefrom will satisfy his creditors. His plans were resoundingly rejected by the lords that financed his campaign in Solevant and Camia, who would only support such a plan if defrayed entirely by the imperial estate.

Eventually, the Emperor obtained the lords' consent to retain his lands and three of the palaces, on condition that he divert at least 75% of his income to satisfy creditors and he appoint Gar-lang as prime minister. The lords formed a standing committee to ensure that profits from the royal estate were distributed accordingly. In 1799, the Privy Councillor Lord Mak advised the Emperor that the lords would have no option but to allow him to resume control over the nation's affairs once a new war started, as head of the bureaucracy he would have the option of filling the armies with his allies, who could expand the extend of the war and attempt to recapture lost lands. The prime minister must either then resign or support the war.

Mak's plot nearly fruited at a border skirmish in June 1800, but Gar-lang found out about this plan and confronted the Emperor with it. The lords, returning in October to be outraged by the Emperor's plot, reformed the Council of Barons, requiring at least twenty barons in attendance to ratify the Emperor's orders. Formerly with a quorum of five, the Emperor was able to select his allies to rubber-stamp his orders, but the new limit would require broader knowledge amongst the barons and inevitably involve those who opposed the Emperor. Accusing the Emperor of "betrayal of the people of Themiclesia", the lords gave serious consideration to suspending the monarch or even deposing him in favour of his son, but ultimately decided against it in view of the ambiguous positions of P.ran, the crown prince.

Early 1800s

The post-1804 assembly had both hereditary and elective components and functioned as a legislative body to which the executive was responsible. While some business was transacted by acclamation, counted votes became more common in the 18th century, and as a result the precise number of members also more important.

Through the Council's enhanced powers were primarily designed to check the crown, the spread of democratic political philosophies enticed the mercantile class to support further political reforms that would provide them with political influence. Economic liberalization in the wake of the war also encouraged gentry families to take advantage of their assets and participate in the expanding economy. By 1830, the alliance that instituted the anti-crown reforms had split between hardline conservatives and reformists, the latter of which would join the mercantile lobby and remnants of the Imperialists, who supported a more active monarchy. Merchants and junior administrators staged two important strikes the paralyzed the government in 1841 and 1844. Combined with fear of revolution, the general assembly evolved into the House of Commons.

It has been noted that the House of Commons was not envisoned as the Council of Protonotaries with an enlarged electorate. Themiclesian leaders did not consciously incorporate any significant separation of powers; the Council of Protonotaries and the Council of Peers jointly exercised the sovereign power. Their powers were limited only by the unity and political inclinations of the political class, which comprised of less than 0.1% of the country by population. Criticism for this form of govenrment, however, waxed after the ascension of Emperor K.rjang, who touted the argument that restrictions on royal power established due to his father's incompetence should not apply to himself. K.rjang's machinations, however, did nothing except inspire renewed resistance against royal authority, which many Conservatives believed should be permanently limited.

During the fora between the crown and the two councils, several schemes for the future constitution were tabled. Emperor Ng′jarh sided with the Reformists, hoping that some authority might be restored to the throne through a constitutional monarchy; however, the hardline conservatives were against any "independent power" vested in the crown. The government sent a mission to Anglia and Lerchernt and Sieuxerr to study their respective governments, and the former, characterized by the mission as moderate and anti-revolution, dominated the Reformist cause. Ultimately, their primary demand of a "public franchise" was achieved in exchange for not establishing a written constitution and implicitly acknowledging the sovereighty of the future legislature. The reforms came into effect on Nov. 10, 1844, when the Protonotaries were dissolved for the last time.

19th century

While the House of Commons is so translated in Tyrannian, its Shinasthana name, "House of Many Lineages", reflects its original position as a deliberative assembly of recognized elites, many of whom possessed hereditary titles but were not peers (who sat in the House of Lords). In the first election for the new Commons, held in December 1844, 108 out of 125 members held titles, recognizing their or their relatives' public services. The granting of these titles, though now honourary, still possessed a singificant impact on the democratic process. Amongst candidates of similar views or qualifications, the titled are more likely to be selected and elected. This is particularly true for holders of the highest non-peerage title, the titular lords (倫侯), who could pass down their titles indefinitely.

Early 20th century

Late 20th century

Current composition

Role

Traditions

Meals

In the 17th and 18th centuries, the assemblies that preceded the House of Commons enjoyed the Emperor's hospitality that was calculated at every turn to reflect grandeur and impress attendees. Gradually, a kitchen department arose around the institution of Parliament to provide food for meetings that were increasingly frequent, and food for hundreds of MPs, always prepared at a presentable quality, became a considerable outlay of the emperor's privy purse. In 1808, Parliament voted money to reimburse the Emperor's expenditures on MPs' food. The current kitchen of the House of Commons was built in 1836 and is now overseen by the Clerk of the House. The kitchen provides three meals, tea, alcohol, and snacks throughout the day.

In 1989, it was discovered that the meals served to MPs amounted to 9,500 kCal a day, more than four times the recommended intake of the average adult, and the figure did not include tea or snacks that may be ordered at leisure. However, the study goes on to say that this is assuming that every morsel in the three set meals is consumed, which is rarely the case.

Premises

Inner Court

Central sections of the Inner Court

The Inner Court (上省), or formally the Inner Court of Protonotaries, is the heart of the House of Commons, containing its main chamber, three large committee chambers, common areas, senior administrative offices, and waiting areas for servants. The Inner Court is a walled compound on the inside of the second layer of walls of the Sk'ên'-ljang Palace and west of the Front Hall; it measures around 140 metres on each side, opening into the Commons Corridor, which divides it from the Front Hall. A peristyle is built around the inside of the compound.

The main building (堂, ntang) of the House is centre-north within the Inner Court. First built in the 800s, the current building dates to 1400 and encompasses around 1,970 m², ten bays in width and four in depth. The current meeting chamber is around 14 meters wide and 35 metres long. Benches are laid along the long axis in four rows on each side, accommodating eight MPs per bench. The Speaker's chair is located on the west end, and the addressing podium is opposite on the east. Before the speaker's chair, there is a long table where the officials of the house sit.

East of the far end of the main chamber lies the addressing chamber, which spans the width of the chamber and extends one bay long. Those summoned by the House to deliver reports to the house itself or the Committee of the Whole speak from this position. When Parliament accepted direct petitions from the public, petitions were also read here. Neither measure is common in modern practice, but 19th-century reports were frequently addressed to the House of Commons from members of the House of Lords serving as ministers, who could not speak from within the house. Within the addressing chamber, there are further benches and boxes for the addresser and his assistants or other waiting individuals.

Flanking the main chamber on the south side is the visitors' gallery. A scaffolding for visitors originally existed over the benches, but in 1898 they collapsed, killing four MPs and at five visitors; the remaining stands were subsequently demolished and functionally suppleted with the south corridor. Within the corridor, there are two private boxes, one for royalty and the other for peers. Conventionally, only peers who were government ministers may use this box; other peers sit with ordinary visitors. These boxes accommodate at most a dozen spectators comfortably.

There are two square rooms to the east and west end of the chamber. They were originally the aye and no lobbies, but were later converted into sitting areas for members. The western one is now the Speaker's Chamber, reserved for members, and the eastern is the Visitors' Chamber, available for all of the house's scheduled visitors, which opens directly into the addressing chamber. Members may enter and exit the house through either of these two chambers. Further east and west are the current aye and no lobbies. These two rooms are notoriously stuffy, originally being storage spaces, but they are physically larger than the areas they replaced. There are seats in these rooms for division voting.

To the north of the house is the Members' Gallery, which is normally reserved for members. There is a side door in the chamber that opens into the Members' Gallery. This part of the building opens into the East Chamber, West Chamber, the Grand Gallery, and the two voting lobbies. The East and West chambers are used as seating areas for members.

North of the two chambers sits the Grand Gallery, which is located off the dais that supported the main building. It was built in 1857 out of imported steel girders and glass, spanning the whole width of the main building before it. The Grand Gallery is now used as a corridor and dining area. Breakfast was usually served as a buffet, with serving tables laid out by staff on both ends, while lunch and dinner were served as formal meals; non-members may dine here with an MP's invitation, which by the rules of the house must be kept on record.

The Banquet Room is nestled in the corner created by the Grand Gallery and aye lobby. It measures about 15 m on each side and is the site of formal meals hosted by the Speaker or other officials in the name of the House. Occasionally, large-scale publicity events are also hosted here. Diagonally northwest of that room is the Commons Tower, which (despite its name) is only as tall as the other buildings in the compound, currently laid out as a sitting area. South of the Tower is the Members' Bar, which is another dining area that serves snacks and informal meals. This facility, added in 1908, is open throughout the night and is understood to be especially patronized when sittings run into the evenings. Visitors may snack here with an MPs invitation.

Next to the Bar is Committee Room 2, whose seats are laid out in a horseshoe shape, with the presiding officer sitting on the west side. This building was added in 1876. To its south stands Committee Room 1, which was built in 1344 and originally used as a storage area. It is a square room measuring 14 metres on each side, but as it has a pillar at its centre, somewhat obstructing views, it is not frequently used.

To the east of the Grand Gallery is the Members' Reading Room, which is surrounded by bookcases populated by donated volumes. The Reading Room has two flanking chambers added in the 1890s to function as private studies, which any member may use. South of the Reading Room is the Large Committee Room, which was a wooden building designed only as a temporary home for the House when the main chamber was undergoing renovations. The House chose to retain the building after it realized it needed a new, large committee room. Directly south of that facility is the Visitors' Block, which was the original east wing of the compound. Finished in 1464, this building is still very much a vacant corridor with seats and bookcases, so that visitors may sit here before viewing proceedings.


The Inner Court is rich in political symbols and architectural language. The Speaker of the House sits in the west end, the tradition place of honour in an interior setting. The House of Commons bench sits six to eight MPs under normal circumstances, while each member of the House of Lords has a personal bench; the latter reflects the privilege of peers during royal audiences.

Commons Libraries

Outer Court

Custody house

The House of Commons possesses a custody house (考室) that housed the members, officers, and visitors detained by order of the House. These individuals may be "under custody" of the House or "committed to prison" by the House, the latter phrase used when the individual has been convicted by the House of an offence against itself. The House has historically held individuals under custody for a variety of reasons, including prolonged committee hearings for which the witness will be convenienced by a nearby lodge or for fear of executive interference. During impeachment proceedings, the defendant may also be held under custody to prevent escape or tampering with evidence or witnesses.

The physical building that serves as the custody hosue has varied from time to time and is now Building S4 located in the southwest corner of the Inner Protonotaries Court. This building was formerly accommodation for the Housekeeper and his staff. The custody house has six suites that stand empty most of the time but may be used as dormitories if accommodation elsewhere is not available. Each suite consists of a bedroom, en suite, and sitting room, the last opening into the corridor. Until 1988, prisoners ate from the same kitchen that produced MPs' meals, the Gentleman-Captain causing the food to be delivered; since MPs abolished their dining service for austerity, food is brought from the Cabinet Office kitchen instead.

The custody-house is not considered a prison under the Prisons Act that regulate most of the country's correctional facilities. For this reason, inmates here do not have certain rights that ordinary prisoners do, such as correspondence and visitation with family or legal counsel, access to open space, or medical attention. However, the Gentleman-Captain, has discretion to allow any of these benefits. Historically, only the prisoners deemed honourable—either an MP, a titled person, or official of the House—were allowed to walk in the House's grounds, without an accompanying official.

A. R. Johnson, a foreign correspondent working in the Themiclesian Parliament, once commented "the custody house is a black site of a kind. You have no right to communication, counsel, or even fresh air, you are not entitled to be informed of charges against you or to an open trial where you may contest them, and the House of Commons can arbitrarily extend your imprisonment, technically forever. That is implausible but legally possible. The Themiclesian government does not acknowledge your detention because the custody house does not belong to it."

See also

Notes