Prime Minister of Themiclesia
|Prime Minister of Themiclesia
|Type||head of government|
|Reports to||The Emperor|
|Residence||No. 3 East, Outer Protonotaries|
|Seat||Court Hall (Themiclesia)|
|Term length||No statutory limit|
|Deputy||Right Minister, Left Minister|
The Prime Minister of Themiclesia (元辰旦相, mngwyan-ters-tanh-smangh), as head of government, leads the Government of Themiclesia, which is collectively the chief executive of the national government. The Prime Minister is always a member of the Cabinet of Themiclesia and by default serves as its chairperson. The incumbent is La Le, who assumed office in 2016 after the retirement of St′ang Krugh.
- 1 Terminology
- 2 Selection
- 3 Term of office
- 4 Roles
- 5 Privileges
- 6 History
- 7 Deputies
- 8 Style of address
- 9 Peerage problem
- 10 List of positions
- 11 List of holders since 1800
- 12 Notes
- 13 See also
The term smangh (相; Old Menghean: *s- prefixed from 望 *mang-s) means "supervisor", often taken to mean a royal lieutenant or commissioner at the philological level. There were several different offices named smangh in Themiclesian history, including the Chancellor of Tsinh (晉相邦) and Chancellor of Accounts (計相). In practice the term was only used for officials of broad remits and thus signified an official of very senior standing before the throne, hence the translation of "chancellor" in Anglian. The word mngwyan means "head, chief". As a term it was first used as a calque for the Anglian "Prime Minister" to indicate the primum inter pares of the Themiclesian emperor's most senior minister, since there were already several "chancellors" in office.
In the politics of the 19th century, the function of a prime minister could be vested in various office-holders according to the political environment; the premiership was not bound to a specific office but a specific person, who could command both the trust of the Crown and Parliament. As such, the prime minister did not need (and usually did not) hold an office as one of the chancellors.
According to a 19th-century political maxim, a government minister's "primary task is the procurement and prolongation of parliament's confidence for the administration that is charged to his authority"; according to some commentators, this characterization is still accurate and defines the office of prime minister as a political instead of administrative one, and there are no statutory qualifications or duties associated with the office. Given the partisan nature of Parliament, the prime minister will nearly always be the leader of the dominant party in Parliament; otherwise, that party can easily unseat any government minister by withholding funds. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, adequate support must be found in both chambers of Parliament; however, the House of Commons has become the primary determiner of a government's fate between 1920 and 1950.
Every government since 1845 has included at least one member of parliament and one peer; this allows both chambers to hold the government to account by questioning members serving as ministers and the government formally to present its views to both chambers. Since it would be exceptionally difficult to lead parliamentary debates, such as prime ministers are expected to do, without a seat in either chamber, all have been parliamentarians in the modern era. Party leaders that do not have a seat are expected to demonstrate their power by immediately procuring an MP's resignation, which results in a by-election the leader must then win; if he could not procure and win a by-election, a different prime minister may be appointed. Modern convention holds that the party leader must procure a resignation before assuming office, being allowed to hold it as the by-election, always in a safe seat, occurs.
All prime ministers since 1931 have been members of the House of Commons, with the exception of the Baron of S.rong-sngrar between 1971 – 72. After the 1971 general election, the Conservative leader suddenly died, and the party believed that S.rong-sngrar, as a peer, had an automatic seat in Parliament and did not need a by-election; however, the issue of his legitimacy was exploited by the Liberals and Progressives in opposition and haunted the government, resulting in its early demise after only ten months. His inability to participate in the House of Commons was reckoned only to compound the inefficacy of his administration and weakened his control over Conservative MPs. In view of these difficulties, no peer has since been prime minister except in a caretaker capacity (where a change of government is imminent), this last occurring in 1989.
Term of office
The Themiclesian prime minister is an extralegal office that is always combined with one or more conventional offices to enable the holder to discharge his powers. The prime minister must always be a Secretary of State in order to meet other ministers and obtain access to bureaucratic papers, but otherwise the offices combined in the person of prime minister are variable. They are often the President of the Council and Chancellor of Themiclesia, but this is not necessarily the case.
The prime minister holds office until he or she resigns, is dismissed, impeached, or dies. In modern practice, prime ministers are rarely dismissed, and impeachment (禁錮), which deprives the right to hold office and potentially carries amercement of arbitrary magnitude, is considered drastic even in the most extreme instances of misbehaviour. The only prime minister to be dismissed recently was the Baron of Rem-′an in 1909, whose prolonged ill-health prevented him from formally tendering resignation.
Prime ministerial resignations typically fall under two categories—when he or she resigns with the entire government or resigns alone. The former situation occurs when the government party or coalition loses a general election, or when the government loses parliamentary confidence through either a vote of confidence or a money bill. If parliamentary confidence is lost, the government may seek a new mandate through a general election. A prime minister is conventionally required to resign alone if the party or coalition that supported him no longer does so. The party or coalition may choose (and typically already has chosen) a new leader to replace the incumbent prime minister. The incumbent prime minister is not permitted to seek a general election in this case, as a government that holds parliamentary confidence still exists.
The Prime Minister of Themiclesia is the most senior member of the Cabinet, which is the highest committee of the Government of Themiclesia and is collectively accountable to Parliament. Convention and standing orders of the Cabinet, usually agreed upon its formation, grants the Prime Minister the power to chair Cabinet meetings and set its agenda. Additionally, the Prime Minister oversees the two Secretaries of the Cabinet who jointly lead the Cabinet Office and execute Cabinet resolutions relative to the preparation of reports, collection of information, and drafting of legislation that are not within the remit of any other government department. A number of minor departments, when not assigned to a specific portfolio, are considered within that of the Prime Minister.
As chief executive, the prime minister is expected to lead Cabinet discussions and to regulate its members' speeches to ensure that discussions are fully developed and business done promptly; however, the premier has no statutory authority over any minister, whose powers are granted by statute. According to some descriptions, the relationship between Cabinet ministers can be viewed as a continuation of that between prominent members of the parliamentary party. If a prime minister is authoritative within the party, he or she is more likely to be able to sway other ministers' actions in Cabinet, and vice versa; it has been commented that, due to differences in party organization, Liberal prime ministers are more likely to be authoritative than Conservative ones, though the prime ministerial power has fluctuated considerably even in recent decades.
There are very few laws that explicit empower the prime minister, and some argue legislators have deliberately deprived the premier of superior influence in order to maintain the tradition of collegiate government, which is ancient in Themiclesia. The prime minister has priority to commence discussion and formulate policies over any matter that statutes and portfolio divisions do not assign to other ministers, though any decision is ultimately taken by Cabinet as a whole. Most of the Cabinet's powers are, legally speaking, royal powers; they are defined by the phrase "submit information" danks-skning in many statutes, which prompts the crown then to decide on that basis. Yet such powers are entrusted to the Cabinet as part of the political relationship between the Crown and its ministers; they are not legally delegated to the Cabinet.
The Prime Minister is supported by the Prime Minister's Private Office, which consists of civil servants that take care of routine correspondence, both political and personal, and any individual the prime minister appoints to attend it. These advisors are not paid a public salary and, in modern practice, most frequently the prime minister's electoral agents, senior party figures, and thinktank staff; however, historically, they have also been cooks, butlers, secretaries, business agents, personal friends, and even family members. This greater latitude in granting access to political spaces is connected by many authors to the privilege of ministers before the 19th century to receive a residence in the palace for not only oneself, but also family, retainers, and servants.
Unlike certain other jurisdictions, most Themiclesian prime ministers did not have unilateral authority to nominate or dismiss members of his government. A government's composition, if coming in from opposition, is normally and secretly determined in the weeks ahead of a general election and then adjusted afterwards to account for any designates failing to win seats. A party leader attempts to form the broadest possible collective leadership that oversees the party's campaign and weathers rogue candidates (who run without the party's permission on the strenght of his or her own reputation); government posts are assigned at this point to ensure support from influential figures and a stable parliamentary party after the election. This process does not always present the most powerful figure in the party as prime minister, and it is still criticized for lack of transparency.
If a prime minister is a serving member of parliament, such as nearly always in recent decades, he or she is entitled to an apartment in the Outer Protonotaries Court ex officio. While apartments have been provided for ministers since antiquity, MPs have come to outnumber the 37 apartments therein provided, so only senior members of the house were permitted this privilege in the 19th century. While prime ministers may, through his power in the chamber, choose any of the apartments, most have selected No. 3 on the east side, being the closest to the bridge that leads to the working premises of the House of Commons. Furniture and basic services like cleaning and catering in these apartments are provided at public expense. A number of smaller apartments were added after the Pan-Septentrion War under a consideration of fairness towards backbenchers, though no prime minister has resided in them.
If also Chancellor, the prime minister also has an apartment (相舍, smangs-l′ah) in the Chancery (相府, smangs-poq), which would have been heavily staffed before the modern era; however, austerity measures in the wake of the Maverican Wars and a series of peers in office, not needing residences, have rendered this apartment disused. Today, it is mostly used as an office space for the Prime Minister's Private Office (相私官), but a suite of rooms is still available in it.
As part of the Council of Correspondence, the prime minister enjoys a motorcade (駕) that may be summoned for any official business. The motorcade includes a limousine for the premier, a sedan for his secretaries or agents, and an optional car for family members. Prime ministers in ill health have generally received an additional vehicle for care personnel and medical equipment, in case of emergencies. The motorcade includes chauffeurs paid at public expense. Abuse of the motorcade is controversial in Themiclesia, for such purposes as going on personal vacations and chauffeuring individuals not entitled to it. Generally, the prime minister will also possess a personal car, which may be parked at the prime ministerial residence. While it was common for a prime minister to retain a private chauffeur for his vehicle, prime ministers have generally driven themselves since the 90s in at least some occasions.
The prime minister, along with Cabinet and junior ministers, enjoys first-class service ex officio on any route operated by the National Railways, or the highest level of service on routes where first class is not available. Traditionally, prime ministers have refrained from sitting on saloon carriage on trains, since this is typical of royalty. Domestic cruise lines and ferries typically offer free passage, also at the highest class of service, to government ministers; however, some prime ministers have preferred to pay for all fares on private vessels. If the prime minister is travelling in a military vehicle, vessel, or aircraft, that transport is named "Commandeer B" (乙御事), since the "A" transport is symbolically reserved for the prime minister's herald. The word "commandeer" refers to the authority of the crown and the royal ministry, which outranks military officers and may commandeer military resources at will.
Until recently, prime ministers have generally relied on household retainers (舍人) for protection of his person, residence, and property. Retainers followed the prime minister almost everywhere he goes, except for the inner court of the palaces, where the sovereign (at least symbolically) lives. There was a customary limit on the number of armed retainers, 20 for Cabinet ministers and 8 for junior ministers, though most ministers found them unnecessary for urban activity. Cabinet ministers are also permitted to fanfare on the streets of the capital city, in order to drive away other roadusers and clear congestion; this privilege has been deprecated in recent times. It is properly the privilege of peers to arm retainers, but in the 19th century the crown assigned its own retainers, the Gentlemen of the Household, to prime ministers that were not peers. A retainer expected grants of land or opportunities in return for service, which was nominally unpaid.
Into the 20th century, commoners serving as prime ministers became the rule rather than exception, while the number of retainers rapidly dwindled in even major houses. After royal retainers were strained to foil a series of attempts on Emperor S.kênt's life, it also became questioned if they, receiving no formal training, were reliable in this duty around the head of government and other dignitaries. Diplomatic security personnel began protecting ministers in 1940, for their discretion and experience around sensitive information and situations. Today, the Kien-k'ang Metropolitan Police stations patrols around the prime minister's official residences and private city home, while the Foreign Office's agents monitor the prime minister's person. Both are present when the motorcade is in use.
Pre-modern prime ministers
During the late Hexarchy, the Tsins state disestablished many of its inner domains (內諸侯, nubh-tja-go) to enlarge the demesne land (寰官, gwren-kwar), directly controlled and taxed by the ruler; this enlarged the power of the Chancellor of Tsjinh, the head of the bureaucracy. Following the Treaty of Five Kings, the Tsjinh monarch acquired primacy over the other four states. The chancellor thus sometimes became suspect, since he could be very well-regarded and able but have connections to other states. Additionally, the Tsjinh monarch actively encouraged the vassals of the other barons to defect (外諸侯, ngwadh-tja-go), sometimes permitting them autonomy beyond the chancellor's jurisdiction. Titles were offered to courtiers for their prolonged support, if a hostile court offered competitive terms. What had been a relatively unitray state in the 2nd century became pluralistic by the early 5th. The jurisdiction of the chancellor fragmented, and monarchs dealt with many autonomous leaders.
In 420, the Tsjinh was overthrown by King Mjen of Sungh. Having himself been chancellor, Mjen left the office vacant in case a usurper imitated his rise to power. In its stead, the two Right and Left Vice Chancellors (丞相, djeng-smjangh) became collegiate ministers. The Right Vice Chancellor was regarded as the more senior, but the two were co-equals in power and access to the monarch. Only during very brief periods was a full chancellor appointed over them. The Sungh monarchs' desire to increase royal power prevented the consolidation of baronial land under the Vice Chancellors. During the final decades of the Sungh dynasty, the Council of Correspondence emerged as a keystone department to administer the many types of resource towards warfare, working in the name of the king. While this was only done during warfare initially, the Council's power grew in the absence of an active monarch.
The Council of Correspondence, an old office of secretaries that managed royal correspondences, grew in power and came to eclipse the Chancellor of Tsjinh as the monarch's first minister. To the crown, the Council had important advantage over the Chancery: it was outside of the ordinary bureaucracy, a collegiate office, and oversaw state papers without regard for internal boundaries. Contra the Chancery, which only oversaw the demesne land. In the late Tsjinh, its aristocracy had gained control over the bureaucracy through the civic election system, whose rigid rules of appointment and promotions reduced both royal power and social mobility. But as the Council was made up of secretaries without formal authority, the crown appointed allies without threat of ceding power, since the secretaries' decisions the crown must ultimately validate.
The Sungh gave way to the Rjang in 491, whose inchoative ruler, repledged himself to the Treaty of Five Kings but sought to vassalize the other crowns. In 497 – 505, war broke out and ended in favour of Rjang. It mobilized troops on an unprecedented scale, some estimate over 100,000 over the period, creating logistical demands of similar proportions. Changes in government structure occurred to meet the demands of warfare, most centrally the final consolidation of administration over the baronies in both the frontiers. To reduce the number of grain shipments over land and water, baronial subjects were conscripted into agricultural labour by the central government while barons were appointed to military offices. After the end of the war, the Rjang did not restore the barons' manorial powers and instead granted them increased incomes made possible by intensive agriculture; the Council's power over these lands was thus normalized in peacetime.
The role of the prime minister shifted dramatically at the appointment of the Baron of Gar-lang in 1801, representing the first occasion since the 17th century where the baronage, autonomously assembled in the Council, successfully demanded the crown appoint a chief administrator of its choosing. However, the prime minister was very much bound to the administrative office in which the position is vested and could not govern without royal assent, which was rarely forthcoming without threats from either side. This tense relationship subsided during the final decade of Emperor ′Ēi's reign in consequence of a new tension developing between the Emperor and the Crown Prince, of whom the former was suspicious.
The jurisdiction of the prime minister was not as complete during the Post-Settlement epoch as before or after, due to a persistent effort of the throne's to defend a private sphere of influence. The size of this sphere emerged as a radix of dispute. The official head of government was often the Chancellor, Vice-Chancellor, or the Exchequer-Chancellor, but the Chief Secretary of State also functioned as head of the royal court and with it the many departments and factories under its management. In some characterizations, the Chief Secretary of State and Chancellor were co-heads of government, as co-operation between the two was more frequent than their opposition towards the mid-1810s.
This détente between differing philosophies and policy outlook deteriorated at the death of Emperor ′Ēi in 1821 and ascension of his successor, Emperor Kryāng. The Baron of Qrīk became Chief Secretary, and his immediate task became the aggressive expansion of royal finance both to discharge debts to the state treasury. Increases in prices of mineral ores and land rents angered many business investors that the previous sovereign had attracted onto his properties. In response, the attitudes of the aristocracy also hardened, extending to extracting concessions from Qrīk serving as Chief Secretary and threatening to enact further sanctions on the royal exchequer. This resistance in turn inspired resistance from Kryāng, who invested in foreign colonies despite the Chancellor's policy of non-interference with Casaterran colonists on the continent.
Kryāng's unexpected death in 1825 signalled the end for any serious hope for recapturing of the continent, but co-operation between the Chancellor and Chief Secretary continued. In the earlier part of Emperor Ng′ars's reign, his Chief Secretary the Baron of Ran proved more competent than the aristocracy had expected, especially compared to the Baron of Tups, who was Chancellor. Tups's line, the suppression of the royal estate and collection of debts from it, appeared old and tired against a more conciliatory approach by Ran, especially when the Crown's domestic business ventures had attracted a considerable deal of investment and was professionally managed. As the Crown lost objectives countervailing to the aristocracy, the two offices began to merge.
In 1833, Ran, as Chief Secretary, was made Vice-Chancellor; without a full Chancellor over him, he was able to be involved in both spheres of government and retain the support of both the aristocracy and crown. In this wise, Ran was viewed as the first "modern" prime minister "whose authority was more founded upon a mutual respect between the crown and aristocracy, rather than a will to check each other." It was also at this time that the role of prime minister became more detached from administrative work. These compromises made between several generations of aristocratic leaders and monarchs are, in the view of some authors, the underlying political realities that made the introduction of the Westminster system possible.
The deputies of the President of Correspondence are the Minister of the Left (左僕射, dzar-bok-mljagh) and Minister of the Right (右僕射, gwrje′-bok-mljagh), in this order. However, the Minister of the Left may be prime minister when the office of President is vacant, such as during the premiership of Lord Tl'jang-mjen (1872 – 78). Tl'jang-mjen governed as Minister of the Left to avoid becoming a peer upon appointment, and he was consistently named as prime minister both in speech and writing, reflecting that the office of prime minister is not attached to that of President. In this situation, the next most senior minister will usually not use the title of Minister of the Right, but the lower one of Secretary of State for Rites.
Style of address
In reference, most Themiclesians use the title "president of correspondence" before the prime minister's personal name, in the initial instance. Where context is clear, normally only the title is used. For example, the current prime minister would be referred to as "president of correspondence, Le" (尚書令貽) then as "president of correspondence" (尚書令). In speech, the prime minister is typically called "my lord prime minister" (相君), since prime ministers had usually been peers. In letter salutations, the prime minister is styled ntenh-g′ra′ (殿下) or kap-g′ra′ (閤下), referring to the palace in the Chancery and the small gates leading to private quarters in the same, respectively. These styles are usually translated as "Your Highness" and "Your Excellency". If an incumbent or former prime minister dies, the appropriate honorific is m′eng (薨), meaning "have gone to the dreams".
The use of the style "Your Highness" relative to the prime minister is considered only appropriate in official writing where the addressee is identified as the Chancellor. If the letter is bound for the prime minister personally, or when the prime minister is not the Chancellor, "Your Excellency" is considered socially correct.
In foreign languages, the prime minister is simply called "the Prime Minister". Traditional media do not use the phrase "Mr. Prime Minister", but it is occasionally seen in the foreign press.
It was customary for many centuries for the prime minister to be a peer. Peers were frequently from generations of counsellors to the monarchy and therefore enjoyed preferrment to the crown. While peers do not always form a political party, the monarch usually strived to maintain a working relationship with them, if for nothing more than a check on the civil service. If the throne was strong, prime ministers could be promoted from administrators and be made peers; if not, the prime minister was usually selected from the ranks of the peers. The wider court agreed with this arrangement, as peers were a conservative influence, whereas bureaucrats could be eager for achievement. The benefit of stability was also conferred by having a peer in charge, since other peers effectively formed his council; drastic policies were made less likely.
Following the Great Settlement, the peers behaved as a dovish political party and gained an upper hand at court against the hawkish civil service. The crown attempted without success to wrest power from the peers on several occasions; as a response, the peers made it a legal requirement that the President of Correspondence be a peer. In the previous century's continuous warfare, many commoners have distinguished themselves and become the emperor's prime minister, while peers were weary that the balance of power was shifting to the bureaucrats supported military activity. While the military has become a tool of social mobility to some extent, ministers were still chosen from bureaucrats with a long family history of public service.
After 1820, it was once again the rule that all prime ministers be made peers upon appointment, not broken until 1872 when Lord Tl'jang-mjen refused a peerage, as his power base was in the House of Commons. In 1875, rising Conservative politician Lord Gwrjang-goi, became the Lord of Krungh at his father's death and was thereby set back in his career for more than two decades, losing his rapport in the House of Commons and having to compete with the Lord of M'i for primacy in the upper house. In the 1900s, some prime ministers have used, amidst criticism, the peerage as weapons to unseat party rivals or to end a perdecessor's political career, since governing as a peer became difficult since the resignation of the Lord of Sloi in 1931. Following similar laws in Anglia and Lerchernt, it was made possible to refuse or resign a peerage in 1957.
Since Go Mjanh-kje, peerages have been offered to prime ministers at resignation, instead of appointment; this is supported by both parties as the less politically-disruptive option, while still retaining an important and traditional dignity for a prime minister. However, many prime ministers did not wish to take a peerage even at resignation, if they believe they would return to power in the Commons. Since the Pan-Septentrion War, former prime ministers have generally been allowed to take up a peerage at request, which usually occurred at retirement instead of resignation.
The issue of a peer serving as prime minister again arose in 1971. The general election that year had given a plurality to the Conservatives, whose favourite was Ben Kro C.; however, Kro suffered a heart attack days before the formal resignation of the outgoing government leader, and in his place Conservative leaders selected the Baron of S.rong-sngrar, who had been the shadow minister for foreign affairs and was active in diplomatic service to Hallia and Anglia. Equally importantly, S.rong-sngrar's seat in the House of Lords liberated him from the need to undergo by-election upon appointment. While the peer was appointed without contestation, the parties in opposition generated much negative publicity surrounding the fact the prime minister never held elected office. The Attorney-general and other prominent jurists defended S.rong-sngrar's appointment on legal grounds, though with no voice or apparent deputy in the lower house, his administration encountered many difficulties and was widely considered unsatisfactory even amongst Conservative circles. The opposition united in 1972 and ousted S.rong-sngrar.
Two other peers, the Baronness of Prja and the Baron of Nu have been prime minister since 1972, and both led caretaker governments: Prja was in office for 22 days in 1977, and Nu, 15 days in 1989.
List of positions
- Tsins to late Mrangs (c. 290 to 710): Chancellor
- Late Mrangs (710 – 752): First Vice-Chancellor and Second Vice-Chancellor
- Dzi (752 – 1080): Chancellor
- Dren (1080 – 1210): Chancellor
- Ngwets (1210 – 1410): President of Secretaries
- Republic (1410 – 1503): Elder cum Chancellor
- Ra (1503 – 1624): President of Secretaries
- L′o (1624 – 1667): President of Secretaries
- Modern period (from 1667): President of Secretaries
List of holders since 1800
|Anti-royalist → Conservative|
|Imperialist → Reformist → Liberal|
|Progressive Alliance → Progressive|
|Independent or other|
|Baron of Gar-lang||河陽矦||Oct. 2, 1800||†Jan. 14, 1814||N/A||Chancellor|
|Baron of Kars-ding||建成矦||Feb. 5, 1814||Nov. 27, 1817||Chancellor|
|Baron of Mens-lang (1)||文陽矦||Dec. 1, 1817||May 22, 1821||Chancellor|
|Baron of Sghang||庠矦||May 22, 1821||Jul. 29, 1823||Vice-Chancellor|
|C||Baron of Mens-lang (2)||文陽矦||Jul. 31, 1823||Oct. 12, 1825||Vice-Chancellor|
|C||Baron of Hrus||孝矦||Nov. 10, 1825||†Apr. 2, 1826||Vice-Chancellor|
|C||Baron of Tubh (1)||薱矦||Apr. 21, 1826||Sep. 30, 1833||Chancellor|
|Baron of P.ran (1)||闌矦||Oct. 5, 1833||Feb. 22, 1836||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Baron of Tubh (2)||薱矦||Feb. 22, 1836||Sep. 30, 1836||Vice-Chancellor|
|Baron of P.ran (2)||闌矦||Oct. 5, 1836||Mar. 10, 1838||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Chief Baron of Mrangs||魯孟矦||Mar. 10, 1838||Dec. 5, 1838||Chancellor|
|Baron of S.tsrungs||淙矦||Dec. 5, 1838||Nov. 1, 1839||Chancellor|
|Baron of Ng′rar′-lang||彥陽矦||Nov. 1, 1839||Apr. 2, 1840||Vice-Chancellor|
|C||Baron of K.r′egh-qrum (1)||徠陰矦||Apr. 2, 1840||Jul. 12, 1841||Chancellor|
|Baron of P.ran (3)||闌矦||Jul. 12, 1841||Aug. 2, 1843||Vice-Chancellor|
|C||Baron of K.r′egh-qrum (2)||徠陰矦||Aug. 2, 1843||Feb. 5, 1844||Chancellor|
|Baron of Lri||遲矦||Feb. 5, 1844||Jun. 24, 1844||Chief Secretary of State|
|Baron of Rai-lang (1)||漓陽矦||Jan. 15, 1844||Jul. 22, 1847||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Baron of Qrik-lang||益陽矦||Jul. 23, 1847||Sep. 14, 1847||House of Lords||Vice-Chancellor|
|L||Baron of Rai-lang (2)||漓陽矦||Sep. 14, 1847||Jun. 10, 1858||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Baron of Ghwar (1)||桓矦||Jun. 10, 1858||Dec. 1, 1858||House of Lords||Vice-Chancellor|
|L||Baron of Rai-lang (3)||漓陽矦||Dec. 1, 1858||Jun. 10, 1859||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Baron of Ghwar (2)||桓矦||Jun. 14, 1859||Feb. 4, 1861||House of Lords||Vice-Chancellor|
|L||Chief Baron of Sng′ra′ (1)||楚矦||Feb. 11, 1861||Nov. 30, 1866||House of Lords||Vice-Chancellor|
Chief Secretary of State
|C||Baron of Nya′-qrum||女陰矦||Nov. 30, 1866||Mar. 5, 1869||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|L||Chief Baron of Sng′ra′ (2)||楚矦||Mar. 7, 1869||Dec. 1, 1873||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|L||Lord Tl′ang-men||昌文君||Dec. 1, 1873||Mar. 22, 1878||Kien-k'ang West||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Baron of M′il (1)||迷矦||May 15, 1878||Jul. 21, 1880||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|L||Lord L′wang-men (1)||通文君||Jul. 22, 1880||Nov. 25, 1886||Sng'rja||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Baron of M′i (2)||迷矦||Nov. 25, 1886||Jan. 22, 1889||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|L||Lord L′wang-men (2)||通文君||Jan. 27, 1889||Feb. 4, 1891||Sng'rja||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Baron of S.nur-lang||綏陽矦||Feb. 4, 1891||Oct. 5, 1894||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Baron of Krungs||洚矦||Oct. 6, 1894||Apr. 3, 1897||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|L||Baron of N′ars||漢矦||Apr. 3, 1897||Jun. 2, 1900||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Baron of Krungs||洚矦||Jun. 5, 1900||May 10, 1907||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Baron of Rem-′an||臨安矦||May 12, 1907||Mar. 10, 1909||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|L||Baron of Mik (1)||邲矦||Mar. 22, 1909||Jan. 15, 1911||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Baron of Slwai (1)||隨矦||Jan. 15, 1911||Nov. 22, 1915||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|L||Goh Mjanh-kje (1)||冓萬基||Nov. 22, 1915||Apr. 30, 1916||Ra-tong||Secretary of State for Finance|
|L||Baron of Mik (2)||邲矦||Apr. 30, 1916||Jul. 13, 1918||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|L||Goh Mjanh-kje (2)||冓萬基||Nov. 22, 1915||Apr. 30, 1916||Ra-tong||Secretary of State for Finance|
|C||Baron of Slwai (2)||隨矦||Jul. 13, 1918||Oct. 7, 1921||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|L||Rjuk Mer||陸敏||Oct. 8, 1921||Oct. 5, 1927||Kien-k'ang Korh||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Baron of Slwai (3)||隨矦||Oct. 5, 1927||Mar. 22, 1930||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|L||Poqs Gw′ei (1)||付闈||Mar. 29, 1930||Nov. 10, 1933||Hibh||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Baron of Slwai (4)||隨矦||Nov. 11, 1933||Apr. 10, 1935||House of Lords||Chief Secretary of State|
|L||Pwaqs Gw′ei (2)||付闈||Apr. 10, 1935||Sep. 24, 1935||Hibh||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Lram Lwang||談通||Sep. 24, 1935||Mar. 1, 1936||Brjih-an||Chief Secretary of State|
|Lram Lwang (national)||談通||Mar. 1, 1936||Jun. 5, 1942||Brjih-an||Chief Secretary of State|
|Pwaqs Gw′jei (national)||付闈||Jun. 5, 1942||Oct. 2, 1947||Hibh South||Chief Secretary of State|
|C||Trung N.lem||充滕||Oct. 2, 1947||May 30, 1950||Kien-k'ang Gwreng||Chief Secretary of State|
- According to some, this outcome is inevitable after the franchise has been made universal in 1907. By that point, the House of Lords can no longer claim to represent the interests, however obliquely, of classes excluded from the franchise: the House of Commons now represented the interests of virtually all Themiclesians. This argument was once the upper house's standard defence, that they represented the interests of their tenants and even the entire agrarian economy.
- If the Cabinet Secretaries are following the Prime Minister, their transports would be called "Accompanitant A" (甲副) and "Accompanitant B" (乙副), respectively.
- In situations where two similar things require differentiation, opposite descriptors were frequently used; the words "right" and "left" have no physical relevance, except to provide a contrast.
- The other royal houses of Themiclesia did not recognize the name change from Tsjinh to Sungh.