2015 Weranian federal election: Difference between revisions
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| image2 = [[File: | | image2 = [[File:Christian Schmidt (CSU) 2013.jpg|160x160px]] | ||
| leader2 = [[Günter Schaefer]] | | leader2 = [[Günter Schaefer]] | ||
| leader_since2 = 24<sup>th</sup> July 2011 | | leader_since2 = 24<sup>th</sup> July 2011 | ||
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| image3 = [[File: | | image3 = [[File:Karel Schwarzenberg 2019 Praha.jpg|160x160px]] | ||
| leader3 = [[Klaus Reimann]] | | leader3 = [[Klaus Reimann]] | ||
| leader_since3 = 6<sup>th</sup> September 2009 | | leader_since3 = 6<sup>th</sup> September 2009 | ||
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<!--OSAI--> | <!--OSAI--> | ||
| image5 = [[File: | | image5 = [[File:2011-05-18-landtagsprojekt-erfurt-070.jpg|160x160px]] | ||
| leader5 = [[Peter Lötzsch]] | | leader5 = [[Peter Lötzsch]] | ||
| leader_since5 = 17<sup>th</sup> May 2012 | | leader_since5 = 17<sup>th</sup> May 2012 | ||
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<!-- Result --> | <!-- Result --> | ||
| title = [[ | | title = [[Premier of Werania|Premier]] | ||
| before_election = [[Viktor Oberhauser]] | | before_election = [[Viktor Oberhauser]] | ||
| before_party = [[Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania|SPRO]] | | before_party = [[Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania|SPRO]] | ||
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The '''44<sup>th</sup> federal election''' was held in the [[Werania|Weranian Confederation]] for the [[House of Deputies (Werania)|House of Deputies]] (the lower house of the [[Bundestag of Werania|Bundestag]]) on the 22<sup>nd</sup> May 2015. All 545 members of the House of Deputies were elected under a {{Wp|single non-transferable vote}} system in multi-member electoral districts. The election saw the governing [[Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania|Social Democratic Radical Party]]-[[Modern Centre Party (Werania)|Modern Centre Party]] emerge as the largest bloc but losing its {{wp|absolute majority}}. Gains were made by almost all parties outside the governing coalition although none of them were particularly large. The election resulted in the continuation of the SRPO-PMZ government with support from two minor parties, the [[Weranic Section of the Workers' International]] and the [[Sotirian Democratic Homeland]]. | The '''44<sup>th</sup> federal election''' was held in the [[Werania|Weranian Confederation]] for the [[House of Deputies (Werania)|House of Deputies]] (the lower house of the [[Bundestag of Werania|Bundestag]]) on the 22<sup>nd</sup> May 2015. All 545 members of the House of Deputies were elected under a {{Wp|single non-transferable vote}} system in multi-member electoral districts. The election saw the governing [[Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania|Social Democratic Radical Party]]-[[Modern Centre Party (Werania)|Modern Centre Party]] emerge as the largest bloc but losing its {{wp|absolute majority}}. Gains were made by almost all parties outside the governing coalition although none of them were particularly large. The election resulted in the continuation of the SRPO-PMZ government with support from two minor parties, the [[Weranic Section of the Workers' International]] and the [[Sotirian Democratic Homeland]]. | ||
The election was called at the expiration of the previous House of Deputies term from 2011 to 2015. | The election was called at the expiration of the previous House of Deputies term from 2011 to 2015. Three of the five main parties - the SRPO, [[National Consolidation Party|NKP]], [[Democratic Alternative (Werania)|DA]] and OSAI - had all changed their leaders during the parliamentary term, most dramatically when SRPO leader and incumbent [[Premier of Werania|Premier]] [[Ellis Koopmann]] had been ousted by her Foreign Minister, [[Viktor Oberhauser]]. | ||
Despite the changes in leaders the election was widely regarded as one of the dullest in recent history. The outgoing government largely defended their economic record which had seen Werania through an economic recovery since the 2005 Euclean financial crisis. The opposition NKP after its disastrous result in the 2011 election was not seen as ready to hold government again. The NKP attempted to capitalise on the disunity within the government - particularly with the ouster of Koopmann - to regain lost ground, but its own internal infighting meant it's leader [[Günter Schaefer]] was not perceived as a credible candidate for | Despite the changes in leaders the election was widely regarded as one of the dullest in recent history. The outgoing government largely defended their economic record which had seen Werania through an economic recovery since the 2005 Euclean financial crisis. The opposition NKP after its disastrous result in the 2011 election was not seen as ready to hold government again. The NKP attempted to capitalise on the disunity within the government - particularly with the ouster of Koopmann - to regain lost ground, but its own internal infighting meant it's leader [[Günter Schaefer]] was not perceived as a credible candidate for premier. The lack of support for the NKP meant smaller parties attempted to portray themselves as the main opposition force but none managed to stand out. The themes of the election included the economy, government infighting and corruption, migration and the Euclean Community although the campaigns lacked a consistent narrative. | ||
The governing coalition lost only a handful of seats but enough to deprive it of a majority, forcing them to work with smaller parties who benefited from both the government's lukewarm popularity and the NKP's lack thereof. This was only the third time in Weranian history that a {{wp|centre-left}} government was re-elected to a second term (after the 1954 and 1988 elections). | The governing coalition lost only a handful of seats but enough to deprive it of a majority, forcing them to work with smaller parties who benefited from both the government's lukewarm popularity and the NKP's lack thereof. This was only the third time in Weranian history that a {{wp|centre-left}} government was re-elected to a second term (after the 1954 and 1988 elections). | ||
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Voters have to registrar to vote by the 20 April. In order to be eligible to vote one must be over the age of 18, be a citizen of Werania, have a permanent address in Werania and not be currently in prison. | Voters have to registrar to vote by the 20 April. In order to be eligible to vote one must be over the age of 18, be a citizen of Werania, have a permanent address in Werania and not be currently in prison. | ||
Each party by convention nominates a single " | Each party by convention nominates a single "premier candidate" ({{wp|Lead Candidate|spitzenkandidat}}) that leads the party in debates, even if the party has multiple leaders. However only the largest parties spitzenkandidats - the NKP and SRPO - are considered to be likely to become premier. | ||
==Background== | ==Background== | ||
The last federal election in 2011 saw a change in government from the [[National Consolidation Party]]-[[Reform Conservative Party]] coalition to one between the [[Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania|Social Democratic Radical Party]] and [[Modern Centre Party (Werania)|Modern Centre Party]]. The coalition was led by the SRPO Chairwomen [[Ellis Koopmann]] who became | The last federal election in 2011 saw a change in government from the [[National Consolidation Party]]-[[Reform Conservative Party]] coalition to one between the [[Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania|Social Democratic Radical Party]] and [[Modern Centre Party (Werania)|Modern Centre Party]]. The coalition was led by the SRPO Chairwomen [[Ellis Koopmann]] who became premier and the PMZ leader [[Klaus Reimann]] who becoming vice-premier and Minister of Finance. Koopmann was the second female premier after [[Rasa Šimonytė]]. | ||
The coalition came to power in the context of the aftermath of the 2005 Euclean financial crisis which had left Werania with an 11% unemployment rate in 2011. As a response to the crisis the outgoing NKP-RKP coalition had implemented {{wp|austerity}} policies to deal with Werania's large public debt, which was valued at a debt-to-GDP ratio of 94%. The SRPO-PMZ coalition committed to reducing the total debt burden and fiscal deficit through a mixture of steep tax increases and a retrenchment in public services with the intention of eliminating the structural deficit and reducing the public debt substantially by 2020. | The coalition came to power in the context of the aftermath of the 2005 Euclean financial crisis which had left Werania with an 11% unemployment rate in 2011. As a response to the crisis the outgoing NKP-RKP coalition had implemented {{wp|austerity}} policies to deal with Werania's large public debt, which was valued at a debt-to-GDP ratio of 94%. The SRPO-PMZ coalition committed to reducing the total debt burden and fiscal deficit through a mixture of steep tax increases and a retrenchment in public services with the intention of eliminating the structural deficit and reducing the public debt substantially by 2020. | ||
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In 2012 regional elections the SRPO performed worse then expected in Ruttland and Roetenberg, losing their place in government in the latter and failing to come first in Ruttland. However after the next budget saw {{wp|value-added-tax}} slightly reduced the government's popularity rebounded; at the 2014 House of Councillors elections the SRPO and PMZ only saw modest losses. | In 2012 regional elections the SRPO performed worse then expected in Ruttland and Roetenberg, losing their place in government in the latter and failing to come first in Ruttland. However after the next budget saw {{wp|value-added-tax}} slightly reduced the government's popularity rebounded; at the 2014 House of Councillors elections the SRPO and PMZ only saw modest losses. | ||
[[File:Finlands statsminister Mari Kiviniemi vid Nordiska radets session i Reykjavik 2010 (2).jpg|thumb|[[Ellis Koopmann]] served as | [[File:Finlands statsminister Mari Kiviniemi vid Nordiska radets session i Reykjavik 2010 (2).jpg|thumb|[[Ellis Koopmann]] served as premier from 2011 to her ousting in 2014.|250px|left]] | ||
In late 2013 government was placed under pressure when it became likely Werania's credit rating would be downgraded; as a result the government implemented a pension reform that aimed to further bolster government finances. The pension reform increased contributions rather then the retirement age; this saw a further drop in support although not as severe as during the 2011 budget. During the election campaign | In late 2013 government was placed under pressure when it became likely Werania's credit rating would be downgraded; as a result the government implemented a pension reform that aimed to further bolster government finances. The pension reform increased contributions rather then the retirement age; this saw a further drop in support although not as severe as during the 2011 budget. During the election campaign premier Koopmann had announced her support for for same-sex marriage and adoption for LGBT+ couples; this was subsequently brought back to attention in early 2014 when Koopmann promoted the passage of a bill, the Marriage Equality Act, that would legalise same-sex marriage in Werania on a federal level (already being in place in several provinces). The bill passed with the support of the left in the Bundestag; however the right voted against it. Although acclaimed by LGBT+ activists the move polarised parts of Weranian society. | ||
By late 2014 the SRPO had for over a year been behind the NKP in the polls. Koopmann in particular came from harsh criticism from parts of the media (especially those associated with the Eckhardt and Nord Communications media group) for indecision, arrogance and breaking promises although her supporters stated that much coverage surrounding her was {{wp|sexism|sexist}} in nature. Nevertheless at a party meeting in September 2014 leading members from the centrist and soft left wings of the party - Lothar Holzmeister, Klaus Barchmann and [[Viktor Oberhauser]] - decided they no longer had confidence in Koopmann's leadership and filed a motion to remove her as leader. A vote held by the party's caucus saw 132 members voting for Oberhauser to become leader and 58 members in favour of Koopmann. Koopmann as a result resigned the | By late 2014 the SRPO had for over a year been behind the NKP in the polls. Koopmann in particular came from harsh criticism from parts of the media (especially those associated with the Eckhardt and Nord Communications media group) for indecision, arrogance and breaking promises although her supporters stated that much coverage surrounding her was {{wp|sexism|sexist}} in nature. Nevertheless at a party meeting in September 2014 leading members from the centrist and soft left wings of the party - Lothar Holzmeister, Klaus Barchmann and [[Viktor Oberhauser]] - decided they no longer had confidence in Koopmann's leadership and filed a motion to remove her as leader. A vote held by the party's caucus saw 132 members voting for Oberhauser to become leader and 58 members in favour of Koopmann. Koopmann as a result resigned the premiership with Oberhauser replacing her as both SRPO leader and premier on the 24 September 2014. | ||
As a result of the leadership change the SRPO's polling numbers saw a sharp increase regaining a narrow lead ahead of the NKP. By the time the election was called the two nations stood neck and neck in the polls, with commentators giving a slight edge to the incumbent government. | As a result of the leadership change the SRPO's polling numbers saw a sharp increase regaining a narrow lead ahead of the NKP. By the time the election was called the two nations stood neck and neck in the polls, with commentators giving a slight edge to the incumbent government. | ||
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{| class="wikitable" | {| class="wikitable" | ||
|- | |- | ||
| style="width: 50px;" |23 March || | | style="width: 50px;" |23 March ||Premier [[Viktor Oberhauser]] announced his intention to dissolve the House of Deputies and hold an election for the 22<sup>nd</sup> May. | ||
|- | |- | ||
| 24 March ||Holder of the Federal Presidency [[Charlotte II of Werania|Charlotte II]] approves of the | | 24 March ||Holder of the Federal Presidency [[Charlotte II of Werania|Charlotte II]] approves of the premier's request to hold an election. | ||
|- | |- | ||
| 27 March ||Formal dissolution of the House of Deputies; start of campaign period. | | 27 March ||Formal dissolution of the House of Deputies; start of campaign period. | ||
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| {{wp|Left-wing politics|Left}} | | {{wp|Left-wing politics|Left}} | ||
| style="background:#F0001C" | | | style="background:#F0001C" | | ||
| [[File: | | [[File:OSAI logo.png|50px]] | ||
| [[Weranic Section of the Workers' International]] | | [[Weranic Section of the Workers' International]] | ||
| {{wp|Socialism}}, {{wp|Libertarian socialism}} | | {{wp|Socialism}}, {{wp|Libertarian socialism}} | ||
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The SRPO and PMZ both defended their records in the outgoing government, although under new leaderships stressed differences in their approaches. The SRPO pledged that the next government would retain a more "social" focus with a greater emphasis on increasing spending in health and education. The SRPO pledged to work to reduce classroom sizes to an average of 20 per class and reform the health sector to make certain private treatments more affordable by linking them to {{wp|private finance initiatives}} within hospitals. The SRPO stated they would not raise consumption tax, but did not rule out other tax raises. A key feature of the SRPO's campaign was the message of the benefits of the current government and of the harsher austerity policies pursued by the former NKP-led coalition if the right returned to power. | The SRPO and PMZ both defended their records in the outgoing government, although under new leaderships stressed differences in their approaches. The SRPO pledged that the next government would retain a more "social" focus with a greater emphasis on increasing spending in health and education. The SRPO pledged to work to reduce classroom sizes to an average of 20 per class and reform the health sector to make certain private treatments more affordable by linking them to {{wp|private finance initiatives}} within hospitals. The SRPO stated they would not raise consumption tax, but did not rule out other tax raises. A key feature of the SRPO's campaign was the message of the benefits of the current government and of the harsher austerity policies pursued by the former NKP-led coalition if the right returned to power. | ||
The PMZ also supported the policies of the outgoing government but pledged in their second term to push for a simplification of the tax system including the replacement of the current income taxation regime with a simplified two-bracket system (a 15% lower rate and 20% higher rate). The PMZ leader and vice- | The PMZ also supported the policies of the outgoing government but pledged in their second term to push for a simplification of the tax system including the replacement of the current income taxation regime with a simplified two-bracket system (a 15% lower rate and 20% higher rate). The PMZ leader and vice-premier Reimann supported a change in direction of the PMZ's climate policy, supporting a "{{wp|green liberalism|green liberal}}" agenda that sought to promote renewable industries. | ||
[[File: | [[File:Christian Schmidt, Emilia Müller und Die CubaBoarischen, Juli 2012.jpg|thumb|250px|left|NKP spitzenkandidat [[Günter Schaefer]] speaking with party supporters in Prizen.]] | ||
The NKP's campaign was mostly based around fiscal policy. It harshly criticised the tax increases under the outgoing government and pledged to replace the existing tax system with a {{wp|flat tax}} of 22% for all income taxes. The NKP also sought to cut public spending more efficiently whilst streamlining public services in order to increase their effectiveness. Despite pressure from the NKP grassroots their leader Schaefer stated that the NKP would change neither the current abortion or LGBT+ laws which sparked controversy as reversing same-sex marriage was a popular talking point amongst right-wing activists in Werania. Schaefer also stated his support for the current government's EC policy which also attracted discontent with right-wing activists in the NKP. | The NKP's campaign was mostly based around fiscal policy. It harshly criticised the tax increases under the outgoing government and pledged to replace the existing tax system with a {{wp|flat tax}} of 22% for all income taxes. The NKP also sought to cut public spending more efficiently whilst streamlining public services in order to increase their effectiveness. Despite pressure from the NKP grassroots their leader Schaefer stated that the NKP would change neither the current abortion or LGBT+ laws which sparked controversy as reversing same-sex marriage was a popular talking point amongst right-wing activists in Werania. Schaefer also stated his support for the current government's EC policy which also attracted discontent with right-wing activists in the NKP. Schaefer was personally unpopular being seen as too linked to the previous NKP-led government. | ||
As a result of a lack of enthusiasm for the three main parties support for smaller parties increased during the campaign. The Democratic Alternative party in particular reiterated hardline anti-EC rhetoric stating if they supported a government a referendum on the Euclo would be a "red line" for their participation and calling for an end of freedom of movement within the EC. The Weranic Section of the Workers' International also criticised the government's economic policy as having led to a "''dictatorship of austerity''" and called for a radical expansionary policy to reinvigorate the economy whilst supporting workers' cooperatives over big business. Both these campaigns were noted to tap into populist discontent with the current government on both the left and the right. | As a result of a lack of enthusiasm for the three main parties support for smaller parties increased during the campaign. The Democratic Alternative party in particular reiterated hardline anti-EC rhetoric stating if they supported a government a referendum on the Euclo would be a "red line" for their participation and calling for an end of freedom of movement within the EC. The Weranic Section of the Workers' International also criticised the government's economic policy as having led to a "''dictatorship of austerity''" and called for a radical expansionary policy to reinvigorate the economy whilst supporting workers' cooperatives over big business. Both these campaigns were noted to tap into populist discontent with the current government on both the left and the right. | ||
[[File: | [[File:Volby prezidenta 2013-01-26 Lucerna Music Bar 05.JPG|thumb|PMZ spitzenkandidat [[Klaus Reimann]] (right) speaking to voters in Roetenberg.|250px]] | ||
As the government was seen as risking the possibility of losing governance who would make up the composition of the next government was a hotly debated topic in the leadup to the election. The SRPO and PMZ both stated they would prefer to form another government together with the possibility of bringing the centre-left Green Party into government as well. The SRPO also stated it was open to working with the OSAI if the latter moderated its calls for a restructuring of the banking sector although the PMZ were more sceptical of cooperating with the OSAI. The NKP meanwhile was unclear of whether it would enter a "union of the right" with the SDT and the DA, with the NKP leadership split on whether to cooperate with the DA. This was seen to lose the right as a whole votes as the prospect of the right gaining a parliamentary majority seemed slim and the PMZ were non-committal to the idea of a centre-right government between them and the NKP. | As the government was seen as risking the possibility of losing governance who would make up the composition of the next government was a hotly debated topic in the leadup to the election. The SRPO and PMZ both stated they would prefer to form another government together with the possibility of bringing the centre-left Green Party into government as well. The SRPO also stated it was open to working with the OSAI if the latter moderated its calls for a restructuring of the banking sector although the PMZ were more sceptical of cooperating with the OSAI. The NKP meanwhile was unclear of whether it would enter a "union of the right" with the SDT and the DA, with the NKP leadership split on whether to cooperate with the DA. This was seen to lose the right as a whole votes as the prospect of the right gaining a parliamentary majority seemed slim and the PMZ were non-committal to the idea of a centre-right government between them and the NKP. | ||
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Although both the SRPO and PMZ leaderships preferred a centrist minority such a coalition would have in the House of Deputies led to concerns that the government would find it difficult to pass legislation. Although a SRPO-PMZ-Green coalition had ruled on provincial levels before the prospect of reviving such an alliance on a federal level was seen as slim. The Green's economic policies had been criticised by the governing parties and the PMZ in particular was opposed to the Greens entering government unless it moderated its economic programme. Nevertheless commentators following the election theorised that a left-wing coalition was the most likely result. | Although both the SRPO and PMZ leaderships preferred a centrist minority such a coalition would have in the House of Deputies led to concerns that the government would find it difficult to pass legislation. Although a SRPO-PMZ-Green coalition had ruled on provincial levels before the prospect of reviving such an alliance on a federal level was seen as slim. The Green's economic policies had been criticised by the governing parties and the PMZ in particular was opposed to the Greens entering government unless it moderated its economic programme. Nevertheless commentators following the election theorised that a left-wing coalition was the most likely result. | ||
The deadlock with the smaller parties made the prospect of a grand coalition more likely after several weeks of deadlock. On the 12 July Oberhauser reportedly reached out with NKP leader Schaefer on the possibility of forming a grand coalition with Oberhauser as | The deadlock with the smaller parties made the prospect of a grand coalition more likely after several weeks of deadlock. On the 12 July Oberhauser reportedly reached out with NKP leader Schaefer on the possibility of forming a grand coalition with Oberhauser as premier. NKP officials however rejected a grand coalition government out of hand preferring to sit in opposition. | ||
The SRPO and PMZ were by the end of July "desperate" to form a government as opinion polling showed them scoring even worse results if a {{wp|snap election}} was held. A series of last minute negotiations were held over the first two weeks of August when PMZ politician [[Ludwig Ngo]] proposed an alternate solution - rather then attempt to form a coalition the SRPO and PMZ would govern as a {{wp|minority government}} with {{wp|confidence and supply}} from opposition parties similar to what the NKP did during the 1960's. The "Ngo solution" was seen to break the impasse when on the 12 August and 16 August respectively deals were signed with the [[Aldman People's Party]] | The SRPO and PMZ were by the end of July "desperate" to form a government as opinion polling showed them scoring even worse results if a {{wp|snap election}} was held. A series of last minute negotiations were held over the first two weeks of August when PMZ politician [[Ludwig Ngo]] proposed an alternate solution - rather then attempt to form a coalition the SRPO and PMZ would govern as a {{wp|minority government}} with {{wp|confidence and supply}} from opposition parties similar to what the NKP did during the 1960's. The "Ngo solution" was seen to break the impasse when on the 12 August and 16 August respectively deals were signed with the [[Aldman People's Party]] and the [[Sotirian Democratic Homeland]], giving the government a slim majority. The AVP and SDT would agree to vote with the government or abstain on confidence motions and budgets provided they were consulted on budgetary matters. As long as all members of the four parties either supported or abstained on either votes the government would have a greater share of seats then the opposition giving them a working majority. | ||
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center; font-size:98%;" | {| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center; font-size:98%;" | ||
|- | |- | ||
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| • [[Weranic Section of the Workers' International|OSAI]] (26) | | • [[Weranic Section of the Workers' International|OSAI]] (26) | ||
| • [[Green Party (Werania)|Greens]] (16) | | • [[Green Party (Werania)|Greens]] (16) | ||
| • [[Weranic Völkisch Freedom Party|OVFP]] (11) | | • [[Weranic Völkisch Freedom Party|OVFP]] (11) | ||
| • [[National Coalition for Independence|NNK]] (8) | | • [[National Coalition for Independence|NNK]] (8) | ||
| • [[United Party (Charlotte Island)|VP/AP]] (1) | | • [[United Party (Charlotte Island)|VP/AP]] (1) | ||
}} | }} | ||
| {{Composition bar| | | {{Composition bar|246|545|red|width=125px}} | ||
| {{Composition bar| | | {{Composition bar|246|545|red|width=125px}} | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="background:gray;"| | ! style="background:gray;"| | ||
| align="left"| {{Collapsible list | title = <span style="font-weight:normal;">Abstentions</span> | | align="left"| {{Collapsible list | title = <span style="font-weight:normal;">Abstentions</span> | ||
| • [[Sotirian Democratic Homeland|SDT]] (25) | |||
| • [[Aldman People's Party|AVP]] (2) | | • [[Aldman People's Party|AVP]] (2) | ||
}} | }} | ||
| {{Composition bar| | | {{Composition bar|27|545|gray|width=125px}} | ||
| {{Composition bar| | | {{Composition bar|27|545|gray|width=125px}} | ||
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Latest revision as of 02:19, 12 December 2023
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All 545 seats to the House of Deputies 273 seats are needed for a majority in the House of Deputies | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Turnout | 34,331,427 (74.17%) 1.41% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Map of constituency seats won (upper) and of states won in the proportional block (lower). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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The 44th federal election was held in the Weranian Confederation for the House of Deputies (the lower house of the Bundestag) on the 22nd May 2015. All 545 members of the House of Deputies were elected under a single non-transferable vote system in multi-member electoral districts. The election saw the governing Social Democratic Radical Party-Modern Centre Party emerge as the largest bloc but losing its absolute majority. Gains were made by almost all parties outside the governing coalition although none of them were particularly large. The election resulted in the continuation of the SRPO-PMZ government with support from two minor parties, the Weranic Section of the Workers' International and the Sotirian Democratic Homeland.
The election was called at the expiration of the previous House of Deputies term from 2011 to 2015. Three of the five main parties - the SRPO, NKP, DA and OSAI - had all changed their leaders during the parliamentary term, most dramatically when SRPO leader and incumbent Premier Ellis Koopmann had been ousted by her Foreign Minister, Viktor Oberhauser.
Despite the changes in leaders the election was widely regarded as one of the dullest in recent history. The outgoing government largely defended their economic record which had seen Werania through an economic recovery since the 2005 Euclean financial crisis. The opposition NKP after its disastrous result in the 2011 election was not seen as ready to hold government again. The NKP attempted to capitalise on the disunity within the government - particularly with the ouster of Koopmann - to regain lost ground, but its own internal infighting meant it's leader Günter Schaefer was not perceived as a credible candidate for premier. The lack of support for the NKP meant smaller parties attempted to portray themselves as the main opposition force but none managed to stand out. The themes of the election included the economy, government infighting and corruption, migration and the Euclean Community although the campaigns lacked a consistent narrative.
The governing coalition lost only a handful of seats but enough to deprive it of a majority, forcing them to work with smaller parties who benefited from both the government's lukewarm popularity and the NKP's lack thereof. This was only the third time in Weranian history that a centre-left government was re-elected to a second term (after the 1954 and 1988 elections).
Turnout was 74.17%, a small decline from 75.58% in the last election.
Electoral process
Werania has since 1952 used a mixed-member majoritarian system. 300 seats are elected by proportional representation with the entire country treated as a single electoral district and a 3% electoral threshold being in place. The other 245 seats are elected via single-member constituencies through a first-past-the-post voting system. The current electoral boundaries for the 245 constituency seats were approved in 2010 by the Electoral Board, with boundaries being decided every 10 years based on census data. Should a party have 273 or more representative in the House of Deputies, it has an absolute majority and could thus govern autonomously, without a coalition partner. The constitution can be amended with a supermajority of two-thirds, or 360 deputies.
In 2012 the government passed a law that created dedicated seats for expatriate Weranians for the first time. Five district seats out of 545 were created for the 2015 election - three in Euclea (North Euclea, South Euclea and West Euclea) one in Coius and one covering both Asteria's.
Voters have to registrar to vote by the 20 April. In order to be eligible to vote one must be over the age of 18, be a citizen of Werania, have a permanent address in Werania and not be currently in prison.
Each party by convention nominates a single "premier candidate" (spitzenkandidat) that leads the party in debates, even if the party has multiple leaders. However only the largest parties spitzenkandidats - the NKP and SRPO - are considered to be likely to become premier.
Background
The last federal election in 2011 saw a change in government from the National Consolidation Party-Reform Conservative Party coalition to one between the Social Democratic Radical Party and Modern Centre Party. The coalition was led by the SRPO Chairwomen Ellis Koopmann who became premier and the PMZ leader Klaus Reimann who becoming vice-premier and Minister of Finance. Koopmann was the second female premier after Rasa Šimonytė.
The coalition came to power in the context of the aftermath of the 2005 Euclean financial crisis which had left Werania with an 11% unemployment rate in 2011. As a response to the crisis the outgoing NKP-RKP coalition had implemented austerity policies to deal with Werania's large public debt, which was valued at a debt-to-GDP ratio of 94%. The SRPO-PMZ coalition committed to reducing the total debt burden and fiscal deficit through a mixture of steep tax increases and a retrenchment in public services with the intention of eliminating the structural deficit and reducing the public debt substantially by 2020.
The 2011 budget became controversial when the government reneged on a promise made during the 2011 election to repeal the 2008 Employment Law which had significantly deregulated the labour market and made it much easier to hire and fire workers, instead passing an amended version that made only light changes to the 2008 Law. The budget also attracted controversy over the introduction of a new tax rate on revenue earned above €1,000,000 annually with the tax rate being 65%. The tax attracted criticism as being an "attack on the wealthy" although the government justified it by saying tough measures needed to be implemented to deal with the debt and deficit.
In 2012 regional elections the SRPO performed worse then expected in Ruttland and Roetenberg, losing their place in government in the latter and failing to come first in Ruttland. However after the next budget saw value-added-tax slightly reduced the government's popularity rebounded; at the 2014 House of Councillors elections the SRPO and PMZ only saw modest losses.
In late 2013 government was placed under pressure when it became likely Werania's credit rating would be downgraded; as a result the government implemented a pension reform that aimed to further bolster government finances. The pension reform increased contributions rather then the retirement age; this saw a further drop in support although not as severe as during the 2011 budget. During the election campaign premier Koopmann had announced her support for for same-sex marriage and adoption for LGBT+ couples; this was subsequently brought back to attention in early 2014 when Koopmann promoted the passage of a bill, the Marriage Equality Act, that would legalise same-sex marriage in Werania on a federal level (already being in place in several provinces). The bill passed with the support of the left in the Bundestag; however the right voted against it. Although acclaimed by LGBT+ activists the move polarised parts of Weranian society.
By late 2014 the SRPO had for over a year been behind the NKP in the polls. Koopmann in particular came from harsh criticism from parts of the media (especially those associated with the Eckhardt and Nord Communications media group) for indecision, arrogance and breaking promises although her supporters stated that much coverage surrounding her was sexist in nature. Nevertheless at a party meeting in September 2014 leading members from the centrist and soft left wings of the party - Lothar Holzmeister, Klaus Barchmann and Viktor Oberhauser - decided they no longer had confidence in Koopmann's leadership and filed a motion to remove her as leader. A vote held by the party's caucus saw 132 members voting for Oberhauser to become leader and 58 members in favour of Koopmann. Koopmann as a result resigned the premiership with Oberhauser replacing her as both SRPO leader and premier on the 24 September 2014.
As a result of the leadership change the SRPO's polling numbers saw a sharp increase regaining a narrow lead ahead of the NKP. By the time the election was called the two nations stood neck and neck in the polls, with commentators giving a slight edge to the incumbent government.
Timetable
23 March | Premier Viktor Oberhauser announced his intention to dissolve the House of Deputies and hold an election for the 22nd May. |
24 March | Holder of the Federal Presidency Charlotte II approves of the premier's request to hold an election. |
27 March | Formal dissolution of the House of Deputies; start of campaign period. |
18 April | Last day members of the public could register to vote. |
22 April | Last day in which members of the public could apply for proxy voting or postal voting. |
9 May | Last day for candidates to file nomination papers. |
22 May | Polling day |
29 May | New House of Deputies assembled |
Parties
Below are the parties of the outgoing 2011-2015 legislature who filed to run in the 2015 election.
Campaign
The SRPO and PMZ both defended their records in the outgoing government, although under new leaderships stressed differences in their approaches. The SRPO pledged that the next government would retain a more "social" focus with a greater emphasis on increasing spending in health and education. The SRPO pledged to work to reduce classroom sizes to an average of 20 per class and reform the health sector to make certain private treatments more affordable by linking them to private finance initiatives within hospitals. The SRPO stated they would not raise consumption tax, but did not rule out other tax raises. A key feature of the SRPO's campaign was the message of the benefits of the current government and of the harsher austerity policies pursued by the former NKP-led coalition if the right returned to power.
The PMZ also supported the policies of the outgoing government but pledged in their second term to push for a simplification of the tax system including the replacement of the current income taxation regime with a simplified two-bracket system (a 15% lower rate and 20% higher rate). The PMZ leader and vice-premier Reimann supported a change in direction of the PMZ's climate policy, supporting a "green liberal" agenda that sought to promote renewable industries.
The NKP's campaign was mostly based around fiscal policy. It harshly criticised the tax increases under the outgoing government and pledged to replace the existing tax system with a flat tax of 22% for all income taxes. The NKP also sought to cut public spending more efficiently whilst streamlining public services in order to increase their effectiveness. Despite pressure from the NKP grassroots their leader Schaefer stated that the NKP would change neither the current abortion or LGBT+ laws which sparked controversy as reversing same-sex marriage was a popular talking point amongst right-wing activists in Werania. Schaefer also stated his support for the current government's EC policy which also attracted discontent with right-wing activists in the NKP. Schaefer was personally unpopular being seen as too linked to the previous NKP-led government.
As a result of a lack of enthusiasm for the three main parties support for smaller parties increased during the campaign. The Democratic Alternative party in particular reiterated hardline anti-EC rhetoric stating if they supported a government a referendum on the Euclo would be a "red line" for their participation and calling for an end of freedom of movement within the EC. The Weranic Section of the Workers' International also criticised the government's economic policy as having led to a "dictatorship of austerity" and called for a radical expansionary policy to reinvigorate the economy whilst supporting workers' cooperatives over big business. Both these campaigns were noted to tap into populist discontent with the current government on both the left and the right.
As the government was seen as risking the possibility of losing governance who would make up the composition of the next government was a hotly debated topic in the leadup to the election. The SRPO and PMZ both stated they would prefer to form another government together with the possibility of bringing the centre-left Green Party into government as well. The SRPO also stated it was open to working with the OSAI if the latter moderated its calls for a restructuring of the banking sector although the PMZ were more sceptical of cooperating with the OSAI. The NKP meanwhile was unclear of whether it would enter a "union of the right" with the SDT and the DA, with the NKP leadership split on whether to cooperate with the DA. This was seen to lose the right as a whole votes as the prospect of the right gaining a parliamentary majority seemed slim and the PMZ were non-committal to the idea of a centre-right government between them and the NKP.
Like with previous elections, the far-right OVFP and separatist NNK were not considered suitable parties to either join or support a government. OVFP leader Albrecht Ströher criticised the "particracy" for placing a cordon sanitaire around his party.
Opinion Polls
Results
Party | Votes | % | Seats | ± | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Constituency | Proportional | Total | |||||
Social Democratic Radical Party | 10,675,847 | 31.10 | 116 | 104 | 220 | 24 | |
National Consolidation Party | 9,786,742 | 28.51 | 59 | 92 | 151 | 14 | |
Modern Centre Party | 3,257,483 | 9.49 | 22 | 30 | 57 | 9 | |
Democratic Alternative | 2,557,493 | 7.56 | 14 | 24 | 38 | 23 | |
Weranic Section of the Workers' International | 2,385,637 | 7.05 | 4 | 24 | 26 | 3 | |
Sotirian Democratic Homeland | 1,039,583 | 3.03 | 11 | 9 | 25 | 3 | |
Green Party | 1,268,372 | 3.69 | 5 | 11 | 16 | 4 | |
Weranic Völkisch Freedom Party | 1,245,738 | 3.63 | 0 | 11 | 11 | ||
National Coalition for Independence | 858,472 | 2.50 | 8 | 0 | 8 | ||
Aldman People's Party | 248,593 | 0.72 | 2 | 0 | 2 | - | |
United Party | 15,473 | 0.05 | 1 | 0 | 1 | - | |
Others | 345,637 | 1.02 | 0 | 0 | 0 | - | |
Invalid/blank votes | 653,523 | – | – | – | - | - | |
Total | 36,209,580 | 100 | 245 | 300 | 545 | - | |
Registered voters/turnout | 46,474,226 | 78.95 | – | – | - | - |
Aftermath
Outcome
The election results saw a swing against the government 5.6%, although thanks to vote splitting the government lost only 28 seats. Losses were more extreme for the SRPO, who saw a swing of -4.46% and a loss of 17 seats whilst the PMZ saw a swing of -2.14% but a loss of 8 seats. Nevertheless the result meant that the government lost its majority in the House of Deputies as the combined totals for the SRPO and PMZ did not reach the 273 seat quorum for a majority by a single seat. The opposition NKP's unnoticeable increase in their vote were hardly improvement over the disastrous 2011 result as they did not substantially improve their position being behind the SRPO.
The election instead saw minor parties by and large increase their seat totals. The largest increase for any party during the election was for the Democratic Alternative which gained an extra 22 seats. The rise of minor parties made building a coalition very difficult - the daily newspaper the Morgenpost posted the day after the election that the election was a "defeat for the two-party system".
Government formation
Premier Oberhauser's preferred coalition of a continuation of the SRPO and PMZ did not command a majority in the House of Deputies by one seat, making the prospect of a minority government likely. The day after the election NKP leader Günter Schaefer admitted he could not see how he as NKP could lead a coalition and stated "in all likelihood we are looking at another government led by the SRPO". This was due to Schaefer's preferred coalition of the NKP, PMZ and SDT failing to secure a majority.
On the 1 June Oberhauser was appointed by Charlotte II as regierungsbildner. As the SRPO had ruled out entering government with the DA, OVFP or NNK this limited Oberhauser's options for a majority to the following -
- A minority government of the SRPO and PMZ with parliamentary support from the left-leaning parties such as the Greens and the OSAI.
- A leftist government of the SRPO, PMZ and either the Greens and the OSAI.
- A grand coalition of the SRPO and NKP.
Although both the SRPO and PMZ leaderships preferred a centrist minority such a coalition would have in the House of Deputies led to concerns that the government would find it difficult to pass legislation. Although a SRPO-PMZ-Green coalition had ruled on provincial levels before the prospect of reviving such an alliance on a federal level was seen as slim. The Green's economic policies had been criticised by the governing parties and the PMZ in particular was opposed to the Greens entering government unless it moderated its economic programme. Nevertheless commentators following the election theorised that a left-wing coalition was the most likely result.
The deadlock with the smaller parties made the prospect of a grand coalition more likely after several weeks of deadlock. On the 12 July Oberhauser reportedly reached out with NKP leader Schaefer on the possibility of forming a grand coalition with Oberhauser as premier. NKP officials however rejected a grand coalition government out of hand preferring to sit in opposition.
The SRPO and PMZ were by the end of July "desperate" to form a government as opinion polling showed them scoring even worse results if a snap election was held. A series of last minute negotiations were held over the first two weeks of August when PMZ politician Ludwig Ngo proposed an alternate solution - rather then attempt to form a coalition the SRPO and PMZ would govern as a minority government with confidence and supply from opposition parties similar to what the NKP did during the 1960's. The "Ngo solution" was seen to break the impasse when on the 12 August and 16 August respectively deals were signed with the Aldman People's Party and the Sotirian Democratic Homeland, giving the government a slim majority. The AVP and SDT would agree to vote with the government or abstain on confidence motions and budgets provided they were consulted on budgetary matters. As long as all members of the four parties either supported or abstained on either votes the government would have a greater share of seats then the opposition giving them a working majority.
Investiture Viktor Oberhauser (SRPO) | |||
Ballot → | 17 August 2015 | 20 August 2015 | |
---|---|---|---|
Required majority → | 273 out of 545 | Simple | |
272 / 545
|
272 / 545
| ||
246 / 545
|
246 / 545
| ||
27 / 545
|
27 / 545
| ||
Absentees | 0 / 545
|
0 / 545
|
The cabinet was officially sworn in on the 20 August 2015. Oberhauser was reappointed as premier whilst Klaus Reimann was retained vice-premier and Minister for Finance.
- ↑ The Greens did not nominate a spitzenkandidat with the party co-chairs representing the party in debates.
- ↑ The SDT did not nominate a spitzenkandidat with the party chair Aneta Umbraite representing the party in debates.
- ↑ The United Party did not nominate a spitzenkandidat.