Republik Bebas Ketiga

Third Free Republic Republik Bebas Ketiga
Flag
Motto: Kebebasan, Pembebasan, Kemerdekaan
Anthem: TBA
Capital	Bandar Sungai Berkembar (Twin River City)
Largest city	Bandar Sungai Berkembar
Official languages	Modern Murut (Malaysian), Mutli, Other
Recognised national languages	M-Murut, Mutli, Nyele, Raji
Recognised regional languages	Rejang, Embaloh, Salako
Ethnic groups (2018)	Murut, Mutli, Matara, Other
Demonym(s)	Keturunan
Government	Tricameral Parliamentary Republic
• Federation President	Dumadi Kepli
• Federation Minister	Khairi Haleem
Formation
• Third Murut Revolution	1864
• Second Murut Civil War	1959
• Establshment of the Third Free Republic	1969
Population
• 2020 estimate	18 million
• 2020 census	18,216,198
GDP (nominal)	2024 estimate
• Total	$75,000,000,000
• Per capita	4,117
Gini (2022)	64.5 very high
HDI (2022)	0.501 low
Currency	RBK Cip
Time zone	East Ochran
Date format	dd/mm/yyyy
Driving side	right
Calling code	+45
Internet TLD	.rbk

The RBK, officially the Third Free Republic (Modern Murut: Republik Bebas Ketiga) is a country in East Ochran comprising the land immediately around the Badan Kembar, the twin bodies of water which the early Murut population would congregate around. The Third Free Republc is a Tricamerial Confederal Republic, comprised of approximately 13 provinces, each of which possess autonomy over the vast majority of policy, excluding control of structures established by the federal government within their territory. It shares no direct land borders with neighboring powers, but is geographically close to Kiram and Shimlar-Pashmir. The Third Free Republic is one of the poorest and smallest nations in Ochran- with a total GDP of 75 billion fueled primarily by the cobalt extraction and export industry and a population of 18 Million, with the vast majority of the population in some form of poverty.

The territory of the Republik Bebas Ketiga has been inhabited continuously for a period of at least 30,000 years, and had notable participation as a trading point in several ancient empires and trading routes connected to such, although very few modern groupings claim descendance from these ancient groups, owing primarily to the large-scale process of "Realignment" which occurred under successive colonial governments. The RBK has historically been attracted to republican ideologies. The RBK's multiethnic nature has been a major source of political dispute throughout its existence, and has encouraged the creation of numerous minority parties to assert their own rights.

The RBK, despite the aforementioned political disputes relating to the matter in the previous paragraph, is notable for a deep and generally multicultural history despite attempts by post-colonial governments to downplay such, owing to the large number of minority groupings who now make up the provincial divisions of the state. The government is modelled on the pre-colonial Petra Confederation, which previously controlled a fair majority of the space currently occupied by the RBK in the modern day.

Etymology

The RBK is the third unified nation surrounding the Badan Kembar to follow the "Free Republic" naming scheme, which originated from the Pertubuhan Pegawai Republikan Percuma (Organization of Free Republican Officers) which emerged as a major anti-state force in the prelude to the First Murut Revolution. The name was also chosen to attempt to assist in the organization of the new state- with the lack of an overt mention of the Murut pseudo-majority, it was hoped that it would reduce the conflict between ethnic groupings within the new nation.

History

Pre-Siriwang

The Tahamaja and Bayarid would use the area around the Badan Kembar as a point of both trade and struggle- with the Tahamaja eventually coming to the forefront in regards to influence, leading a mass influx of Tahamaja who would eventually form the basis for the Murut population in the states which would descend from the pseudo-colonized territory of the eventual RBK. This influx would also see the decline of several of the previously major native population, who would be forced from key lands by newly-entrenched economic figures in the search for fertile land near the banks of the Badan Kembar.

These early dynasts would solidify, through the establishment of independent bodies from one another and the promotion of self-identification with their own rule, the early conception of independent statelets in the region- although this was not expressed in anything near the fashion of the modern world, it generally provided inspiration to those forces who proclaimed native/provincial based independence in the wake of the Siriwang Collapse.

Siriwang

The collapse of Tahamaja control over their collaborators and administrators would lead to a short-scale conflict between these figures, who would begin placing themselves in direct positions of power via carving out the entities which would later form the provincial concepts exhibited in later political developments. Also around this period would be a return to prominence of the native population, who were given land in exchange for service and guidance in the armed groupings of these carved-out nations.

Mutli Involvement

Main Article: First Murut Revolution

In the aftermath of this collapse of state affairs, the many pseudo-provincial dynast governing systems which occupied the territory would begin to see greater input from foreign powers, most especially the Mutul as a part of the greater Mutulese Global Circuit. The Mutul would gain control of key port cities through alliances made with dynasts, with military supplies being traded for control of the ports after the subjugation of the previous dynast occupying such. The domination of these cities would provide the Mutul with the political strength to force a move towards the production of luxury resources on the part of those dynasts involved in trade with them (a vast majority later into the period in which these figures were relevant) to ensure the continued provision of arms.

The Mutul would establish major settlements of military veterans and slaves in the immediate outskirts of major cities, becoming a major endpoint for such groupings, and creating a notable demographic of Mutul-descendent (although this term lacks specific value, considering the presence of non-Mutli groupings under this label in census-taking) lasting into the modern period. These outskirt-cities would become hotspots of struggle during the early nationalist struggle owing to their perception as places of foreign dominance, although controversially (at the time) they would not be dissolved, unlike the larger agricultural concerns established by the Mutli. Additionally, members of these groupings would be included in the nascent government of the Republik Percuma Pertama, in an attempt to both use their knowledge for industrializing purposes and due to the perceived "peacemaking" renown it would give to the government.

The primary export crop of this period would be Cocoa and Cotton, owing to the general ease of transporting water owing to close access to such in most settlements. This economic domination, and the generally haphazard movement towards luxury production, would result in the initial seeds of a nationalistic movement forming in the territory of what would become the RBK - a force which would become emboldened with the gradual collapse of the Global Circuit which began with the Tsurushimese revolution.

Independence

Main Article: Republik Percuma Pertama

Civil War

Main Article: Republic Bebas Kedua, Second Murut Civil War

Modern Period

Main Article: 2018 South Kembar Scandal

One of the primary actions the RBK is known for in the modern period, and the one which most defines it abroad (owing to a lack of other major incidents in recent memory) is its support and hosting of whaling figures from Phansi Uhlanga, alongside the general import and supporting of smuggling by major Cobalt Families. The whalers involved in the incident continue to be housed in the RBK, which has harmed its attempts at joining several international organizations.

The RBK has publicly pledged that it will under no circumstances hand the men over, owing to percieved moral obligation to host them owing to the RBK's own role in their struggle.

Geography

The RBK possesses a generally tropical climate, although with an pseudo-arid north. The main site of fertile land and noticeable agricultural development is the small stretch of land surrounded by the Badan Kembar, although growth also occurs in the land bordering the Northern Kembar. The RBK lacks major mountains, excluding in the northernmost regions surrounding the Badan. Monsoons are a semi-common problem, which has lead to economic issues for the southern provinces surrounding the severe costs required for the repair of cities, and which has encouraged movement north.

Government and Politics

Branches

The RBK is governed in a Tricamerial fashion, with the central government being arranged around the Federation Parliament, the State Parliament, and the Popular Parliament, the former and latter being controlled at current by the Kesatuan Demokratik Popular Baharu, while the State Parliament remains in the control of the Party Rakyat Popular Kebangsaan, more specifically the modernist wing lead by Khairi Haleem, the current Federation Minister. All three parliaments handle separate policy groupings- with the State Parliament drawing and passing provincial-level legislature targeting groupings of provinces or those within them (such as the expropriation of certain buildings owned by figures associated with the South Kembar Scandal), the Federation Parliament doing the same with (variably enforced) national-level laws, and the Popular Parliament acting as a check on either by holding the ability to veto certain acts of policy if they are found to be counter to the interests of the people as a whole. Governmental budgets must be approved by a plurality of all three parliaments. The Federation Parliament is organized around a group of 150 directly elected officials from 15 "Federation Districts" organized around major cities, with 10 candidates of potentially (and usually) differing parties being chosen from an overall party roster based on the amount of votes they receive. This system has generally been found to benefit the party in control of the State Parliament, although scandals and other major political disruptions have broken this usual system, instead bringing other parties to the forefront, which often experience great electoral success in the State Parliament.

The State Parliament consists of an approximate 130 members- comprising individuals appointed in relation to which province-level parties have won the elections for governorship of the province, these groupings often being in coalition with another major party (the southern provinces traditionally favoring the PRPK, and the north more recently favoring the KDPB), with this relationship often being the main source of entrenched support for the ruling party in times of notable crisis. This system has commonly been noted as undemocratic to some degree, with systems proposing that these individuals be elected during the overall provincial elections being considered (and, in the case of Kataha implemented), but aside from Kataha no major progress has been made on this goal, and to some degree it has been dropped from most political manifestos.

The Popular Parliament is similar in conception to the other two parliaments- consisting of 180 (a number adjusted based on the current population) directly elected officials from across the entirety of the nation (as organized by taking locations directly from the census and utilizing them as the informal voting "districts"), in an attempt to remove the biases inherent in both of them (more specifically to reduce the power of the primarily urban-focused Federation Parliament). The success of this effort is debatable.

Major Parties

Main Article: Political Parties in the RBK

The Party Rakyat Popular Kebangsan has been the primary focus point of political power since the Civil War, owing to their formation by the military and the entrenched support they enjoy from the Cobalt Barons and other major economic figures. The PRPK has historically been a major focal point for political and economic corruption in general society, an issue several attempts at large scale party reform have failed to fully neutralize- one of the many sore points that has caused a recent, significant drop in support alongside the South Kembar Scandal. The PRPK's primary coalition partner in the State Court is the KKBWU (Kumpulan Kepentingan Bersama Wilayah Utara/Northern Regions Common Interest Group), although recent scandals relating to the actions of Khairi Haleem have threatened the stability of the coalition.

The KDPB (New Popular Democratic Union) has recently burst onto the scene following the SKS, and is generally believed to be in a position to seize control of the state from the PRPK for the first time in decades, primarily founded upon their economic and anti-corruption policies. Analysts are concerned about the lack of perceived support in the State Parliament for the KDPB, although attempts at coalition with Southern political parties is both ongoing and generally reaching some success.

Confederal States

Main Article: States of the RBK

Foreign Affairs and Military

Military

Main Article: Angkatan Pertahanan Diri

The Angkatan Pertahanan Diri (Self-Defense Forces) is the military of the RBK, split into three branches (the Angkatan Pertahanan Diri Udara (Air Self-Defense Force), the Darat Angkatan Pertahanan Diri (Ground Self-Defense Force), and the Pasukan Pertahanan Diri Tentera Laut (Naval Self-Defense Force)). The Angkatan is widely perceived to be corrupt and generally ineffective, with a lack of exercises or active training (most notably- soldiers being restricted to using a single bullet when performing live fire excercises) for its members being compounded by the movement of funds away from military matters towards personal recreation for major members of the higher staff.

Foreign Affairs

Main Article: Foreign Affairs of the RBK

The RBK maintains a close relationship to a variety of nations, based primarily on its cobalt export industry. This list includes Tsurushima, Pulau Keramat, and others. The RBK has also, in the relatively recent period, attempted to broach the concept of membership into a variety of international organizations, including the Forum of Nations and the Harmonious Covenant of Ochran

Economy

The Economy of the RBK follows the Zulkarnain Model, which encourages low interventionism and the opening of the country to large-scale foreign investment, two policies which the majority of Party Rakyat Popular Kebangsaan leaders have followed to a great extent. These policies have been criticized greatly for the perceived amount of power they have handed corporate leadership in regards to determining policy, and for the social struggle and outright worker-lead violence said corporate policies have caused. Supporters, however, have argued that the policy is the only thing maintaining the still-sluggish pace of industrialization and advancement, and that economic changes now would throw the RBK into social and political chaos from which it would be unable to recover.

Mining

Cobalt mining remains the primary vessel for economic growth and foreign interaction, with mining as a whole making up an approximate 40% of the GDP of the entire nation, with cobalt making up an approximate 25% of that high percentage. Mining in the RBK, despite the efforts of key political leaders, remains highly unsafe, with casualties being a regular occurrence and benefits for such work being low. The poor conditions have driven the creation of worker-operated "Parallel Societies" (Masyarakat Selari) wherein the working population of a town associated with the cobalt mining industry will siphon resources from the mine and sell them on grey-or-black markets to fund the capability to acquire access to healthcare or other key resources/services. Approximately 3.2 million tons of Cobalt exist in the territory of the RBK. The majority of mines are controlled by the Syarikat Pembangunan Bersatu, a private corporation which has been active since the 1930s, and owned by the Uqbah family throughout this long span of time.

These cobalt families often maintain their power via the utilization of stock-buyback programs weighted towards their interests, alongside official state support in the process of said buybacks, a result of historically close relations between mining families and the state. This relationship has often been critiqued as having a negative effect on modernization and the development of the nation, as key resources are maintained in an inefficient fashion to ensure continued growth for these families.

Agriculture

Another 20% of the economy is made up by the fertile land of the area surrounding the Badan, and the agriculture which occurs on such. A majority of crop-growing land is owned by major agricultural corporations, with small-scale farming being near-eradicated due to the lack of restrictions upon the actions these corporations can take to "encourage" the leaving of rival agriculturalists. Recent governmental actions have included grants to smaller farming families, in the hope to encourage cultivation of non-cash crops. These attempts have been generally non-successful, owing to the continued power of large scale corporate entities.

The RBK has also invested heavily into aquaculture, cultivating a strong small-scale fishing industry in the Badan Kembar owing to the lack of previously established corporations in the area.

Trade and Imports

The RBK possesses close trade relations with a variety of nations- owing to its lack of discrimination in the sale of cobalt and its similar lack of discrimination in regards to who it is willing to import from. The Phansi Uhlanga has become a key trading partner under the Dumadi Kepli/Khairi Haleem Government, with over 600 tons of frog being imported on a yearly basis, and large-scale synthetic oil joint programs being initiated. Remittances from RBK workers within Pulau (who are obligated to pay a 2.5% tax on all income made in a year) make up an additional key section of the economy, with joint seasteading projects becoming a point of national prestige (on a conceptual level).