Posadastan

Glorious People's Republic of Posadastan Κ̀ανδο Rενμιν Γοηκяατ́α δε Ψοcαδαcταν Kwando Ŕenmin Gonkřatya de Posadastan
Flag Coat of arms
Motto: Ψοcαδαc Yϫчικ Μανcοι! Posadas Yüchik Mansoi! Long Live Posadas!
Anthem: Ψακμαν Υιηλει Pakman Yinglei "Millions of Miles"
Map of Posadastan
Capital and largest city	Kamyun City Καμ́υν Δειгοκ
Official languages	Posadi
Religion	State-sponsored Atheism
Demonym(s)	Posadi, Posadastani
Government	Unitary one-party communist republic under a military dictatorship
• Generalissimo	Gadzi Hao-ma
• Party Chairman	Lin Zakyan-po
• Commandant	Poika Kang-po
Legislature	Parliament
Establishment
• City-State of Amo	1698
• Kingdom of Amon	1794
• State of Amon	1850
• 2nd Kingdom of Amon	1890
• Republic of Amon	1929
• People's Republic of Amon	1933
• Federation of Communes	1942
• Posadastan	1975
Area
• Total	761,000.02 km2 (293,823.75 sq mi)
Population
• 2025 census	82,269,400
• Density	108.11/km2 (280.0/sq mi)
GDP (PPP)	estimate
• Total	$957.81B
• Per capita	$16,686
GDP (nominal)	estimate
• Total	$736.78B
• Per capita	$12,835
HDI (2025)	0.774 high
Time zone	UTC+01:15 (PST)
Date format	dd/mm/yyyy
Driving side	right
Calling code	+75
Internet TLD	.po

Posadastan, officially the Glorious People's Republic of Posadastan, is a relatively small nation located on the eastern coast of Elisia, on the planet Telrova. It is a nation renowned for its autarkist policies and commitment to ideological fervor. Posadastan also maintains a relatively well-developed dictatorial government, as they manage to prevent hereditary dictatorships. It also maintains a high amount of technological literacy among its population, and has carried out multiple initiatives towards establishing itself as a technological powerhouse; however, this is typically overlooked due to Posadastan's abysmal human rights record, foreign interventionism, and its Orwellian government structure. It is also a nation heavily committed to global environmental protections, having set aside vast swathes of terrain for preservation and building multiple nuclear and hydroelectric power plants.

Etymology

The namesake of Posadastan comes from a collective pen name of anonymous Trotskyist writers who emerged in the late-1950s to early 1960s calling themselves J. Posadas. It started out primarily as a fringe movement within the ruling Trotskyist party, the Revolutionary Worker's Party (RWP). The group and all those who associated with the caucus were formally expelled from the RWP in 1967, where they began forming their own underground party, the Posadist Revolutionary Union (PRU). After siding with the military during the 1975 coup d'état, the PRU was established as the ruling party of what they began to call "Posadastan."

According the the PRU, and some of the known authors that were a part of the collective, the namesake of "Ÿan Posadas" (Ҩαν Ψοcαδαc) /ɥan.pʰosadas/ comes from an early bandit & rebel leader from the late 18th and early 19th century who was allegedly responsible for inspiring the movement that led to the expulsion of the monarchy in 1850. Though the man exists historically, not much is known about him and many of the claims made by Posadists are believed to be exaggerations.

History

(under revision)

Pre-History

Due to the lack of ancient texts and writing systems in the region, not too much is known about ancient history of Posadastan. However, archeological evidence points to human settlements in the mountainous regions dating back to nearly 7,500 years ago, with the lowland coastal region, being surrounded by the mountains, exhibiting evidence of human settlement no more than 600-800 years later. Many of the groups that settled in the mountains and valleys retained their own unique cultural and linguistic diversity, but the openness of the plains and hilly areas along the coast saw more intermingling among settled groups, who largely formed the people now known as "Posadis" (formerly Amonians) that we know today.

However, modern Posadastan finds its true origins in the ancient Dzul Empire, which began around 1590BC in the northern parts of modern Posadastan, but the empire collapsed after only 200 years later, leading to a long 1100 year period of local clans who slowly spread south along the coast, founding the "Dok" confederation to combat an alliance of early Chikyam kingdoms and tribal confederations in the mountains. This confederation lasted on and off for a few hundred years, ultimately factionalizing into the early Angomian kingdoms around 300AD. These kingdoms where largely collapsed around 780AD after a united Chikyam empire invaded and occupied the region for nearly 150 years before themselves collapsing. However, the Chikyam occupation saw the true development of many early coastal cities as rural populations fled the areas most affected by fighting towards the more peaceful coast. This meant that multiple city-states emerged from the liberation, many uniting to push the Chikyam back to their 17th and early 18th century borders. But this coalition fell apart soon after leading to the chaotic city-state period that lasted through the early 17th century.

Age of Discovery

The modern capital city, Kamyun City, was “founded” during the “age of discovery,” a period when many empires were forming and beginning to trade across the seas. Modern day Posadastan was full of moderately rich, semi-strategic ports, and many of these port cities begin to create their own governments. In Kamyun City, then known as Amo (Αμο), a rich lord, known as Lord Zhanci managed to take over the small city after years of it suffering from both maritime piracy and land-based raids by indigenous "bandit armies" to establish a state of peace. This occurred in 1698. He used the import of religion to the region from abroad to establish and consolidate his rule, and used his acquired riches and promises of security to garner support and an early military. This was the basis of the city-state of Amo, later called Amon (Αμον), which was initially rather small compared to the larger northern cities.

After establishing himself as “Lord of Amon" (x), he went on to make alliances and war with other nearby coastal city-states. Upon his death, in 1739, his son, Lord Khan took power and continued expanding the reach of the city of Amon and its allies. This gradual consolidation continued on until his own death in 1775, wherein his own son took over. This son, Lord Jonwa began to consolidate the Amonian identity, which had previously been fractured, and ended up forcefully merging all city-states into a single kingdom, during this process he crowned himself King, or x. With this, the early “Kingdom of Amon” formed, officially founded in 1794 after 19 years of “divine conquest” and a series of local alliances. This era was marked by extreme violence and King Jonwa attempted to seize as much land as he could. Many tens of thousands indigenous people were killed, and many more displaced by the Amon Royal Army in the kingdom’s 53 year rule, along with many thousands of internal dissidents.

Jonwa's reign was largely concluded by the 1st Chikyam-Amon War of 1826-1827 where the city of Laputa was seized by the Amonian Royal Navy from the neighboring Chikyam Confederation. By the death of King Jonwa in 1829, his son took over for a short while, being killed in 1842 during the 2nd Chikyam-Amon War while visiting the city of Laputa. Upon his death, his own son, who was only 15 at the time of his father's death, took on the title of king, becoming King Monřa. His father's consuls largely ruled for him, breeding corruption and mismanagement of the country, leading to the famine of 1848-1849, killing nearly 6% of the population during that time, and forcing another approximately 7-8% to flee the country.

Early Liberalization

In 1850, disaffected military officers (mostly lower-ranked officers and soldiers) and local/regional lords decided to overthrow the monarchy in favor of a “democratic system.” The now 23 year old King was exiled briefly to Laputa in the south before being sent abroad. The new state was called the “State of Amon” or “Democratic Amon.” And with this, the monarchy was exiled abroad, where the monarch took on the title of “emperor-in-exile.” For the first 11 years of this “democracy” only land-owning and military men could vote (all non-Amonian people and women could not vote). In 1858 the military government also began the 3rd Chikyam-Amon War, which became more of a drawn-out pyrrhic victory than anything, leading to much unrest in the population.

Though the war ended in 1860, this all ended in the “Brown Revolution” of 1861, where women, indigenous peoples, and workers' unions banded together in protest. The “brown” comes from the color of the shirts they’d wear, representing the poverty in which they lived. The month-long Revolution ended the military domination over the democratic system, though it resulted in nearly 3,000 dead or missing and many more injured. As a result, the Amon Communist Party (ACP) was founded in 1862 and took part in the elections, but it only gathered ~2,000 votes nationally. This period saw the ruling coalition institute a policy of “general amnesty” for many foreign political advocates (mostly communists) and, briefly, saw the nation flourish socially, politically, and economically. However, the “democratic coalition” in parliament started to become corrupt after over a decade in power consolidated power among the rich donors and main figures in the coalition.

Towards the end of the State of Amon's existence, in 1880, the government (which had grown aristocratic and corrupt) commenced the fourth and final Chikyam-Amon War, this time seizing the entirety of the remaining Chikyam territory to the south in 3 years. However, the Chikyam resorted to mass guerrilla warfare for another 3 years before agreeing to give up arms in 1886 in exchange for "local autonomy" and asylum via exile for most of the Chikyam leaders. The war was fairly unpopular with the Amonian people, but the creation of a professional and advanced military/navy helped to bolster Amon's international image.

After another 28 years of democracy, three main factions formed: democrats, royalists, and communists. And after a subsequent series of assassinations and an investigation into the ruling Democratic Party’s corruption, the “emperor-in-exile” came back in 1890 to reclaim his throne, this time with the support of the military, citing anti-communism and the failure/corruption of democracy, which he claimed was inherent to “the institutionalized system of mob rule.” The policy of general amnesty was ended, and many political opponents were jailed, executed, or exiled, creating a general frustration among the working and academic classes.

2nd Kingdom & Civil War

This period led to the 1891 ban on the communist party and the establishment of a “constitutional monarchy," known as the 2nd Kingdom of Amon This new monarchy was largely propped up by the rich and some foreign maritime powers. While the Amon Communist Party (ACP) operated in exile, the Democratic Party was rebranded as the “Social Democratic Party of Amon,” becoming a controlled opposition party to the official monarchist/royalist caucus. Communist organizing remained a largely underground activity from this point on. With unions, protests, and most forms of party-organizations being banned outright.

But, by the rule of King Monr̃a's son, which started in 1910, things had started to go downhill, and the political climate in Amon continued to decay. King Pyaro attempted to bring in a wave of liberalization and reforms, including granting more autonomy to the Social Democrats, but this was very short-lived as they immediately turned against him in parliament causing their leaders to be jailed or exiled. This all climaxed on February 22, 1921, when the government forcefully put down a general strike outside the capital city, killing nearly 230 striking workers and civilians. This was the start of the Amonian Civil War. This event is known in Posadastan as the 222 incident.

The Civil War was drawn out into 4 phases of conflict over nearly 12 and half years between March of 1921 and September of 1933. During this war, the monarchy was officially absolved in April of 1929 when its main forces abdicated to the Republican forces, and the entire royal family escaped to the south where they were later captured and brutally killed by communist militias later that year. With the republicans having seized most of the country, and the capital, the turned to fight the communists, who had initiated the war. But the Republic of Amon fell apart internally due to many unwilling warlords, internal unrests, strikes, and corruption; all of which forced their government to concede its final strongholds to the communist government in September of 1933.

Rise of Communism

With the surrender of the final Republican stronghold on 13 September, 1933, the “People’s Republic of Amon” was founded by a loose coalition of labor unions, anarchists, syndicalists, tribal groups, the communist party, and various smaller factionalist and regionalist groups. This early republic witnessed many mutinies and rebellions in its early years, most of which came from warlord armies (former Royalists and Republicans) who had been integrated into the weak and fragmented “People’s Army”. The most notable of these mutinies was the Faimyo Rebellion, in 1940, where approximately 5,000-8,000 soldiers, backed by a former warlord, announced an independent “Noha Republic,” made up of the two or three northernmost regions. In this rebellion, which lasted nearly 14 months and saw nearly 3,000 die on each side of the conflict, the communist regime was pushed almost to its ends. As control of the nation was weak and uncertain, many landlords, tribal leaders, and former warlords retained control over local affairs, taking advantage of the lack of government control. The death of Chairman Lonyit in 1940 and his unpopular successor, Chairman Galing, also made the situation even more unstable. So, in 1942, in direct response to the Faimyo Rebellion, a coalition of Tocikists, Syndicalists, and military officers overthrew the ruling Lonyitist government, claiming it was insufficient. They subsequently renamed the nation to the “Federation of Communes” (FoC). The Tocikists wanted to give communities more control over their own affairs, with a focus on national autarky and a strong "guardian state" to centrally protect the proletariat.

The FoC began to centralize governmental control, focusing less so on the party and military and more on agrarian and autarkist policies.. While this was only a minor issue, the FoC government did quell most conflicts during the duration of its reign and helped to develop and industrialize the nation by the early 1960s. They also helped to re-integrate many civil war veterans as a means of preventing further internal armed conflicts. However, efforts at centralization were met with difficulty as many communes in the Northwest, and some to the south, maintained their own federated armies and defied some party orders, creating contention. Moreover, the military considered itself underdeveloped, and the isolationist and autarkist nature (as well as lack of other communist allies) of the FoC left it in a perpetual state of relative poverty. But, the FoC did do extensive research into missiles and rockets as a means of "strategic" deterrence, though it never credibly amounted to anything. This weak and decentralized military system, as well as the existence of multiple factionalist communist paramilitary groups didn’t help, as some tribal groups (mostly those whose traditional ranks were threatened by revolutionary reforms) continued to rebel. Most Lonyitist groups also maintained arms, but rarely took up arms against government forces, this led to an era called “The Long Struggle”.

The exact starting date of “The Long Struggle” is heavily debated, though most historical accounts put it in 1955, when the Lonyitist Faction carried out a month-long armed occupation of parliament building and the Tocikist party HQ due to the arrests of several high-ranking Lonyitist leaders. The Long Struggle did see some low-level conflicts, mostly among former tribal leadership and some small “counter-revolutionary” movements, but these conflicts never saw more than 100 deaths per year (about 1,800 people died of armed conflict within Posadastan during the period of 1955-1975).

The Tocikist period was a time of great turbulence, and after the death of Chairman Tocik in 1963, the regime began a gradual decline. Infrastructure was neglected, power was further centralized, and paramilitaries where prioritized over the army itself. Multiple small famines occurred during this period, including one from 1972-1974 that killed an estimated 30k people in the outermost provinces (populated primarily by indigenous groups). It also saw the end of the Lonyitists, who overtime fractured and dissipated in their influence, leaving a void to later be filled by the Posadists.

Posadism

Around the mid- to late-1960s, a collective of mostly anonymous authors calling themselves “Ÿan Posadas” began publishing multiple articles and zines before creating an official caucus within the Tocikist “Revolutionary Workers Party”, called the “RWP-Posadist”. Though small at first (getting only 0.8% of the vote in 1962), the quickly grew, getting almost 5% of the vote in 1966 before being expelled in 1967 from the RWP for creating a “subversive apparatus” (that is, their own labor unions, “party” congress, and a small paramilitary group). They had also by that point largely separated themselves from Tocikist doctrines, believing that a focus on autarky and agrarianism would only hurt the country. By 1972 the group had modified its platform to include a “willingness to work with all communists and willing nuclear nations to put an end to the perils of capitalism and imperialism,” which proved popular as a means to overcome the political Balkanization of the FoC and the multiple governing communist ideologies abroad. The ruling Tocikists in the RWP started to become unpopular as the Posadist's power grew, and the military disliked the focus on a party-based paramilitary overtaking the actual military in power. However, the military didn’t possess the capability to rule the country by itself due to the strong presence of paramilitaries and tribal groups, and it needed political backing for a coup, something the Posadists gave it in 1974 after a clash between the RWP paramilitary and PRU (Posadist Revolutionary Union (PRU), the underground Posadist party). In early 1975, with the support of numerous provincial and tribal militias, along with the military and the PRU (along with its paramilitary forces), the "Revolutionary coup" was launched, in which nearly 80% of the military took part. While some shots were fired, only around 2,000 died and it all lasted less than two months.

It ended on 25 March 1975 with the PRU and the military (rebranded as the Red Liberation Army (RLA)) proclaiming a victory over the RWP. The RWP was then banned as being revisionist, with a new puppet “Tocikist Party” being formed to house some of those who didn’t want to join the PRU, all as a means of maintaining a controlled opposition. The loyal remnants of the RWP did reform into the reformed-RWP (r-RWP) and continued fighting until the modern era, mostly in remote mountainous areas, though they have been largely eradicated as of the early 2000s.

The position of "chairman" was superseded in 1986, after the assassination of Chairman Hakoit, by the position of Generalissimo, which was utilized by Generalissimo Hao from 1986 to 2008 to denote a position over both the party and the military, largely as a way to maintain complete control. This has led to the military being mostly ideologically aligned with the party in modern times, though conflict can still arise between conflicting interests. While the first two years of the Hao dictatorship saw intense protests and riots, along with a violent government reaction, the remaining 20 years saw the nation continue along its path of progressive social policies and rapid industrialization and technologization.

Since the fall of the Hao dictatorship, which evokes mixed feelings from many Posadi officials and civilians, the country has seen some reforms that have decreased the internal security apparatus and thus allowed for the country to become slightly less authoritarian, but the situation really hasn't changed. Posadastan remains one of the most dictatorial countries on Telrova, it's just that they've simply gotten better at institutionalizing their authoritarian tendencies and actions, as opposed to the more blatant and open mass violence of previous generations. The country may have opened up to the world economically, but it is still very much closed politically and socially to the outside world.

However, since the Posadist takeover in 1975, the country has seen great strides in social and economic progress, helping to stabilize the nation. As the middle class continues to grow, so too does Posadastan's economy and standing on the international stage, allowing for Posadi officials to effectively leverage themselves in international institutions. Posadastan's military has also grown rapidly, becoming one of the preeminent communist military forces on Telrova.

Government & Politics

Government

Posadi Government Structure

The primary organ of Posadi government is the Central Council, which is composed of 12 members. 6 of these members are "advisors" who advise the Generalissimo on policy decisions and who are nominated by the PRU and approved by the Expediency Council (the council ranked below the Central Council, who are responsible for interpreting legislation, vetting candidates, and supervising all government ministries). The other 6 members are "jurists" whose jobs are to look over parliamentary legislation, advise the judicial branch of government, and control/monitor the chain of command. The Central council as a whole possesses the following responsibilities:

• a) veto power over legislation passed by the parliament;
• b) supervision of elections;
• c) approving or disqualifying candidates and parties seeking to run in local, parliamentary, or assembly elections; and
• d) supervision and nomination of the Generalissimo (who is only allowed a maximum of 3 5-year terms).

The Central Council is still subordinate to the Generalissimo as it lacks the ability to recall, but it is often composed of people approved of by the Generalissimo who come to consensus-based decisions on most issues. However, within this seemingly homogenous cabal, there are three primary factions:

1. The Reformers: This faction is the second most powerful and is made up primarily of moderates within the parliament, central/expediency councils, and the military, but it lacks any sufficient support from the PRU/PRG. The reformers largely believe in further limiting the power of the Generalissimo and further internationalizing Posadastan's economy by creating a less combative foreign policy and allowing for more private ownership of the means of production. They also support getting rid of the MSS's "Public Security Division," and decreasing the MSS's influence.

2. The Military: This faction has mixed support from both the military, the central council, and the party, with some limited influence in the parliament. They are considered to be for the preservation of the status quo within Posadastan, though they tend to come into conflict with other PRU/PRG members and reformers at times. This is the most powerful faction.

3. The Radicals: the third and smallest faction, this one is made up primarily of PRU/PRG members and some parts of parliament with extremely little support within the military and central/expediency councils. They believe the current government is not Posadist enough and needs to hand power back to be solely in the hands of the PRU. They also support an end to trade with all non-communist nations and the end of the current "market-integrated communist economy" exhibited by Posadastan.

The expediency council, as stated above, is responsible for the vetting of candidates, interpreting legislation, and are supervisory to all ministries within the government. It is made up of 45 members who are appointed every 4-5 years by the Generalissimo and the Central Council.

Within the central council, 7 seats are made up of members of the "militarist" faction, with 4 seats belonging to known reformers, and the last one belonging to a possible "radical" who proclaims to the be a "militarist." The expediency council is largely the same, with a broad majority being military-aligned.

The parliament and all constituent local/regional-level parts therein is broadly devoid of real power, being a vassal of the PRU at all levels, thus it is subsumed into to party structure despite being de jure separate. All other parties must be approved by the expediency council, and all candidates thoroughly vetted. Most parliamentary and party elections are considered to be rigged to the effect that no unvetted candidates are allowed.

Even with some functions of the state shifted onto the PRU party structure, the overall apparatus of authority remains one of the most oppressive in all of Telrova. The Ministry of State Security (MSS) operates jointly as a program run between the government, military and the party, and its many constituent bureaus maintain what is broadly considered the most extensive and in-depth surveillance states in Telrova. One specific bureau, the Internal Security Bureau (ISB), is believed to have records on 75 to 85% of the entire population of Posadastan, as well as having directly extracted information at least once from nearly 17% of the population (approx. 9 million people), as well as collecting information on some many thousands of Posadi/Amonian diaspora and an unknown number of foreign nationals. The MSS is nominally controlled by the parliament but is considered to be the center of Posadastan's large internal security apparatus where it operates more as a tool of the of the Central Council in maintaining extensive surveillance and informational warfare.

Foreign Relations

Posadastan is also a member of the International Communist Network. It engages actively with the nations of United Valleys, Buyo, and the Red Finnlandian Guard who are all members of the international and members of its subsequent mutual defense pact. The International also allows for Posadastan to maintain regular contact with foreign communist parties/groups.

They also have active or planned trade relations with the USSM, Azeria, and My Lat.

Recent controversies such as the Pervincian Airlines flight 538 hijacking have brought some controversy and antagonism towards Posadastan as they gave political asylum to the hijackers who were members of the Moni Popular Front. This caused arms deals with Nibelia to be withdrawn and criticism from nations like Pervincia.

Political Parties

While Posadastan is notoriously a one-party state, there do exist other political parties. Most notably, 10% seats from the parliament are reserved for "approved Indigenous representatives," and another 10% of seats are set aside for the military, with many other smaller state-approved parties and caucuses operating within the nation.

Human Rights

Posadastan is considered an LGBTQ+ neutral state, with the decriminalization of homosexuality being put into place once in 1933 (repealed in 1940) and again in 1980. The legalization of homosexuality and recognition of gay marriage came in 2001, and discrimination against said groups was banned in 2005, they were also forced to take part in the draft in 1986. This is all largely due to the fact that the Hao dictatorship (1986-2008) had close family who were openly gay. The recognition of transgender and non-binary identities was made in October of 2026, with government documents beginning to allow changes to gender and a third option to gender in January of 2027, but only with medical screening first.

Indigenous representation is also guaranteed in the parliament (though all candidates must be state-approved), with some efforts being made to preserve indigenous languages. However many indigenous cultural practices are still prohibited and punished for being counter-revolutionary or "unsafe".

All forms of cannabis are legal, as it grows in abundance naturally in some southern areas, but it is highly regulated. Tobacco is also legal, but most other "addictive substances" (including foreign alcohol) are banned completely. Alongside drugs, weapons are banned for recreational use and personal ownership (outside of designated groups). The RLA and PRG maintain many local arsenals from which they lend out weapons during times of "declared crisis." Only active duty soldiers, police, security personnel, and party members can carry firearms. Knives are permitted for public carry so long as the blade is less than 3 inches (~7.5cm) and it has to be opened with two hands, though some cities are even more restrictive with outright bans on the public carry and use of non-utility knives.

Prostitution is a mostly legal affair, as sex workers are allowed to organize and unionize under party and government guidance, but prices and safety practices are heavily regulated and mandated, going so far as to put a daily curfew on prostitution, as well as zoning laws. Sex workers in Posadastan are notorious for working alongside the state intelligence agencies to drug and/or seduce individuals for intelligence purposes, but this has led to many seeking black market alternatives, which are often infiltrated and cracked down upon violently by authorities.

Abortion is mostly banned after the end of the first trimester. Exceptions are made in such circumstances as rape, disease, potential harm to mother or child, and other extenuating situations. However, access is made difficult despite the free access to healthcare due to policies designed to limit abortions and "increase the population." It is also believed that many thousands of infants have been taken from families deemed "unstable" or "unfit" (often meaning not ideologically-aligned) and handed over to families who are friendlier to the regime.

Both capital and corporal punishment are of regular practice in Posadastan. It is estimated that more than 3 people are executed daily by the judicial system, with an unknown number of others killed by the state services and paramilitary forces in extrajudicial manners. Torture and public humiliation are also commonly used, though typically under different circumstances, such as the beating of black marketeers and former landlords which are met with public floggings and bouts of yelling and public humiliation, though this practice has subsided since the late 1980s.

Religion is officially banned, though this ban is not entirely enforced (it is often used selectively against political opponents or potential political opposition). The ban on missionaries and the propagation of religion is enforced however, meaning one cannot preach or show religious paraphernalia in public spaces, nor can they travel to, from, or within Posadastan with the intent of spreading religious doctrine. Most religious documents in circulation in Posadastan have also been moderately edited and revised by party censors to make those remaining religions within Posadastan appear to be mostly in principle with the party platform, going so far as to hint at aspects of Christianity and the bible as "extra-terrestrial," and other things as signs of nuclear war or proto communist ideals.

Bans are in place for "outlandish" and "indecent" hairstyles and non-natural coloring of hair, as well as "distractive and/or subversive piercings, tattoos, and other bodily modifications."

There is no right to public assembly (without state approval, which is rare and limited), nor is there a right to petition. Strikes are typically banned as being "counter-revolutionary" and free speech is considered broadly non-existent, even in private circles as the panopticonic state apparatus is almost everywhere. In spite of this, many pirate radios are operated abroad by Posadi diaspora and exiles, though most are banned and jammed by the government. Protests also do take place from time to time, usually in the form of orchestrated pro-regime activities, but they can be common during times of inter-governmental conflict or foreign interventions.

Infrastructure

The nation of Posadastan is renowned for its progressive and decades-long infrastructural boom. And having inherited a relatively well-adjusted nationwide infrastructural system from the preceding governments (mostly in urban areas, as where most rural infrastructure was dilapidated or ruined by earlier conflicts), the post-1975 reconstruction has seen a large emphasis on public transportation and secure, independent telecommunications.

Telecommunications

Posadastan's space program is currently working alongside the RLA Missile Forces and the RLA Strategic Support Forces to establish a regional, and hopefully one day global satellite navigation system. The system, currently termed "Ghado," achieved regional navigation capacity to most of Eastern Elisia in 2024. Posadastan also maintains a few of its own research and communication satellites.

According to external estimates, approximately 98% of households in Posadastan possess TVs, and around 80-85% of the population have mobile phones (this increases to 96-99% in all urban areas). With the exception of the autonomous regions to the northwest, most of the nation has access to 4G and 5G internet, with most internet access being provided through nationwide and regional SOEs.

Transportation

Posadastan maintains strict regulations on the use and ownership of automobiles throughout the country, but it is especially enforced in the major cities. They achieve this by limited imports and local prpdouction of civilian vehicles. Most rural areas do have 1-2 automobiles per household, largely for agricultural purposes and the dispersed nature of rural communities, but Posadastan's major cities all have extremely low ownership and use of small vehicles. The focus on public transport has been a major policy for maintaining clean cities, the cybernetization (automation/computerization) of public transport and allowing for more of the national budget to go towards military and other infrastructural ventures. Nearly all cities in Posadastan maintain their robust systems of public transportation through the use of buses, metros, tram networks, and state-provided taxi services. Bicycles and motorcycles have become popular in cities due to the restrictions on car and truck ownership, it is estimated there are between 10 and 20 million bikes throughout the country.

Posadastan also has a large network of trains, with its primary rail lines running north-to-south along the coast, where most major cities and ports are. Posadastan also completed its first high-speed rail line in 2022, connecting the cities of Gédoi in the north with the capital of Kamyun City in, approximately 507km apart, with a ride that lasts just under 2 hours. In 2024 this line was connected to the city of Jahyo, and in 2025 to Cëng. The government expects to have all major coastal cities connected by high-speed rail lines by 2029 or 2030.

The country also has 8 major seaports (which account for over 90% of its maritime trade), with around 30 smaller river and seaports, mostly for internal use. This is accompanied by a small commercial fleet of ekranoplans and a large state-owned merchant fleet called Seinohé, which has been at the center of many scandals.

Energy

Posadastan has, for the longest time, relied on coal and hydroelectric power plants to supply its power, but since the late 1980s, a focus was started to pursue more sustainable means of wind, solar, and nuclear power. To date, 2 nuclear power plants have been constructed with third under construction, and another 2 have been proposed for construction. Wind and solar are especially popular in rural areas, with wind energy supplying between 11 and 23% of all energy to rural areas, the highest is in the outer mountainous areas of the nation, as well as some coastal areas; with wind accounting for 7% of the overall national energy production, the government has set a goal to make this 10% by 2030.

The makeup of Posadi energy production is as follows: 36% coal & natural gas, 30% hydropower, 21% nuclear, 7% wind, 5.5% solar, and <1% biomass.

Water supply & sanitation

It is believed that around 25% of the rural population (10-11% of the overall population) lacks consistent access to clean drinking water and improved sanitation, but efforts are underway to alleviate this, with the government promising its complete elimination by 2032.

Economy

Exports

With around 60-66% of the Posadi population being vegan/vegetarian/pescatarian, the nation has broadly achieved agricultural self-sufficiency since the late-70s to early-80s; however, most meat products (with the exception of most seafood and avian meats) are imported from abroad. Posadastan producessome rice and wheat for export, but most money from agricultural exports comes from the export of cannabis (primarily hemp) and tobacco. Most logging activities take place in the southern regions of Posadastan, but little of that is used for exports. Overall, only 14-15% of all Posadi exports are food/wood/agricultural products.

Posadastan operates a single uranium mine in the northwest that has an estimated 80-90 million tons of uranium ore graded at 0.049%. Most other mining of non-ferrous metals is carried out by the Posadi Non-Ferrous Metals Group, which also carries out mining operations in countries like the United Valleys, with a focus on copper and zinc mining and processing. Posadastan used to also produce significant amounts of coal, but has slashed this over the last decade to only produce enough for being sufficient for the country's annual needs. Posadastan's mineral and metals exports make up a small but significant 11% of the country's overall exports.

The two largest sectors of Posadastan's exports are machinery & electric products, and transportation. These make up 29 and 16% respectively, with the plurality of it being military-related. Posadastan has strict limits and regulations on the import of cars and other small vehicles, including an annual cap on the number allowed into the country, due to its focus on public transport and disdain for the creation and maintenance of a large interstate-style system. This is especially enforced in cities. Most non-military machinery produced for export is used in the fields of manufacturing, robotics, mining, and commercial products like cellular phones, speakers and televisions. Most vehicles provided for export abroad include Posadi-made passenger planes (medium- and small-sized ones), buses, and trains.

The plastic and rubber industries in Posadastan have taken a large hit over the large decade as new climate and pollution policies have harmed their output. Having made up nearly 12% of exports in 2010, these industries now only make up 6.5%. The petro-chemical sector of the economy has also taken a significant hit from similar policies, but this was considered positive as Posadastan does not produce enough oil internally to be self-sufficient, and has since moved on to "greener" initiatives. However, many chemicals are produced for export, primarily those used in agriculture and medicine. This makes up around 7% of the nation's annual exports.

Textiles, clothing and footwear make up a total of 10.5% of the annual exports, with this sector also witnessing a slight decline in recent years as the country seeks to move towards a "knowledge-based economy," usually interpreted as meaning a technology- or service-based economy. The remaining 5.5% of all exports are classified as "weapons and/or miscellaneous."

Imports

Building off of FoC-era autarkist policies, the Posadist regime has sought to maintain an export-oriented foreign trade policy. However, recent and ongoing trade deals with nations like My Lat have allowed for Posadastan to outsource lower-skilled forms of indsutrial labor (primarily textiles, clothing, plastics, etc.). Posadastan's primary imports are, as previously mentioned, textiles & clothing, plastics production, oil, and military goods. There is also a limited amount of imports of minerals/metals (like uranium), transportation (like planes, buses, equipment for rail lines), and some elctronic products and appliances.

Demographics

Ethno-Linguistic groups

Of the 53.4 million people living in Posadastan, around 81% identify as being ethnically Posadi (or "Amonian" among older generations), accounting for a total of 43.25 million. 2.2% of the population (1.2 million) belong to various "indigenous groups," with 86% of those living in the underdeveloped "autonomous regions" in the northwest. The remaining population is between 8.9 to 9 million ethnic Chikyam, populating most of the non-coastal regions in the southern half of the nation, having been the victims of multiple displacements, wars, and genocides during the late 18th century through into the early 20th centuries, they make up 16.8% of the population.

Over 99% of the population speak Posadi, 94% as a first language, and another 4.5% as a second language. 5.5% of the population speak Chikyam, with around 0.7% of the total population speaking it as their only language. Indigenous languages are underreported, but 0.2% of the population only speak those languages.

Urbanization

Posadastan has experienced three (arguably 4) eras of intensive urbanization, the first being the 1890s-early 1920s, which helped catalyze the conditions that led to the civil war. During this time, the share of the population living in urban areas increased from 18% to 29%, causing numerous crises and the development of large class divisions within the cities. The second period was in the late 1930s to mid-1940s, where this percentage changed from 27% (having decreased due to the civil war) to 37%. With the collapse of the Galing regime and the establish of a more agrarian communist "Nicoist" movement, the slowed rapidly, with the urbanization slowing during the years 1945-1967. In 1967, with the establishment of the "Basho Reforms," the "Federation of Communes" (FoC) began a policy of centralization and industrialization, bringing many new people to the cities, which led to rural famines in the early 1970s killing 20-50 thousand people. From 1967 to 1976, the urban populations increased from 39% to 47%, with the capital city, Kamyun, making up nearly 10% of the nation's population. Since the 1970s, the urban-rural divide was maintained at a fluctuating 50-50, but recent trends, since 2010 have seen the cities gradually overtake the rural areas, growing to 56% of the population. This is expected to grow to 60%+ by 2030, but the Posadi government is attempting to mitigate this potential crisis by decentralizing industrial facilities out into rural towns as well as boosting rural education and employment opportunities, though the efficacy of the latter has proven to be minimal.

Education

Posadastan enjoys a 99% literacy rate, with 11-12 years of required education (beyond kindergarten, often depending on the region), and a requirement to take at least two years worth of a foreign language. All education is free, with the exception of certain university degree paths. This includes preschools, kindergartens (which in Posadastan are 2-year schools, covering kindergarten and first grade), primary 5-year schools and secondary 6-year schools. It is estimated that around 76-82% of the adult population has completed their required secondary education courses, this is alleviated by the offering of free once-a-year adult education courses that cover a variety of subjects from increasing literacy to ideological education and introductory STEM courses. Posadastan has just over 300 universities offering a variety of degrees (with a primary focus on STEM) throughout the country, as well as a program where the government will pay a majority of student fees for those "promising candidates" who wish to study abroad at selected universities. Most secondary school graduates either enter straight into the workforce or conscription/public service, a big reason for this is that most non-STEM majors require a heavy load of ideology-related courses and are not as incentivized, though STEM students still have to take some classes related to ideological principles.

Starting in 1990, all 5-year plans have included some sort of focus on the development of a "knowledge-based economy," with the nation's "Ministry of Science" running almost 60 research institutes, nearly 250 smaller research centers, multiple scientific equipment factories, and 8 publishing houses. Between 2000 and 2010, there was a heavy focus on IT, biotechnology, nanotechnology, marine technology, aerospace engineering, and laser and plasma research that was carried out. This switched over to subjects like polymer chemistry, single carbon materials, nanoscience, mathematics, software, nuclear technology and rocketry since around 2015.

Health & Age

The average life expectancy in Posadastan is 76.34 years, with it being slightly lower for men and slightly higher for women. The overall age demographics are considered favorable, though the nation is trending towards an aging population demographic, with birth rates only at 23.8 per 1,000 population. This has seen a steady decline since the early 1970s when it was believed to be nearly 29. Current government outlooks suggest it will continue to decline, potentially reaching below 20 by 2040.

Almost 9% of all deaths in Posadastan are caused by communicable diseases and maternal, prenatal, and nutritional conditions, placing it just below the global average but above the average of nations of a similar economic status. The nation provides "universal free healthcare" to all citizens. Posadastan also maintains a ratio of 5.1 physicians for every 1000 people, one of the highest rates in the world, allowing for Posadastan to essentially "export healthcare" as a means of diplomacy. However, despite the high rate of physicians and nurses in the country, some extremely rural regions occasionally face supply shortages and inadequate healthcare, with much of it being focused on the cities. But, the government puts heavy emphasis on preventative medical care, including supporting healthy diets and plenty of exercise.

Religion

With most religions being nominally banned, and there being a ban of foreign (or domestic) missionaries, the largest religious sect in the nation are atheists/agnostics, who make up approximately 65-70% of the population. Christians make up around 20%, though this is in a slow and steady decline. Some foreign and indigenous religions, like the native "Tangřa" make up the remaining 10-15%, though most are considered "cultural" and/or "philosophical" more so than proper religions.

Before the end of the Amonian Civil War in 1933, Christianity had been the dominant religion, with an estimated 60-70% of the population subscribing to some Christian denomination. This has represented a very drastic drop in Christianity over the last 8-9 decades, with nearly half of the population "losing faith."