Lord of M'i: Difference between revisions
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He was born the third son of Kjung Hus-ning (恭好年), the second Lord of M′i. He was first educated privately then at [[Academia Shinasthana]], becoming a master of laws and called to the [[Themiclesian Bar|bar]] in 1844. Though not expected to inherit the title, the [[House of Lords (Themiclesia)|House of Lords]] convicted his father and elder brother for embezzling money in the [[Themiclesian Navy]] in 1851, disinheriting both of them and causing the title to pass to him by default.<ref>The second legitimate son died in infancy.</ref> That his father was alive and a commoner while he a peer was a life-long cause for shame and anxiety for him, and he chose not to take his seat in parliament. He was made sixth justice of the [[Supreme Court (Themiclesia)|Supreme Court]] in 1863, and at the behest of the Lord of Nja′-′rjem (女陰侯, ''nja′-′rjem-go'') entered politics as Secretary of State for Public Works in his short-lived ministry. His opponents were not prepared for his sharp mind and deep involvement in public projects, judging them not for the affiliation of their sponsors but tangible merits, such as expected expenses and opportunistic savings. On the other hand, he believed that a willingness to disregard aristocratic rights also was one for commoners' rights. In court and in parliament, he sought to harmonize Themiclesian legal traditions with Casaterran thought, defending those accepted in both and critically assessing where they disagreed. | He was born the third son of Kjung Hus-ning (恭好年), the second Lord of M′i. He was first educated privately then at [[Academia Shinasthana]], becoming a master of laws and called to the [[Themiclesian Bar|bar]] in 1844. Though not expected to inherit the title, the [[House of Lords (Themiclesia)|House of Lords]] convicted his father and elder brother for embezzling money in the [[Themiclesian Navy]] in 1851, disinheriting both of them and causing the title to pass to him by default.<ref>The second legitimate son died in infancy.</ref> That his father was alive and a commoner while he a peer was a life-long cause for shame and anxiety for him, and he chose not to take his seat in parliament. He was made sixth justice of the [[Supreme Court (Themiclesia)|Supreme Court]] in 1863, and at the behest of the Lord of Nja′-′rjem (女陰侯, ''nja′-′rjem-go'') entered politics as Secretary of State for Public Works in his short-lived ministry. His opponents were not prepared for his sharp mind and deep involvement in public projects, judging them not for the affiliation of their sponsors but tangible merits, such as expected expenses and opportunistic savings. On the other hand, he believed that a willingness to disregard aristocratic rights also was one for commoners' rights. In court and in parliament, he sought to harmonize Themiclesian legal traditions with Casaterran thought, defending those accepted in both and critically assessing where they disagreed. | ||
Becoming the leader of the Conservative Party in 1869, his relative youth was sometimes an impediment to leadership. After the Liberal Party, under the [[Lord of Sng'rja]] and [[Lord T'jang-mjen]], maintained their majority in the election that year, M′i used his oratory eloquence to critique the govenrment, and the Liberal government responded to M′i's acrid criticism by moving ministers from the upper to lower house and introduced most policies in the [[House of Commons (Themiclesia)|House of Commons]], where they dominated. M′i then relied on Krungh (who sat as Lord Gwrjang-goi in the Commons) to offer opposition to the government. Yet the death of Krungh's father in 1871 moved him to the upper house, M′i losing his ally in the lower. In the election of 1873, Krungh was convinced that contemporary Conservatives were too skeptical of a larger role for government. Both were cognizant of calls to expand the franchise in various degrees, but M′i believed the time was too early for "franchise for every man", while Krungh though they should be enfranchised at a debt to the Conservatives. As a result, the party | Becoming the leader of the Conservative Party in 1869, his relative youth was sometimes an impediment to leadership. After the Liberal Party, under the [[Lord of Sng'rja]] and [[Lord T'jang-mjen]], maintained their majority in the election that year, M′i used his oratory eloquence to critique the govenrment, and the Liberal government responded to M′i's acrid criticism by moving ministers from the upper to lower house and introduced most policies in the [[House of Commons (Themiclesia)|House of Commons]], where they dominated. M′i then relied on Krungh (who sat as Lord Gwrjang-goi in the Commons) to offer opposition to the government. Yet the death of Krungh's father in 1871 moved him to the upper house, M′i losing his ally in the lower. In the election of 1873, Krungh was convinced that contemporary Conservatives were too skeptical of a larger role for government. Both were cognizant of calls to expand the franchise in various degrees, but M′i believed the time was too early for "franchise for every man", while Krungh though they should be enfranchised at a debt to the Conservatives. As a result, the party appealed both to skepticism of government involvement in industry, under T'jang-mjen's manifesto, being too risky, and to an equitable sharing of profits between capitalists and labourers. The Conservatives lost to Lord T'jang-mjen's Liberals, who convinced the electorate the Conservatives had a contradictory platform without addressing M′i's doubts. | ||
Mid-way during L'ong-mjen's government, Krungh started to make speeches to the unenfranchised public and using his personal money to fund candidates who believed government had a direct role in improving the lot of the working man. Against M′i's injunction, Krungh began politicizing the 95% adult population that up to that point had no political voice, fully confident he could "capture their hearts" even if he could not secure a vote for them.<ref>Krungh followed the Lord of Tek-lang, who once said "the aristocracy is in debt to commoners for its prestige, power, and money; this debt must be paid for somehow, or one day be made to pay." He believed that ''hoi polloi'' had a legitimate political voice that could both be used to negotiate concessions from the "purple of commerce", and they would be grateful to the aristocracy for enabling them this way. The New Policy was thus aimed to empower the masses as a means to protect the aristocracy.</ref> M′i, believing the law that excluded the masses from politics must be obeyed, and their inclusion introduced an unwanted dimension to politics, was exasperated at Krungh's unorthodoxy but did nothing to remove him or prevent him from financially sponsoring candidates for the Commons. While he had his own {{wp|pocket boroughs|pocket seats}}, he was not as wealthy as Krungh and did not wish to spend competitively on elections, turning them into "bribery-contests." | |||
==Notes== | ==Notes== | ||
Revision as of 19:03, 14 January 2020
The Hon. Kjung Mrus, Lord of M′i PC J (Shinasthana: 迷侯, m′i-go; Jan. 2, 1810 – Oct. 30, 1889) was a Themiclesian aristocrat, civil servant, jurist, and Conservative politician, twice Prime Minister of Themiclesia from 1878 to 1880 and 1886 to 1888. M′i is most noted for his attempts to stay the rise of the Lord of Krungh and his New Conservatism; due to disunity in his party and a preference for reaction, his government's achievements in other fields were considerably limited.
He was born the third son of Kjung Hus-ning (恭好年), the second Lord of M′i. He was first educated privately then at Academia Shinasthana, becoming a master of laws and called to the bar in 1844. Though not expected to inherit the title, the House of Lords convicted his father and elder brother for embezzling money in the Themiclesian Navy in 1851, disinheriting both of them and causing the title to pass to him by default.[1] That his father was alive and a commoner while he a peer was a life-long cause for shame and anxiety for him, and he chose not to take his seat in parliament. He was made sixth justice of the Supreme Court in 1863, and at the behest of the Lord of Nja′-′rjem (女陰侯, nja′-′rjem-go) entered politics as Secretary of State for Public Works in his short-lived ministry. His opponents were not prepared for his sharp mind and deep involvement in public projects, judging them not for the affiliation of their sponsors but tangible merits, such as expected expenses and opportunistic savings. On the other hand, he believed that a willingness to disregard aristocratic rights also was one for commoners' rights. In court and in parliament, he sought to harmonize Themiclesian legal traditions with Casaterran thought, defending those accepted in both and critically assessing where they disagreed.
Becoming the leader of the Conservative Party in 1869, his relative youth was sometimes an impediment to leadership. After the Liberal Party, under the Lord of Sng'rja and Lord T'jang-mjen, maintained their majority in the election that year, M′i used his oratory eloquence to critique the govenrment, and the Liberal government responded to M′i's acrid criticism by moving ministers from the upper to lower house and introduced most policies in the House of Commons, where they dominated. M′i then relied on Krungh (who sat as Lord Gwrjang-goi in the Commons) to offer opposition to the government. Yet the death of Krungh's father in 1871 moved him to the upper house, M′i losing his ally in the lower. In the election of 1873, Krungh was convinced that contemporary Conservatives were too skeptical of a larger role for government. Both were cognizant of calls to expand the franchise in various degrees, but M′i believed the time was too early for "franchise for every man", while Krungh though they should be enfranchised at a debt to the Conservatives. As a result, the party appealed both to skepticism of government involvement in industry, under T'jang-mjen's manifesto, being too risky, and to an equitable sharing of profits between capitalists and labourers. The Conservatives lost to Lord T'jang-mjen's Liberals, who convinced the electorate the Conservatives had a contradictory platform without addressing M′i's doubts.
Mid-way during L'ong-mjen's government, Krungh started to make speeches to the unenfranchised public and using his personal money to fund candidates who believed government had a direct role in improving the lot of the working man. Against M′i's injunction, Krungh began politicizing the 95% adult population that up to that point had no political voice, fully confident he could "capture their hearts" even if he could not secure a vote for them.[2] M′i, believing the law that excluded the masses from politics must be obeyed, and their inclusion introduced an unwanted dimension to politics, was exasperated at Krungh's unorthodoxy but did nothing to remove him or prevent him from financially sponsoring candidates for the Commons. While he had his own pocket seats, he was not as wealthy as Krungh and did not wish to spend competitively on elections, turning them into "bribery-contests."
Notes
- ↑ The second legitimate son died in infancy.
- ↑ Krungh followed the Lord of Tek-lang, who once said "the aristocracy is in debt to commoners for its prestige, power, and money; this debt must be paid for somehow, or one day be made to pay." He believed that hoi polloi had a legitimate political voice that could both be used to negotiate concessions from the "purple of commerce", and they would be grateful to the aristocracy for enabling them this way. The New Policy was thus aimed to empower the masses as a means to protect the aristocracy.