Neoliberal conspiracy
The neoliberal conspiracy was a political conspiracy that affected Akashi, Megelan, Nordkrusen, Delkora, and Gylias in 1989–1990. It involved linkages between right-wing politicians, rich businesspersons, organised crime, and clandestine organisations seeking to gain power and pursue right-wing economic policies.
It emerged from the confluence of several factors: the "kibi-yuru war" in Akashi's Conservative National Party, the growing popularity of neoliberalism in Megelan, and the Delkoran Conservative–Agrarian attempts to reverse the New Kingdom program. One crucial link in the conspiracy was the clandestine Masonic lodge Propaganda Massonica, whose "Plan of Democratic Rebirth" advocated media consolidation, suppression of trade unions, and creating an authoritarian guided democracy.
The conspiracy managed to depose Prime Minister Ran Tsukuda through an internal party coup, replacing her with Ichirō Kondō in December 1989. His attempts to carry out the neoliberal program caused mass protests and a general strike, and it was rejected decisively in a referendum. A similar radicalisation of right-wing parties in Gylias caused the Union for Freedom and Prosperity to split from the National Bloc in 1989, causing a voter backlash that humiliated them in the 1990 federal election.
The neoliberal conspiracy caused profound political realignments. In Akashi, the yuru faction split from the CNP and founded the Moderate People's Party, while voters alarmed by the conspiracy produced a "red wave" in 1990, making Communist Party leader Shinobu Furukawa Prime Minister. In Megelan, the debacle disgraced neoliberalism and caused nationwide investigations, resulting in indictments for corruption, a major crackdown on the Ligéra, and a shift in public policy to strengthen safeguards against market concentration. In Delkora, investigations combined with other scandals ultimately collapsed the Ulrik Andersen government, and produced a left-wing victory in the 1994 federal election.
Terminology
"Neoliberal conspiracy" is the standard term for the conspiracy, popularised by investigative journalist Haruna Konno's book A Conspiracy Against Democracy. Some writers replace "neoliberal" with synonyms like "capitalist".
The term is translated in Miranian as shinjiyūshugi inbō (新自由主義陰謀), Italian as conspirazione neoliberista, Swedish as nyliberal konspiration, Delkoran as neoliberal konspiration, and French as complot néolibéral.
Background
Akashi
During the 1970s, Akashi was governed by leftist governments, who took advantage of the "siege economy" to push for far-reaching changes to the previously dominant Yurikarist order. These included breaking up large companies, growing the cooperative sector, strengthening trade unions and economic planning, and attacking wealth concentration through fiscal and monetary policy.
Despite the atmosphere of stagnation and high government turnover, the left remained in power aided by divisions among the Akashian right. The Conservative National Party, perceived as too hardline, lost ground to more moderate parties like the National Democratic Party, Reform Party, and United Akashi, which refused to work with it due to its reputation. At the same time, it was pressured for the right-wing populist vote by the Tax Cuts Party and Akashi Renewal Party.
The severely hung parliament elected in 1980 became the turning point for voters' frustration with the political impasse. The CNP saw an open battle between its "soft" (緩い yurui) and "hard" (厳しい kibishii) factions, led by Ran Tsukuda and Ichirō Kondō, respectively.
Ran was elected party leader in 1981. She and her faction launched a purge of hardliners and transformed the CNP into a progressive conservative party, recruiting moderate candidates, and ending its estrangement from the light blue bloc.
The reconstituted CNP won general elections in 1982 and 1986, forming centre-right governments with support from the centre. Ran's government enjoyed high approval ratings for its pragmatic governance and economic revival, and Ran earned respect for her consensual style and negotiating talent.
Despite Ran's successes, the yuru faction held tenuous control over the CNP, and resorted to heavy-handed tactics to marginalise the kibi during the party's transformation. Rich Akashians, having initially expected an end to the "war against business", grew angry with Ran's paternalistic opposition to big business and egalitarian fiscal policies.
The "blue wave" of 1986, which brought the CNP one seat short of a majority alone, heightened kibi efforts to seize control and yuru efforts to suppress them. Ichikon began to form links between the kibi members panicking at the moderate "takeover" of the CNP, rich Akashians frustrated at being cold-shouldered by Ran's cabinet, and the weakened Freedom League.
Megelan
The 1980s were a decade of economic growth in Megelan; the rise to national prominence of several businessmen and businesswomen eventually led to their appearance in national politics, as it was hoped that their business acumen would benefit the League as a whole; they ended up pushing for neoliberal reforms, with the most radical among them veering close to anarcho-capitalism over time.
The Masonic lodge Propaganda Massonica became clandestine in 1976, when its official charter was withdrawn. It was transformed into an illegal, far-right organisation driven by fervent anti-communism. It adopted a political programme known as the "Plan of Democratic Rebirth" (Piano di rinascita democratica), which advocated media consolidation, suppression of trade unions, neoliberal measures, and creating an authoritarian guided democracy.
Propaganda Massonica advocated extensive use of political corruption to achieve its goals. It formed ties with the Ligéra, and began to extend operations abroad and forge links with conservative business interests, including Quan Mach in Quenmin; Propaganda Massonica was also able to recruit several of the businesspeople mentioned above, leading to the formation of a triple alliance between the far right, the neoliberals and organized crime.
Gylias
The wretched decade was a period of protracted crisis in Gylias on all fronts: economically, politically, socially, and in foreign affairs. The conservative National Bloc gained support as a result of the crises, and the fight against authoritarianism of the left (Revolutionary Rally) and right (Front for Renewal of Order and Society).
The hung parliament elected in 1985 and Ossorian war crisis of 1986 galvanised the opposition and toppled the Aén Ďanez government. It was replaced by the Filomena Pinheiro government, a grand coalition including all parliamentary groups except the RR and FROS.
A phenomenon of radicalisation known as the dérive au droite began among right-wing parties, which caused a growing rift within the NB between its traditional moderates (CNP, NPR, PDU) and parties that grew increasingly critical of the Gylian consensus and seeking alignment with the broader Tyranian right-wing (FEP, IFP).
Delkora
After a long period of National Labor hegemony, the Conservative–Agrarian coalition won federal elections in 1983 and 1987. The government of Lars af Vellarand pursued a program of economic austerity, social conservatism, and devolution of powers to state governments. However, the slender majority and Agrarians' reluctance stymied the government's attempts to repeal the New Kingdom program.
Delkora's part in the neoliberal conspiracy is notable: while Akashi and Gylias had moderate conservative parties that struggled with more right-wing and confrontational factions, Delkora had a classically right-wing Conservative Party that gained a moderate faction reconciled to the New Kingdom Program, known as the New Conservatives.
Course of the conspiracy
The conspiracy emerged in the late 1980s, facilitated by the activities of Propaganda Massonica. In Akashi, the kibi faction under Ichikon formed a secret alliance with rich conservatives and the Freedom League, while in Delkora a group of hardline Conservatives frustrated by the failure to repeal the New Kingdom Program made contact with Propaganda Massonica, agreeing with the oligarchical aspects of the Plan for Democratic Rebirth.
The plots were highly secretive, and the leadership of Propaganda Massonica used several techniques to ascertain the reliability of their international contacts before introducing them to the Plan. Thus, while the organisation unofficially supported the dérive au droite in Gylias, they refused to bring any Gylian parties completely in the loop because they considered them unreliable and a risk.
Around 1988–1989, it could be said the conspiracy had consolidated into an international plot, linking right-wingers and rich businesspersons in Akashi, Megelan, Delkora, Nordkrusen, and to a lesser extent the dérive au droite in Gylias and neoliberals in Quenmin. Much of the conspiracy targeted Common Sphere states due to the organisation's broadly leftist economic and social policies and generous welfare states.
The dérive au droite led to the National Bloc–Union for Freedom and Prosperity split of 1989, which threatened to expose the conspiracy. However, the conspirators managed to avoid being directly connected, and much of the foreign media treated the split as simply a Gylian news story typical of its unusual politics.
Culmination and exposure
Using coordination and entryism tactics, the conspiracy struck on 25 December 1989: while Ran was on vacation abroad during a parliamentary recess, it helped the kibi faction stage a surprise leadership vote, which Ichikon won. Having become CNP leader and Prime Minister, Ichikon launched an internal purge to rid the party of the yuru faction, and prepared to implement policies in accordance with the plan.
When the National Assembly reconvened in January 1990, Ichikon shocked the public by breaking the informal alliance with the centre, and instead sought support from the right-wing Freedom League and Akashi Renewal Party. He introduced hastily drafted legislation to implement tax cuts, loosen regulations, privatise state-owned enterprises through asset sales (instead of Ran's cooperativisation), and weaken the Sōhyō. He attempted to use surprise to his advantage, moving quickly and calling parliamentary sessions on short notice, when there was a higher chance leftist MNAs would not be in Hirakawa.
Ichikon's program caused mass protests and a general strike, the largest since the Summer of Freedom. He imposed a party line vote and manipulated party lists by expelling MNAs, in order to stack the CNP's parliamentary group with kibi MNAs. Although his parliamentary chicanery narrowly secured passage of the program, it was vetoed by President Emi Hanamura. Instead of using normal procedure, which would've sent the bills back to the National Assembly, Emi called a referendum on them. It was held on 10 February, and resulted in a decisive defeat.
The defeat precipitated the collapse of Ichikon's government. Ran's faction, having given up on transforming the CNP, instead left to form the Moderate People's Party, which merged with United Akashi. Ichikon lost a vote of confidence, causing the upcoming general election to be held earlier, in March.
A police raid on the villa of Propaganda Massonica's leader in February led to the discovery and publication of the Plan for Democratic Rebirth. The exposure of the conspiracy caused a scandal and led to more investigations that brought to light Propaganda Massonica's international contacts.
Held in the midst of the scandal, the Akashian general election produced a "red wave", with a massive swing towards the left. The greatest gains went to the Communist Party, whose leader Shinobu Furukawa had mounted a fiercely anti-neoliberal campaign: she famously used the slogan "Jail the bastards!" while campaigning, and during the television debate she confronted Ichikon and said he would "rot in jail" once she was Prime Minister. Much of the centre-right vote previously won by Ran transferred to the MPP, while the CNP were humiliated, falling below the election threshold and losing all of their seats.
The Gylian federal election held simultaneously caused some setbacks for the conservatives due to the scandal, but mainly devastated the Union for Freedom and Prosperity, which only narrowly entered Parliament and became the smallest electoral bloc.
Investigations and trials
The exposure of the conspiracy was followed by extensive investigations and prosecutions of those involved. It was one of the largest international police operations in Tyran, with Akashian, Delkoran, Gylian, and Megelanese investigators coordinating their efforts.
Akashi and Gylias gained a reputation for meting out the most vicious punishments of the countries involved. Having become Prime Minister, Shinobu directed police to investigate everything about the accused, and used public statements to keep up pressure. The trials of Ichikon and other participants were heated affairs, with the prosecution engaging in relentless insults and mockery at their expense to humiliate them.
Although Shinobu's harsh approach to the prosecution discomfited some sectors of the public, the majority of voters approved of the psychological punishment of the conspirators. Those convicted were sent to high-security prisons, and Shinobu denied any requests for compassionate release and ordered that medical treatment be withheld, leading to Ichikon and others' deaths in prison from terminal illnesses.
Those arrested and found guilty of involvement in the conspiracy in Gylias were sentenced to "expulsion from the community" and sent to social quarantine areas.
In Delkora, several prominent CEOs were arrested by the Federal Police in late 1990 on charges of wire fraud and money laundering in connection with the conspiracy. Information uncovered during their prosecutions revealed connections to the Madsen Group, as well as six Conservative MPs who had been in contact with Propaganda Massonica. The MPs were subsequently arrested and later convicted of corruption and treason.
With an election coming in 1991, the party moved to expel them. However, the Conservative–Agrarian coalition under Ulrik Andersen continued to be hit by scandals, including the Siege of Gothendral on the eve of the election. Although they barely remained in office as a precarious minority government, investigations continued for the next three years that further exposed Conservative involvement in corruption.
On 20 February 1994, Andersen's chief of staff and minister of communications were arrested following a series of police raids. The following day, Andersen himself was indicted on charges of electoral fraud, bribery, obstruction of justice and abuse of power and ousted from office by a vote of no confidence. After being found guilty on nearly all counts, he was sentenced to 37 years in prison.
In Megelan, Propaganda Massonica was shut down and its members arrested. The investigations exposed its links to organised crime, leading to a major crackdown on the Ligéra.
In Quenmin, lawful action against Quan Mach undertook a relatively gradual pace. On 15 January 1990, the Three Fields Inspectorate investigated Quan Mach's Ponzi scheme against its clients Green Marsh Alternatives and Helios Informatics. Two weeks later, news surfaced about Quan Mach's participation in the conspiracy, prompting the Inspectorate to immediately consider the imputation. Eventually, they uncovered a trail of wire fraud, securities fraud and money laundering connected with its clients consisting of the Propaganda Massonica, and the Delkoran and Akashian right-wing conspirators.
Throughout the investigation, Quan Mach's COO Triệu Trung Hiếu, CIO Lâm Hiếu Thông and CFO Đào Chí Vịnh and other employees obstructed the investigation by failing to disclose relevant documents and providing false statements, which consequently lead to both their 4 February arrest and a subsequent scandal that inflicted a detrimental effect on their reputations. The consequent trial six days later resulted in the aforementioned senior executives and employees being incarcerated and the company agreeing to pay reparations totaling Ѧ79.54 million (Ѧ100.02 million in present-day monetary value).
Aftermath
The neoliberal conspiracy was one of the most severe scandals to affect the Common Sphere since its foundation. Its exposure caused a long-lasting backlash against right-wing politics and neoliberalism, strengthening left parties and the broad agreements that existed among major parties on economic policy and social security.
The secretive nature of the conspiracy and "shadow government" aspirations exposed by Ichikon's brief tenure served to discredit neoliberalism by associating it with treason and oligarchic attempts to undermine democracy. Shinobu Furukawa, Mathilde Vieira, and Emma Jørgensen all emphasised their uncompromising opposition to privatisation while in office.
In Megelan, the aftermath of the conspiracy was similar; the country's hardline stance against organized crime, however, sparked a crisis that led to the sentencing of the Minister of Internal Affairs for crimes against humanity, and their execution — after a few thousand criminals had already died, and their wealth either seized by the state or given to those in need.
In Delkora, Jørgensen's government passed sweeping anti-corruption legislation shortly after taking office. The visibility of the trials decimated the Conservatives and Agrarians in elections at the federal, state, and local levels throughout the rest of the 1990s. The tarnishing of its reputation advantaged the New Conservative faction, a moderate and progressive faction opposed to neoliberalism. They split to form the Centre Democrats, adding to the Conservatives' woes. The neoliberal conspiracy, combined with other high-profile political scandals during the decade, contributed to widespread public disillusionment with government and led to a surge in support for leftist anti-establishment parties like Radical Front, the Greens, and the Pirate Party.
The scandal caused a brief increase in hard support stances towards the Common Sphere, and some argued for a strengthening of the CS to prevent the reoccurrence of a similar international plot.