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The '''Messidorian revolutions''' were a set of conflicts between 1799 and 1830 that established the constituent nations of the [[Messidor Union]]. They encompass the Aɣmatian revolution (1799) and the Merovian revolution (1824-1830). Both conflicts aimed at overthrowing authoritarian regimes and established precursor or foundational anarcho-socialist states. The ideology for both conflicts also stemmed from a subversive cultural and ideological exchange. Key figures among these movements were Ziri Akli (1762-1833) and Jean Estienne (1781-1848). The anarchist movements drew upon republican ideals from Merovia and anarcho-syndicalist organization from Aɣmatia.
Externally, the Messidorian revolutions created great upheaval. The Kingdom of Merovia was split into two halves: the monarchical [[West Merovia|Kingdom of Merovia]] in the west and the democratic [[East Merovia|Republic of Merovia]] in the east. The revolutions also had implications for other nascent and militant socialist movements around the globe. Tensions with monarchical neighbours were only tempered by the poor foreign relations of the Izîlids in Aɣmatia and the de Grissons dynasty in Merovia.
Both conflicts were fought initially with {{wpl|irregular warfare}} which advanced into large-scale {{wpl|conventional warfare}}. While Aɣmatia gained independence almost a quarter of a century prior to the outbreak of the Merovian revolution, material assistance from across the Periclean was limited. Socialist writers including [[Arthurista|Arthurista's]] {{wpl|Karl Marx|Werner}}, [[Jhengtsang|Jhengtsang's]] {{wpl|Mao Zedong|Tsenpo}}, and [[Tsurushima|Tsurushima's]] {{wpl|Sun Yat-sen|Kitakami Yukichi}} drew on the theory and lessons of the revolutions.
==Historical context==
[[File:William Hogarth - Industry and Idleness, Plate 1; The Fellow 'Prentices at their Looms.png|320px|thumb|right|Engraving of two apprentice artisans working at looms]]
The latter half of the 18th century saw the onset of the first wave of {{wpl|Industrial revolution|industrialization}} in Belisaria and western Scipia. This wave of change disrupted traditional economic roles and imperiled the status of many artisans. Clan crafters and guilders in Aɣmatia and Merovia, respectively, began to see their work devalued and wealth inequality was growing. The populations of these countries were also becoming displaced as people were corraled into growing cities and factory towns. Both the clan caste and peasant relationships between the commoners and the ruling classes in both countries also invested a majority of control with the rulers. Seeking enrichment and a modernist project of economic development, rulers in both countries emphasized the utility of mechanization and the production of products over the agrarian industry. Rural settlements began to suffer, as did the food supply.
While more relevant to Aɣmatia than Merovia, industrialization occurred unequally. Mining, manufacturing, and skilled fabrication were the first industries where hand labour was largely supplanted by initially crude mechanization. In both Aɣmatia than Merovia, the extension of mechanization to food production lagged. The massive migrations toward cities further divested agrarian communities from their means of production and actively diminished the food supply while populations continued to grow.
Regime changes contributed further to instability and challenges to the legitimacy of the ruling classes along traditional ideological lines. In the decade prior to the revolution in Aɣmatia, the Imxzninassan overthrew Malik Arkun ibn Hassan al-Izîli. The commander of the Imxzninassan, Syphax, had no claim to a divine purpose or enlightened guidance and ruled by force. In Merovia, the collapse of the Holy Audonian Empire and the elevation of the Kingdom of Merovia alienated a large portion of the Fabrian Catholic population. In both countries, traditional roles were upheaved, leaving many people uncertain and unconvinced of the legitimacy of their rulers.
Beyond the traditional norms, however, the philosophical movement toward the recognition of a concept of human rights was also developing. Intellectuals across the world had already begun to engage with the concept of universal equality and humanity. Many of these intellectuals turned these theories into outrage and decried the injustice of the ruling classes that were held above the common people. Both Aɣmatia and Merovia were prime examples of how the ruling classes treated the commoners as disposable. Both countries also had strong humanistic intellectual movements which were able to mobilize the lower classes.
==Ideological underpinnings==
The social and economic theories that influenced both the revolutionary uprisings, and the organization of the societies that followed them, developed over the decades prior to the Messidorian revolutions. As an end result, the Messidor Union draws on features from several different intellectual and ideological elements but ultimately married them all together. The two primary elements are {{wpl|syndicalism}} and {{wpl|republicanism}}. A third element, {{wpl|De Leonism|Alençonism}} would also be important for the post-revolutionary political organization but was not as influential in revolutionary discourse in either Aɣmatia or Merovia prior to the revolutions.
===''Isin'nada''===
[[File:Abd el-Kader by Stanislaw Chlebowski.jpg|200px|thumb|right|Portrait of Tmassa Ziri Akli]]
What is commonly referred to in international political theory as Messidorian syndicalism began as a Kel Adrar artisans' ideology known as ''isin'nada'' or "clan consciousness". Traditional Kel Adrar society divided families by their trades into clan castes. These castes formed extensive kinship groups for their members and were also said to be traditionally egalitarian. Mobility between clans was possible albeit rare. After the Izîlids came to power in Aɣmatia in 1513 CE, the clans were subordinated to local lords under a modified iqta system. Clans became more restrictive and mobility was effectively eliminated. Clans were largely alienated from other clans and from Azdarin freepersons in Aɣmatia.
The commonly acknowledged progenitor of ''isin'nada'' is Tmassa Ziri Akli. Akli was a Kel Adrar farmer who organized work stoppages in protest of corvées extracted by the local ''iqta'at''. Akli corresponded with other rebellious clan leaders in {{wpl|tifinaɣ}} which few {{wpl|Arabs|Gharib}} administrators could read. Akli compiled much of this correspondence and his own writings into a book titled ''Atm'isin'nada'' or "The Way of Clan Consciousness" in 1790 when he was twenty-eight years old. The central tenets of Akli's theories were that:
# all people are equal until they can demonstrate that they are worthy of sainthood,
# labourers and artisans are oppressed by their rulers and masters,
# collective action by the labourers and artisans is necessary to ameliorate their condition, and
# the rulers and masters are parasites on the products of the clans' labour and must ultimately be overthrown.
Hand-copied volumes of ''Atm'isin'nada'' were widely distributed among the clans and ultimately provoked widespread work disruptions. To those who were unfamiliar with the radical language of the revolution, the overthrow of the Imxzninassan seemed more like the restoration of an ancient tribal society rather than the emergence of a new social order. Ziri Akli's writings remained obscure in the rest of the world by virtue of their limited and discreet distribution and the obscure language and script they were written in. At some point after 1800, an Audonic translation of ''Atm'isin'nada'' of uncertain origin appeared in East Merovia. There, dissidents and intellectuals seized upon the materials and drew upon them to incite collective action in the guilds and peasant farms against the monarchy.
===Republicanism===
The notion that each citizen in a society deserves a voice in its governance extends back to [[Lihnidos#City-states_and_unification|ancient Lihnidosi city-states]] and the senate of the ancient Latin Kingdom. These societies had extremely restrictive definitions of citizenship which enfranchised only the wealthiest and most powerful individuals in those societies. What distinguished Merovian revolutionary republicanism from previous forms in Belisaria was its appeal to universal rights and fundamental equality for all people.
Universalism had gained some traction in limited forms the centuries leading up to the revolution. Enlightened despots in Belisaria began to concede basic natural rights to their citizens, distinct from divine rights conferred by religious text. A radical rejection of both the innate superiority of the monarch and the rejection of autocracy or dictatorship as a legitimate form of government was a major development - especially at as large a scale as the Merovian anarchist movement.
The leading anarchist provocateurs and agitators leading up to the Merovian revolution were Jean Estienne and Marie-Claire d'Avon. Jean Estienne began his career as a royal printer but left his work to begin secretly printing seditious materials. He eventually became a fugitive who roamed between dissident and anarchist circles, distributing literature and passing word between groups. He began an epistolary relationship with Ziri Akli after encountering his writings circa. 1805 and learning some rudimentary {{wpl|tamaziɣt}}. Estienne was a key figure in organizing the Vallènes Festival and in launching the revolution-proper. Avon was an artisan brewer who had frequently agitated for women to be admitted to guilds. Her activism granted her access to dissident circles where she fiercely advocated for the equal rights of women and the value of women's labour. Avon was another organizer at Vallènes though she was one of the hundred and fifty killed when Royalist troops arrived to break up the event.
==Aɣmatian revolution==
{{Infobox military conflict
{{Infobox military conflict
| conflict    = Aɣmatian revolution
| conflict    = Talaharan Civil War
| width      =  
| width      =  
| partof      = the [[Messidorian revolutions]]
| partof      =  
| image      = File:Η επίθεση του Ιμπραήμ Πασά κατά του Μεσσολογγίου. Λάδι. Giuseppe Mazzola..jpg
| image      = File:Portrait-Fatma N'Soumer.jpg
| image_size  =
| image_size  =
| alt        =
| alt        =
| caption    = Hundreds are killed by the Imxzninassan at Avana
| caption    = Anarchist woman at the Second Battle of Rušadar
| date        = {{start and end dates|1799|2|11|1799|12|22|df=yes}}
| date        = {{start and end dates|1834|3|29|1838|06|20|df=yes}}
| place      = Aɣmatia
| place      = [[Talahara]]
| coordinates = <!--Use the {{coord}} template -->
| coordinates = <!--Use the {{coord}} template -->
| map_type    =  
| map_type    =  
Line 58: Line 19:
| territory  =  
| territory  =  
| result      =  
| result      =  
*Kel Adrar victory
*Anarchist victory
*Overthrow of the Imxzninassan
*Fall of the Third Talaharan Kingdom
*Formation of the Confederation of Aɣmatia
*Fall of the Republic of Talahara
*Formation of the [[Talahara|United Communes of Talahara]]
| status      =  
| status      =  
| combatants_header =  
| combatants_header =  
| combatant1  = '''Imxzninassan'''
| combatant1  = {{nowrap|{{flagicon|Talahara|Royalist}} Third Talaharan Kingdom}}
| combatant2  = '''Inadan n Kel Adrar'''</br>Nada Bnu</br>Nada Xitr</br>Nada Ɣuz</br>Nada Znz
| combatant2  = {{nowrap|{{flagicon|Talahara|Liberal}} Republic of Talahara}}
| commander1 = {{flagicon image|Flag of the Emirate of Mascara.svg}} Syphax{{KIA}}</br>{{flagicon image|Flag of the Emirate of Mascara.svg}} Fer Ali{{KIA}}</br>{{flagicon image|Flag of Libya (1977–2011, 3-2).svg}} Arkun ibn Hassan al-Izîli{{Executed}}
| combatant3  = {{flagicon|Talahara}} Anarchists
| commander2 = {{flagicon image|Aɣmatia flag.png}} Ziri Akli</br>{{flagicon image|Personal flag of Lalla Fatma N'Soumer.svg}} Vermina Ɣas</br>{{flagicon image|Berber flag.svg}} Sofon Ilx n Janub</br>{{flagicon image|Naval ensign of French Algeria (1848–1910).svg}} Tanakwa Asmun
| commander1  = {{flagicon|Talahara|Royalist}} Medur IV N'Zaraba{{executed}}</br>{{flagicon|Talahara|Royalist}} Karim N'Tsabunar{{executed}}</br>{{flagicon|Talahara|Royalist}} Mawli N'Rušadi{{KIA}}
| units1      =
| commander2 = {{flagicon|Talahara|Liberal}} Warmaksan Kabil{{KIA}}</br>{{nowrap|{{flagicon|Talahara|Liberal}} Zemrassa Waguten}}</br>{{flagicon|Talahara|Liberal}} Ili Kinawa{{KIA}}
| units2      =  
| commander3 = {{flagicon|Talahara}} [[Ziri Akli]]</br>{{nowrap|{{flagicon|Talahara}} Kahina Markunda}}</br>{{flagicon|Talahara}} Zidan Misibsen{{KIA}}</br>[[File:Talaharan Navy Jack.svg|23px]] Baligan Amasen
| strength1   = 25,000 professional soldiers</br>30,000 militia fighters
| strength1  = 16,500 soldiers</br>45,000 militia</br>2,000 mercenaries
| strength2   = 100,000 clan warriors</br>300,000 rioters
| strength2   = 1,200 soldiers</br>185,000 militia</br>6,000 mercenaries
| casualties1 = 5,000 wounded or killed in battle</br>6,000 to disease and famine
| strength3   = 10,500 soldiers</br>280,000 militia
| casualties2 = 8,000 wounded or killed in battle
| casualties1 = 42,000 wounded</br>11,000 killed
| casualties3 = over 50,000 civilians to disease and famine
| casualties2 = 29,000 wounded</br>16,000 killed
| casualties3 = 58,000 wounded</br>21,000 killed
| casualties4 = 100,000-150,000 civilian deaths
| notes      =  
| notes      =  
| campaignbox =  
| campaignbox =  
}}
}}
===Amxzninassa system===
The '''Talaharan Civil War''', also known as the '''Talaharan Revolution''' or the '''Talaharan Anarchy''' was a war that erupted in 1834 between three factions in [[Talahara]]. The conflict began with the overthrow of the monarchy of the Third Talaharan Kingdom by the republicans; a faction spearheaded by the affluent liberal merchant class. The conflict rapidly evolved to include the anarchists; a nascent movement of commoners and slaves demanding an upheaval of the social and economic order. After four years of war, the anarchists ultimately emerged victorious over both the republicans and the monarchist remnants.
The Imxzninassan (singular: Amxzninassa) were founded by the Izîlid dynasty shortly after they took power in the early 16th century. They were a professional fighting force of {{wpl|Arabs|Gharib}} freemen though they later recruited from other groups. The Imxzninassan were stationed above the clan castes in the Mamlakat al-Akhmat, only beneath the ''iqta'at'' and the malik. They were founded as a professional force to expand the Izîlids' influence in the region, but also acted as a repressive force and kept order within Aɣmatia. Over time, the Imxzninassan flourished as a social order unto itself and were frequently hired privately by the ''iqta'at'' to act as enforcers, tax collectors, and eventually subordinate administrators.
 
The Civil War left a lasting legacy on the world, with the new United Communes of Talahara forming the world's first revolutionary socialist republic. To Talahara's immediate east, popular unrest would result in syndicalist uprisings and eventually revolution within several decades. Future, writers including [[Arthurista|Arthurista's]] {{wpl|Karl Marx|John Werner}} and [[Tsurushima|Tsurushima's]] {{wpl|Sun Yat-sen|Kamikawa Yukichi}}, drew on the theory and lessons of the Civil War and its core thinkers.
 
==Historical context==
===Structural conditions===
In the centuries leading up to the Civil War, the merchant class of Talahara began to eclipse the ruling nobility in terms of material wealth and soft influence. On their part, the merchant class began to clamour for additional political power while the vast majority of slaves and commoners languished under exploitative conditions. Despite the attempts of the nobles and the merchants alike to repress the lower classes, improved infrastructure and the displacement of peoples from their traditional crafts and environments resulting from industrialization expanded the commoners' abilities to communicate and mobilize. Further unrest and revolts throughout the 18th century put increased pressure on the nobility which responded by criminalizing vagrancy and vagabondism at the beginning of the 19th century.
[[File:Augustins - Le Sultan du Maroc - Eugène Delacroix.jpg|210px|thumb|left|King-President Medur IV N'Zaraba, c. 1820]]
The criminalization of vagabondism led to conflict with the minority population of free Kel Hadar who had maintained nomadic pastoralist lifestyles for several millennia. The cultural and religious elite of Talahara, which included a large portion of the military, supported the preservation of the Kel Hadar’s rights to nomadism which caused internal strain in the regime. Several clashes occurred between the nomads and authorities before the law was amended to carve out an exception for the Kel Hadar. These exceptions had two major effects: Firstly, there were mass protests among the Kel Aman (nobles, merchants, and commoners alike) who begrudged unequal treatment in the context of a developing conception of universal rights. The second effect was that many otherwise repressed Kel Hadar adopted nomadic lifestyles ostensibly as covers for fomenting unrest and revolutionary sentiment. Over the ensuing decades, violent outbursts and independent repression by merchants spread as the Court of the Lions began to lose its grip over the state.
 
Slavery was a relatively commonplace institution in Talahara from antiquity to the early modern era. By 1830, roughly 35% of the country's inhabitants were chattel slaves. Slaves were typically drawn from Kel Tenere or Kel Hadar clanspeople captured in internal conflict or thereafter born into servitude. The majority of slaveowners were traditionalist Kel Aman noble landowners. A further 45% of the population was estimated to have worked in indentured contracts which were increasingly common arrangements between free lower-class Kel and liberal capitalists.
[[File:Map of Talahara c 1800.png|300px|thumb|right|Map of Talahara, c. 1800]]
Liberal and revolutionary ideologies had become the dominant discursive forces in the nation among the religious, military, and common classes by 1833. Across all corners of the kingdom, the acceptance of the kings’ authority was rapidly waning. The liberal landowning class used their resources to spread their influence and agitate politically for abolishing noble privileges. While the affluent merchants would be the primary beneficiaries of a new liberal order, their dogma was popular with many commoners as well, particularly those who were sold on narratives of opportunity and class mobility. While the anarchists agreed on abolishing privilege, they also sought to definitively end slavery and recentre the labourer as the core unit of society and redistribute wealth such that the merchants could not buy their own privileges at the expense of the poor.
 
===Ideologies===
The Talaharan Civil War was a conflict between three ideological groups: the declining traditional forces of monarchism, the rising industrial liberals, and the nascent socialist movement of Talaharan social mutualism.
 
====Talaharan monarchism====
Unlike other monarchies in the world, the Talaharan monarchs of the modern era had no philosophy of {{wp|Mandate of Heaven|divine right to rule}}. Rather, the investiture of autocratic power in the hands of a single monarch was seen as a reflection of {{wp|natural law}}. The beginning of the Third Talaharan Kingdom, wherein the throne was awarded to the senior-most member of the eminent Talaharan clans, explicitly dictated the monarchy as an element of the natural order of the world and a function of life's mechanisms, but not that any given individual was divinely ordained to rule.
 
The monarchist faction was predominantly led by twenty ruling clans, ten Kel Aman and ten Kel Hadar, and their elder kings who sat in the Court of the Lions. Members of the Court of the Lions obtained their positions via seniority. The ruling clans each had dominion over a set of sub-clans, usually controlling a subset of tradespeoples across a nebulous geographic area. In principle, the clans ruled over peoples and not territories, so the jurisdictional boundaries between clans could be nebulous, especially in cases of intermarriage between clans. The different clans also had a great disparity in wealth. Since the foundation of the Third Kingdom, taxes were excised uniformly across the clans and budgeted by the King-President of the Court of the Lions. However, many Kel Aman clans obtained independent wealth as merchant houses, as slavers, or as planters.
 
As the power of independent merchants and business owners who were not members of the ruling clans grew in the early-modern period, the legitimacy of confining the natural right to rule to a number of historical clans became increasingly suspect. The material capital of the merchant class eclipsed that of the rulers by the mid-18th century. The right to rule thus became a question of political and economic expediency, efficiency, and appeals to tradition. With industrialization and a changing world, the monarchists appealed to a sense of romanticism, arguing that burgeoning industrialization had to be tempered by the natural order.
 
Despite protests, material conditions made the censuring or limitation of the merchant classes almost impossible without starting a war. The turn of the 19th century also saw the success of liberal republican movements across the world which fueled further discontent among liberal Talaharan merchants.


At its inception, the Imxzninassan numbered 11,000 divided among 11 regiments or "''ilfn''". By the 1790s, Imxzninassan had expanded to 25 ''ilfn'' with several auxiliary forces. Commanders of the units were originally appointed by the malik, but by the mid-17th century, the commanders were appointing their own successors.
====Liberalism====
Liberalism is a social, political, and economic philosophy that asserts a theory of universal rights and freedoms. According to liberalism, all individuals are equal within the natural world and deserve equal rights. In a political sense, liberal ideology called for popular representation in government and the elimination of traditional socio-political hierarchies. In an economic sense, liberalism asserts the right to private property and freedom of commerce as extensions of personal rights and freedoms.


===Kel Adrar clan organization===
The philosophy of liberalism emerged in the 17th and 18th centuries, with some earlier precursor thinkers. Its emergence was largely correlated with industrial development and the radical socio-economic upheaval that accompanied it. Revolutions in transportation and communication technologies also facilitated the exchange of new, radical ideas and conceptions of broad, modern, democratic ideals. Social clubs such as the Ten Thousand Citizens Committee based in Ifurša became important circles for networking, sharing assets and ideas, and building furor against the restrictions imposed by the ruling kings.
The Kel Adrar clans, or ''inada'', recognized kinship ties according to trade or profession regardless of physical location. Each local clan group recognized a lesser elder, or ''amɣar'amzzan''. If a clan member was alone among their profession in a small community, they would still be considered a lesser elder regardless of their actual experience or ability in their profession. Among the ''imɣaran'amzzan'', a single ''amɣar'', or clan elder, would be selected to represent the clan in inter-clan councils. Traditionally, in times of war, the Kel Adrar ''imɣaran'' would appoint a ''amɣar'hlu'', or great elder, to be a singular leader, counseled by the ''imɣaran''.
[[File:Chérif Boubaghla and Lalla Fatma n'Soumer, by Félix Philippoteaux.jpg|265px|thumb|left|Ziri Akli, Vermina Ɣas, and Tanakwa Asmun at a convention of the ''imɣaran'']]
The elder roles could be conferred on any member, regardless of sex or gender. They were often conferred to the oldest and therefore most experienced members of a clan, but exceptions could be made for especially talented or knowledgable clan members. The process for appointing an elder was rarely directly democratic. It did rely upon the ascertainment of a general consensus within the clan.


In the latter era of the Izîlid/Imxzninassan rule, clans were rarely afforded the opportunity to appoint clan elders. The officially appointed lesser elders were kept on tight leashes by local administrators. In the decade before the revolution, many clans appointed secret representatives who traveled and coordinated between clan groups and between clans.
The extent of liberal philosophy has been variable even within broadly liberal societies. The definition of universalism has historically been varied, with some theorists and societies only conferring rights among a limited subset of humankind - namely men, individuals with property, or people of a certain ethnicity or religion. Numerous liberal societies have justified the practice of slavery or the limitation of political rights to the unpropertied based on a limited theory of personhood or a question of an individual's stake in society. After [[Sante Reze]] abolished slavery in 1712 CE, there was increasing international and commercial pressure against slavery. In Talahara, the liberal movement grew to oppose the institution of slavery in the latter decades of the 18th century, but promoted the use of {{wp|indentured labour}} as an ostensibly free market alternative. This endorsement put Talaharan liberals at odds with other liberal societies of the era.


===Material conditions and unrest===
====Social mutualism and anarchism====
Periods of drought and famine were common in pre-industrial societies where the food supply was unstable. In the mid-1790s, Aɣmatia experienced a severe period of drought. The instability of the food supply was compounded by decades of divestment from agricultural production. The edges of the Ninva began to expand northward as desertification of fertile lands in the southeast set in.
[[File:Chérif Boubaghla and Lalla Fatma n'Soumer, by Félix Philippoteaux.jpg|360px|thumb|right|"Anarchist demagogues riding together" painting c. 1866]]
Talaharan social mutualism was the first explicitly revolutionary and self-ascriptive socialist movement in the world. Developed by a developing group of working-class intelligentsia, social mutualism understands itself as the next step in socio-economic development from the conception of universal rights developed by liberal ideology. In addition to the liberal revolution in Ludvosiya and the theories of the Talaharan liberal class, early Talaharan socialists such as Mass Ziri Akli were inspired by communalist societies in northeastern Norumbia.  


The lower classes, the ''inadan'', were suffering greatly but the ruling classes were not insulated from economic hardship either. The Imxzninassan began exacting more demands on the ''inadan'' which heightened tensions even more.
In terms of its objectives, social mutualism seeks to abolish all unjust hierarchies, both political and economic. The core tenet of social mutualism is that resources essential to life ought to be distributed evenly across society, with no private property or primitive accumulation of resources to the deprivation of others. Economic exchange ought to be based on need and resource use based on usufructuary rights. Unlike ordosocialist theories, social mutualism calls for a decentralized economic organization along a free albeit socialist market, rather than a centrally-planned command economy. Social mutualism also called for extreme emancipation and social revolution, guaranteeing freedoms for different expressions of gender, sexuality, and racial identity.


===March to Avana and massacre===
Social mutualists opposed both the liberals and the monarchy on the grounds that both political systems relied upon unjust hierarchies to impose order on society. In the case of the monarchy, this hierarchy was based on a so-called natural order which placed certain individuals above others. In the case of the liberals, economic hierarchies dominated the lives of individuals in the capitalist system and despite egalitarian philosophy, poverty remained inescapable due to the structural economic hierarchies imposed on the lower classes.


===Military action===
Agitators against both the monarchy and the liberal class were often labeled as anarchists who opposed any system of governance or imposing order altogether. Social mutualist movements began to adopt this label, including those who sought a more harmonic reorganization of society along non-hierarchical lines rather than strict abolition of all government structures.


===Aftermath===
==Conflict==
[[File:Nizami-cedid-ordusu.jpg|300px|thumb|right|Royal Talaharan Army infantry column c. 1825]]
The Talaharan Civil War began as an intense conflict between republican and monarchist factions which devolved into a country-wide civil war that claimed the lives of at least 150,000. The conflict involved various forms of warfare, from conventional line battles, skirmish tactics and guerilla warfare, and ideological conflict. The conflict began with a series of uprisings led by conventional forces and the realm was ultimately thrown into chaos following the mass assassination of the monarchist leadership. Thereafter, anarchist forces gathered momentum and overcame the other two factions to emerge as the victor of the war.


==Merovian revolution==
The conflict also featured foreign interventions, including the [[Yisrael|Yisraeli]] occupation of the northern regions of Kirthan and the formation of the Protectorate of Taršiš. Rezese mercenaries were enlisted by the republicans in the early stages of the war, but several Rezese houses also offered indirect support to the anarchists, motivated by opposition to the chattel slavery and the indentured labour endorsed by the monarchists and republicans, respectively.
{{Infobox military conflict
 
| conflict    = Merovian revolution
===Preamble===
| width      =
In October of 1833, prominent liberal ideologues and business owners met over three weeks at the Ten Thousand Citizens Committee in Ifurša, devising a plan to overthrow King-President Medur IV and the Court of the Lions and to establish a liberal republic. The Committee created a draft of a new liberal constitution and laid plans for a coup. By the end of the three weeks in Ifurša, an agricultural magnate named Zemrassa Waguten was acclaimed as the shadow president of the new republic, and the first concrete steps of the coup plot were put into motion.
| partof      = the [[Messidorian revolutions]]
 
| image      = File:Gustave Wappers - Épisode des Journées de septembre 1830 sur la place de l'Hôtel de Ville de Bruxelles.jpg
Among the republican conspirators was Warmaksan Kabil, a retired colonel from the Royal Talaharan Army who had entered into business manufacturing arms in Mutafayil. Kabil was nominated as shadow minister of defense and placed in charge of assembling a military force to execute the coup and contend with the Royal Talaharan Army until the legitimacy of the republic could be assured. To that end, Kabil made contact with several Rezese mercenary companies from the Nine Cousins and procured their services with the collective resources of the liberals. In fact, Kabil assembled a much greater force than he'd been authorized to with credit, concerned that the coup would not proceed as smoothly as planned.
| image_size  =
 
| alt        =
In February of 1834, the Warchief of the Court of the Lions, Karim N'Tsabunar, was advised of large mercenary movements into the country and privately alerted King-President Medur and the rest of the court. Several mercenaries were bribed to change their allegiances and divulged information regarding their previous employment contracts. The court was unmoved by the limited information provided, accepting that the mercenaries were being hired for commercial ventures to southern Scipia, unaware of the true numbers or intentions of the forces.
| caption    = Monarchists lament the capture of Louis XII
 
| date        = {{start and end dates|1824|6|15|1830|5|9|df=yes}}
===Outbreak===
| place      = Merovia
On March 29, 1834, the Court of the Lions was in session when a large group of assassins struck, killing sixteen of the twenty members in addition to several dozen guards and retainers. The coup plotters nevertheless took control of the central palace and proclaimed the Republic of Talahara. Parallel uprisings in Ifurša, Mutafayil, and Rušadar granted the republicans a firm hold in the country's northwest, but Maktarim itself remained disputed territory, with a major contingent of the Royal Army successfully deployed to combat the republican mercenaries.
| coordinates = <!--Use the {{coord}} template -->
 
| map_type    =
The republicans' plans were further embattled on March 31, when it was revealed that King-President Medur and Warchief Karim N'Tsabunar had escaped the assassination attempt in the Court of the Lions and fled east to gather border garrison forces and to issue a general levy in the agricultural heartlands around Takalt and along the Qeshet River. With a sizeable militia raised to support the professional soldiers of the Royal Army, the royalist forces had secured an east-west front along the Rubric Coast and avoided ceding momentum completely to the republicans.
| map_relief  =  
 
| map_size    =  
As the country was plunged into civil war, anarchists began to coordinate and mount their own resistances to both the liberal republicans and the traditionalist royalists in farming towns, factories, and ports. The loose ideological network began to coordinate to build a wider movement and civic, philosophical, and military leaders began to converge in the port city of Almunaxdri. Ideologues and philosophers who had been travelling abroad were recalled to the country, including Ziri Akli who immediately booked passage on a ship from Norumbia when news arrived of the war.
| map_marksize =  
 
| map_caption =  
===Republican campaign===
| map_label  =  
 
| territory  =  
 
| result      =
===Protectorate of Taršiš===
*Anarchist victory
 
*Division of East and West Merovia
 
*Formation of the Messidor Union
===Anarchist uprisings===
| status      =
 
| combatants_header =
 
| combatant1  = '''[[West Merovia|Monarchists]]'''
===Collapse of the monarchy===
| combatant2  = '''[[Messidor Union|Anarchists]]'''
| commander1  = {{flagicon image|Merovia flag.png}} Louis XII{{Executed}}</br>{{flagicon image|Flag of West Merovia.png}} Henry IV</br>{{flagicon image|Flag of Levis.svg}} André de Lys</br>{{flagicon image|Flag-Pays-Leon.png}} Jean-Marie Marois{{KIA}}
| commander2  = {{flagicon image|Flag of Afghanistan (1880–1901).svg}} Le Renard</br>{{flagicon image|Flag of Afghanistan (1880–1901).svg}} Élise Faucon</br>{{flagicon image|Flag of Afghanistan (1880–1901).svg}} Jean Estienne
| units1      =  
| units2      =  
| strength1  = 302 nobles</br>62,530 professional soldiers</br>30,000 levied soldiers</br>100,000 irregulars
| strength2  = 184,000 peasants</br>62,000 guilders</br>200,000 irregulars
| casualties1 = 189 nobles killed in battle or executed</br>43,000 soldiers wounded or killed in battle</br>35,000 militia wounded or killed in battle
| casualties2 = 56,900 wounded or killed in battle
| casualties3 = over 100,000 civilians to disease and famine
| notes      =  
| campaignbox =  
}}
===Collapse of the Holy Audonian Empire===


===Declaration of the Kingdom of Merovia===


===Relations with the Fabrian Catholic Church===
===Siege of Maktarim===


===Famine and civil unrest===


===Vallènes Festival===
==Aftermath==


===War and migration===


===Siege of Vaux===
===Formation of the United Communes===
*Abolition and re-establishment of legal codes
*Decline of social mutualism
*Syndicalist movement
*Anti-corporatist movement
*Civic syndicalist synthesis


===Aftermath===
===Ex-patriot community===


==Legacy==
==Legacy==
*Kamikawa critique on authority/bourgeois compromises


==See also==
==See also==
*[[Wazheganon#Asherionic_Federation|Wazhenaby independence]]
*[[Thirty Years War]]
*[[Resurgencha]] and [[Tyreseia#Reunification|Xidduni's Revolution]]
*[[Tsurushima#Second_Empire_and_1893_Revolution|1893 Revolution]]
*[[Ostrozava#Revolution_and_Prime_Republic|Crimson Revolution]]
*[[Great Ottonian War]]


[[Category:Ajax]]
[[Category:Ajax]]
[[Category:Messidor Union]]
[[Category:Talahara]]
[[Category:West Merovia]]
[[Category:History]]
[[Category:History]]
[[Category:Wars]]
[[Category:Wars]]

Revision as of 19:55, 11 November 2023

Talaharan Civil War
Portrait-Fatma N'Soumer.jpg
Anarchist woman at the Second Battle of Rušadar
Date29 March 1834 – 20 June 1838 (1834-03-29 – 1838-06-20)
Location
Result
Belligerents
Talahara Third Talaharan Kingdom Talahara Republic of Talahara Talahara Anarchists
Commanders and leaders
Talahara Medur IV N'Zaraba Executed
Talahara Karim N'Tsabunar Executed
Talahara Mawli N'Rušadi 
Talahara Warmaksan Kabil 
Talahara Zemrassa Waguten
Talahara Ili Kinawa 
Talahara Ziri Akli
Talahara Kahina Markunda
Talahara Zidan Misibsen 
Talaharan Navy Jack.svg Baligan Amasen
Strength
16,500 soldiers
45,000 militia
2,000 mercenaries
1,200 soldiers
185,000 militia
6,000 mercenaries
10,500 soldiers
280,000 militia
Casualties and losses
42,000 wounded
11,000 killed
29,000 wounded
16,000 killed
58,000 wounded
21,000 killed
100,000-150,000 civilian deaths

The Talaharan Civil War, also known as the Talaharan Revolution or the Talaharan Anarchy was a war that erupted in 1834 between three factions in Talahara. The conflict began with the overthrow of the monarchy of the Third Talaharan Kingdom by the republicans; a faction spearheaded by the affluent liberal merchant class. The conflict rapidly evolved to include the anarchists; a nascent movement of commoners and slaves demanding an upheaval of the social and economic order. After four years of war, the anarchists ultimately emerged victorious over both the republicans and the monarchist remnants.

The Civil War left a lasting legacy on the world, with the new United Communes of Talahara forming the world's first revolutionary socialist republic. To Talahara's immediate east, popular unrest would result in syndicalist uprisings and eventually revolution within several decades. Future, writers including Arthurista's John Werner and Tsurushima's Kamikawa Yukichi, drew on the theory and lessons of the Civil War and its core thinkers.

Historical context

Structural conditions

In the centuries leading up to the Civil War, the merchant class of Talahara began to eclipse the ruling nobility in terms of material wealth and soft influence. On their part, the merchant class began to clamour for additional political power while the vast majority of slaves and commoners languished under exploitative conditions. Despite the attempts of the nobles and the merchants alike to repress the lower classes, improved infrastructure and the displacement of peoples from their traditional crafts and environments resulting from industrialization expanded the commoners' abilities to communicate and mobilize. Further unrest and revolts throughout the 18th century put increased pressure on the nobility which responded by criminalizing vagrancy and vagabondism at the beginning of the 19th century.

King-President Medur IV N'Zaraba, c. 1820

The criminalization of vagabondism led to conflict with the minority population of free Kel Hadar who had maintained nomadic pastoralist lifestyles for several millennia. The cultural and religious elite of Talahara, which included a large portion of the military, supported the preservation of the Kel Hadar’s rights to nomadism which caused internal strain in the regime. Several clashes occurred between the nomads and authorities before the law was amended to carve out an exception for the Kel Hadar. These exceptions had two major effects: Firstly, there were mass protests among the Kel Aman (nobles, merchants, and commoners alike) who begrudged unequal treatment in the context of a developing conception of universal rights. The second effect was that many otherwise repressed Kel Hadar adopted nomadic lifestyles ostensibly as covers for fomenting unrest and revolutionary sentiment. Over the ensuing decades, violent outbursts and independent repression by merchants spread as the Court of the Lions began to lose its grip over the state.

Slavery was a relatively commonplace institution in Talahara from antiquity to the early modern era. By 1830, roughly 35% of the country's inhabitants were chattel slaves. Slaves were typically drawn from Kel Tenere or Kel Hadar clanspeople captured in internal conflict or thereafter born into servitude. The majority of slaveowners were traditionalist Kel Aman noble landowners. A further 45% of the population was estimated to have worked in indentured contracts which were increasingly common arrangements between free lower-class Kel and liberal capitalists.

Map of Talahara, c. 1800

Liberal and revolutionary ideologies had become the dominant discursive forces in the nation among the religious, military, and common classes by 1833. Across all corners of the kingdom, the acceptance of the kings’ authority was rapidly waning. The liberal landowning class used their resources to spread their influence and agitate politically for abolishing noble privileges. While the affluent merchants would be the primary beneficiaries of a new liberal order, their dogma was popular with many commoners as well, particularly those who were sold on narratives of opportunity and class mobility. While the anarchists agreed on abolishing privilege, they also sought to definitively end slavery and recentre the labourer as the core unit of society and redistribute wealth such that the merchants could not buy their own privileges at the expense of the poor.

Ideologies

The Talaharan Civil War was a conflict between three ideological groups: the declining traditional forces of monarchism, the rising industrial liberals, and the nascent socialist movement of Talaharan social mutualism.

Talaharan monarchism

Unlike other monarchies in the world, the Talaharan monarchs of the modern era had no philosophy of divine right to rule. Rather, the investiture of autocratic power in the hands of a single monarch was seen as a reflection of natural law. The beginning of the Third Talaharan Kingdom, wherein the throne was awarded to the senior-most member of the eminent Talaharan clans, explicitly dictated the monarchy as an element of the natural order of the world and a function of life's mechanisms, but not that any given individual was divinely ordained to rule.

The monarchist faction was predominantly led by twenty ruling clans, ten Kel Aman and ten Kel Hadar, and their elder kings who sat in the Court of the Lions. Members of the Court of the Lions obtained their positions via seniority. The ruling clans each had dominion over a set of sub-clans, usually controlling a subset of tradespeoples across a nebulous geographic area. In principle, the clans ruled over peoples and not territories, so the jurisdictional boundaries between clans could be nebulous, especially in cases of intermarriage between clans. The different clans also had a great disparity in wealth. Since the foundation of the Third Kingdom, taxes were excised uniformly across the clans and budgeted by the King-President of the Court of the Lions. However, many Kel Aman clans obtained independent wealth as merchant houses, as slavers, or as planters.

As the power of independent merchants and business owners who were not members of the ruling clans grew in the early-modern period, the legitimacy of confining the natural right to rule to a number of historical clans became increasingly suspect. The material capital of the merchant class eclipsed that of the rulers by the mid-18th century. The right to rule thus became a question of political and economic expediency, efficiency, and appeals to tradition. With industrialization and a changing world, the monarchists appealed to a sense of romanticism, arguing that burgeoning industrialization had to be tempered by the natural order.

Despite protests, material conditions made the censuring or limitation of the merchant classes almost impossible without starting a war. The turn of the 19th century also saw the success of liberal republican movements across the world which fueled further discontent among liberal Talaharan merchants.

Liberalism

Liberalism is a social, political, and economic philosophy that asserts a theory of universal rights and freedoms. According to liberalism, all individuals are equal within the natural world and deserve equal rights. In a political sense, liberal ideology called for popular representation in government and the elimination of traditional socio-political hierarchies. In an economic sense, liberalism asserts the right to private property and freedom of commerce as extensions of personal rights and freedoms.

The philosophy of liberalism emerged in the 17th and 18th centuries, with some earlier precursor thinkers. Its emergence was largely correlated with industrial development and the radical socio-economic upheaval that accompanied it. Revolutions in transportation and communication technologies also facilitated the exchange of new, radical ideas and conceptions of broad, modern, democratic ideals. Social clubs such as the Ten Thousand Citizens Committee based in Ifurša became important circles for networking, sharing assets and ideas, and building furor against the restrictions imposed by the ruling kings.

The extent of liberal philosophy has been variable even within broadly liberal societies. The definition of universalism has historically been varied, with some theorists and societies only conferring rights among a limited subset of humankind - namely men, individuals with property, or people of a certain ethnicity or religion. Numerous liberal societies have justified the practice of slavery or the limitation of political rights to the unpropertied based on a limited theory of personhood or a question of an individual's stake in society. After Sante Reze abolished slavery in 1712 CE, there was increasing international and commercial pressure against slavery. In Talahara, the liberal movement grew to oppose the institution of slavery in the latter decades of the 18th century, but promoted the use of indentured labour as an ostensibly free market alternative. This endorsement put Talaharan liberals at odds with other liberal societies of the era.

Social mutualism and anarchism

"Anarchist demagogues riding together" painting c. 1866

Talaharan social mutualism was the first explicitly revolutionary and self-ascriptive socialist movement in the world. Developed by a developing group of working-class intelligentsia, social mutualism understands itself as the next step in socio-economic development from the conception of universal rights developed by liberal ideology. In addition to the liberal revolution in Ludvosiya and the theories of the Talaharan liberal class, early Talaharan socialists such as Mass Ziri Akli were inspired by communalist societies in northeastern Norumbia.

In terms of its objectives, social mutualism seeks to abolish all unjust hierarchies, both political and economic. The core tenet of social mutualism is that resources essential to life ought to be distributed evenly across society, with no private property or primitive accumulation of resources to the deprivation of others. Economic exchange ought to be based on need and resource use based on usufructuary rights. Unlike ordosocialist theories, social mutualism calls for a decentralized economic organization along a free albeit socialist market, rather than a centrally-planned command economy. Social mutualism also called for extreme emancipation and social revolution, guaranteeing freedoms for different expressions of gender, sexuality, and racial identity.

Social mutualists opposed both the liberals and the monarchy on the grounds that both political systems relied upon unjust hierarchies to impose order on society. In the case of the monarchy, this hierarchy was based on a so-called natural order which placed certain individuals above others. In the case of the liberals, economic hierarchies dominated the lives of individuals in the capitalist system and despite egalitarian philosophy, poverty remained inescapable due to the structural economic hierarchies imposed on the lower classes.

Agitators against both the monarchy and the liberal class were often labeled as anarchists who opposed any system of governance or imposing order altogether. Social mutualist movements began to adopt this label, including those who sought a more harmonic reorganization of society along non-hierarchical lines rather than strict abolition of all government structures.

Conflict

Royal Talaharan Army infantry column c. 1825

The Talaharan Civil War began as an intense conflict between republican and monarchist factions which devolved into a country-wide civil war that claimed the lives of at least 150,000. The conflict involved various forms of warfare, from conventional line battles, skirmish tactics and guerilla warfare, and ideological conflict. The conflict began with a series of uprisings led by conventional forces and the realm was ultimately thrown into chaos following the mass assassination of the monarchist leadership. Thereafter, anarchist forces gathered momentum and overcame the other two factions to emerge as the victor of the war.

The conflict also featured foreign interventions, including the Yisraeli occupation of the northern regions of Kirthan and the formation of the Protectorate of Taršiš. Rezese mercenaries were enlisted by the republicans in the early stages of the war, but several Rezese houses also offered indirect support to the anarchists, motivated by opposition to the chattel slavery and the indentured labour endorsed by the monarchists and republicans, respectively.

Preamble

In October of 1833, prominent liberal ideologues and business owners met over three weeks at the Ten Thousand Citizens Committee in Ifurša, devising a plan to overthrow King-President Medur IV and the Court of the Lions and to establish a liberal republic. The Committee created a draft of a new liberal constitution and laid plans for a coup. By the end of the three weeks in Ifurša, an agricultural magnate named Zemrassa Waguten was acclaimed as the shadow president of the new republic, and the first concrete steps of the coup plot were put into motion.

Among the republican conspirators was Warmaksan Kabil, a retired colonel from the Royal Talaharan Army who had entered into business manufacturing arms in Mutafayil. Kabil was nominated as shadow minister of defense and placed in charge of assembling a military force to execute the coup and contend with the Royal Talaharan Army until the legitimacy of the republic could be assured. To that end, Kabil made contact with several Rezese mercenary companies from the Nine Cousins and procured their services with the collective resources of the liberals. In fact, Kabil assembled a much greater force than he'd been authorized to with credit, concerned that the coup would not proceed as smoothly as planned.

In February of 1834, the Warchief of the Court of the Lions, Karim N'Tsabunar, was advised of large mercenary movements into the country and privately alerted King-President Medur and the rest of the court. Several mercenaries were bribed to change their allegiances and divulged information regarding their previous employment contracts. The court was unmoved by the limited information provided, accepting that the mercenaries were being hired for commercial ventures to southern Scipia, unaware of the true numbers or intentions of the forces.

Outbreak

On March 29, 1834, the Court of the Lions was in session when a large group of assassins struck, killing sixteen of the twenty members in addition to several dozen guards and retainers. The coup plotters nevertheless took control of the central palace and proclaimed the Republic of Talahara. Parallel uprisings in Ifurša, Mutafayil, and Rušadar granted the republicans a firm hold in the country's northwest, but Maktarim itself remained disputed territory, with a major contingent of the Royal Army successfully deployed to combat the republican mercenaries.

The republicans' plans were further embattled on March 31, when it was revealed that King-President Medur and Warchief Karim N'Tsabunar had escaped the assassination attempt in the Court of the Lions and fled east to gather border garrison forces and to issue a general levy in the agricultural heartlands around Takalt and along the Qeshet River. With a sizeable militia raised to support the professional soldiers of the Royal Army, the royalist forces had secured an east-west front along the Rubric Coast and avoided ceding momentum completely to the republicans.

As the country was plunged into civil war, anarchists began to coordinate and mount their own resistances to both the liberal republicans and the traditionalist royalists in farming towns, factories, and ports. The loose ideological network began to coordinate to build a wider movement and civic, philosophical, and military leaders began to converge in the port city of Almunaxdri. Ideologues and philosophers who had been travelling abroad were recalled to the country, including Ziri Akli who immediately booked passage on a ship from Norumbia when news arrived of the war.

Republican campaign

Protectorate of Taršiš

Anarchist uprisings

Collapse of the monarchy

Siege of Maktarim

Aftermath

Formation of the United Communes

  • Abolition and re-establishment of legal codes
  • Decline of social mutualism
  • Syndicalist movement
  • Anti-corporatist movement
  • Civic syndicalist synthesis

Ex-patriot community

Legacy

  • Kamikawa critique on authority/bourgeois compromises

See also