Tyreseian syndicalism: Difference between revisions
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==Variations, critique, and response== | ==Variations, critique, and response== | ||
===Feminist critique=== | ===Feminist critique=== | ||
{{main|Anarixa Tabnit}} | {{main|Anarixa Tabnit}}While the eradication of sexism and equality of the sexes had been demands of the syndicalist movement since the mid-19th century, gender hierarchies persisted in many parties of Tyreseian society well into the 20th century. Philosophers like [[Anarixa Tabnit]] identified a need to rectify chauvinist and machist tendencies in Tyreseian law, culture, and media. | ||
=== 1970 Reforms === | === 1970 Reforms === | ||
In 1970, a series of reforms were enacted in response to widespread counter-establishment movements, led by youth subcultures known collectively as ''conrrajuvus''. These reforms, known informally by many as ''sindicalismu'' ''cun juna facha umana'' ("Syndicalism with a human face"), sought to demilitarize Tyreseian daily life, as well as a diversification of industry to best match the changing needs of a late-20th-century Tyreseia. | In 1970, a series of reforms were enacted in response to widespread counter-establishment movements, led by youth subcultures known collectively as ''conrrajuvus''. These reforms, known informally by many as ''sindicalismu'' ''cun juna facha umana'' ("Syndicalism with a human face"), sought to demilitarize Tyreseian daily life, as well as a diversification of industry to best match the changing needs of a late-20th-century Tyreseia. The movement lost steam with the passing of the Reforms and the intensifying of the military involvement in the [[Third Uhlangan Civil War]]; the latter came with increased media coverage of the [[Hasanya]] genocide, incentivizing many Tyreseians to support the war effort. At this juncture, the bulk of the ''conrrajuvu'' movement's politically-active members generally continued on as affiliates of the Young Salon while the remnant radical fringe splintered into numerous political groups. | ||
=== Wernerist critique === | === Wernerist critique === |
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Tyreseian syndicalism (Tyreseian: sindicalismu tirejanu) is a term for the state philosophy of the Workers' Federation of Tyreseia. Tyreseian syndicalism encompasses a constellation of political ideas, theories, and philosophies that underpin the vast majority of Tyreseian political life. Generally, it is frequently categorized as a form of socialism, though it differs significantly from related ideas such as Beranism, Wernerism-Ulwazism, and anarchism. Tyreseian syndicalism is considered part of the global philosophical movement known as participism.
Origin
The first proper syndicalist theorists drew heavily from Belisarian philosophers such as Harrison Werner, as well as worldwide early experiments in participism. Hanno of Tyria, one of the foremost early syndicalist authors, is believed to have visited Norumbia during the early 19th century, as well as Talahara shortly after the conclusion of its civil war in the 1840s. Talahara's experiments with anarchism and council democracy greatly influenced the structure of Tyreseia's own syndicalist government after its establishment in 1883.
Notable theoretical influences on early Tyreseian syndicalism include Wernerism, mutualism, Mniohuti conclavism, humanism and guild socialism. Over time, as Tyreseian syndicalism evolved and reacted to the world, new influences were drawn upon as needed to suit contemporary problems. These include the theory of participatory economics, various forms of anarchism, and feminism, among others. The strong-state secularism inherent to Tyreseian life can largely be seen as a reaction to the political control wielded by the Coptic Nazarist Church in the centuries prior to Tyreseian unification. The highly materialist view of class struggle and history common in Tyreseia thanks to syndicalism exists in interaction with, and at times direct opposition to, Nazarist teachings—namely, those encouraging the rejection of the material world in favor of pursuit of esoteric, purely spiritual knowledge.
Tyreseian syndicalism is best seen as a spectrum of ideas, according to modern interpretations such as those of Tsabratan University's Liverra Venanchu in her 2008 book A Window on Tyreseian Syndicalism (Tyreseian: Juna huinestra dul sindicalismu tirejanu). This spectrum constitutes the majority of prevalent ideas potentially acceptable to the mainstream. According to Venanchu, some of the tenets shared by ideas within the spectrum are thus:
- A truly equal, communal society is the highest form of human social organization (The Tenet of Community);
- The preservation and improvement of human living conditions is the highest goal of societal progress (The Tenet of Social Progress);
- The preservation of liberty to speak, publish, protest, congregate and associate is fundamental to a functioning democracy (The Tenet of Liberty);
- True democracy is both political and economic (The Tenet of Economic Democracy);
- Unions, controlled by their workers and organized by industry, form the optimal basic economic (and political, in many variations) unit of society (The Tenet of Unions);
- A proletariat under capitalism or another system of wage labor and deprivation of capital, once sufficiently conscious and organized, will inevitably revolt (The Tenet of World-Class Consciousness);
- Human beings are inherently entitled to dignity in, and access to, all public spheres, including the workplace, arts, culture, intellectual pursuits, and politics (The Tenet of Community);
- Human beings are inherently entitled to basic survival needs such as shelter, food, (The Tenet of Negative Liberty or The Tenet of Social Safety);
- The government exists to protect the people and their welfare from foreign and domestic threats;
- The government exists at the whims of the people, with representatives bound to serve their constituents; and
- The government exists to facilitate projects that unions cannot do, such as state services, until such time as they are rendered obsolete (not followed by some mainstream schools of syndicalist thought, such as anarcho-syndicalists).
Hallmark manifestations of these shared values are seen in the fundamental makeup of the Tyreseian government, which adopts a nested-council structure with strong powers of recall, initiative, and ballot referenda endowed in constituents. As the guiding principles of a government style in place for over a century, these values have become embedded in the fabric of Tyreseian society. As such, it is debated whether some of Venanchu's identified shared tenets instead constitute Tyreseian cultural values.
Other applications
Tyreseian Basic Institution
The Tyreseian Basic Institution, or Instidudi Basigi Tirejani, is the current national constitution of Tyreseia and the Workers' Federation's founding document. Drafted by a committee of jurists, political theorists and members of the first Council of State, the Basic Institution is one of few syndicalist constitutions in the world.
Foreign relations
Fundamentally, Tyreseians generally see themselves (or their country) as part of an international struggle to achieve freedom through socialism. One of Tyreseia's most famous diplomatic doctrines is that of so-called "democratic diplomacy." A large number of diplomatic overtures initiated by Tyreseia's People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs are aimed at improving Tyreseia's relations and impression among foreign populations, not just their state governments. The aim of "democratic diplomacy" is to inspire pro-syndicalist or other left-wing sentiment in the world through demonstrations of Tyreseia's economic and political systems. This policy had led to Tyreseian foreign aid spending to be among the highest in Scipia as a proportion to overall budget, as well as the construction of supranational organizations to facilitate aid to struggling workers such as Global Observatory of Labor. In terms of state-to-state diplomacy, Tyreseia most frequently seeks relation-building with states that share its ideological values. The most concrete supranational legacies of this pursuit are the Kiso Pact and Rubric Coast Consortium, both of which Tyreseia was a founding member. Disagreements in the implementation of socialism may hamper relations, but may also be ignored in favor of cooperation on areas deemed critical (see Rubric involvement in the Third Uhlangan Civil War). Diplomacy with states holding opposed ideologies, while not prohibited outright in any sense, still typically incurs an inherent demerit to public relations for any Tyreseian government so engaged. Even arrangements with states considered "like-minded" are subject to scrutiny, such as the 2022 Gadir crisis, which saw the Council of State of Yoanna Wechsler largely recalled over perceived mishandling of an expansion of Air Base Gadir to accomodate Ostrozavan logistics aircraft destined for the Fahrani Civil War.
Salons
A defining feature of Tyreseian politics is the use of the so-called salon system in place of political parties. Initially, when political parties were outlawed upon the Workers' Federation's formation in 1883, trade unions were expected to take their place. Early syndicalist reforms sought to abolish the influence of monetary capital on elections and the political process; their poor reputation for urban political machines and other dubious acts quickly made Tyreseia's underdeveloped political realm an early target for reformers. Trade union politics, however, often failed to address wider questions beyond their represented profession. Much like the salons of the art world, political salons formed as social spaces for delegates to the Supreme Workers' Assembly and other political notables to debut, discuss and debate political ideals. These caucuses, even from the start, came to coalesce around shared political visions by their members, thus creating quasi-official institutions for propagating and advancing political theories and philosophy. Much more loosely-organized and unofficial than political parties, salons exist as a space to encourage debate, instruction, and challenge around a central theme or topic. Assembly delegates and other politically-involved individuals frequently attend multiple salons, or even no salons at all.
For much of Tyreseia's history, political salons were an event more than a permanent group. The salons started out as ad hoc gatherings of like-minded politicians, debating current issues and topics within a certain ideological framework. By the mid-20th century, however, salons would elect as many permanent staff as they could without running afoul of the party ban. These staff would organize venues and campaigns for the salons, sometimes even fundraising and standardizing an ideological platform, though the last two options might run afoul of the law if that money or platform were to end up in candidates' pockets. Gradually, by skirting the laws and meeting more regularly, the salons became institutions and an integral part of Tyreseia's non-partisan democracy. Most were forced to lay off their permanent staff and curtail fundraising during the 1960s; most will now employ a small dedicated volunteer staff for the purposes of organizing meetings or publishing salon media.
Today, the salons are regular meeting places for the political intelligentsia and elected officials of Tyreseia, with each salon serving as an open forum for candidates to debate the fine points of a broad perspective or a standpoint on a hot-button issue. Politically-minded citizens and regular Tyrians also frequent these events, thus forming an unofficial avenue through which the average citizen might influence government policy. These groups traditionally meet in New Tyria City, though some will organize meetings in other municipalities in order to allow for more citizens to have influence in the groups. Below is a non-exclusive list of some modern-day salons in Tyreseia.
Name | Logo | Colors | Founded | Ideology | Notes |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Green Salon |
|
December 18, 1970 | Agrarianism, communalism, green politics | The Green Salon was founded to encourage the de-industrialization of Tyreseia and conversion to subsistence agriculture, now mostly advocates for greater environmental protections and for sustainable practices in agriculture and resource management. | |
Kel Tenere Sovereignty Movement |
|
January 22, 1965 | Regional autonomy, anarchism, cultural nationalism and preservation | The Movement is allowed more leeway with political action than other groups in order to avoid provoking conflict with the Republic of Charnea. This salon organizes to protect the cultural property and autonomous lifestyle of the Kel Tenere people. | |
Pax Tyreseiana |
|
August 4, 1935 | Socialism in one country, pacifism, anti-globalism, non-interventionism | Tyreseian Peace advocates eschewing Tyreseia's global foreign policy and membership in the Kiso Pact, believing instead that Tyreseia ought to tread a nonviolent path and détente in order to avoid provoking conflict with Charnea and the Western Monarchies. | |
Salon of World Revolution |
|
November 27, 1902 | Latin socialist irredentism, proletarian internationalism, world revolution | Founded originally to spread leftist revolution worldwide, the Salon of World Revolution lost numerous members following a schism after the Latin Social War in the 1940s. Those that remained in the Salon helped welcome refugees and political leaders from the collapsed Social Republic, and advocated Tyreseian government support for a government-in-exile. In modern times, the SWR advocates for increased integration with the Kiso Pact as a bulwark against conflict with the Western Monarchies. | |
Salon of Trade Anarchism |
|
July 13, 1883 | (traditionally)Anarchism, proletarian internationalism, regional autonomy, world revolution | The Salon of Trade Anarchism traces its heritage to the anarcho-syndicalist labor traditions in 19th-century Tyreseian Hebrew communities. As such, much of its employed symbolism and imagery come from Jewish cultural symbols. The salon's perspective has also been historically influenced by this origin, though in recent decades efforts to include other minority communities have broadened the group's appeal. | |
Society of Werner Thought |
|
March 29, 1910 | Proletarian internationalism, vanguardist socialism, Wernerism | The Society of Werner Thought was born out of student philosophy groups at the National University of Tyreseia and Periclean University. Due to its age and size, it remains the most broad Wernerist salon in Tyreseia. In effect, the Society serves somewhere between a big tent salon and a philosophical study group, with numerous disparate strains of Wernerist thought frequently present and debating each other. As a consequence, the Society has undergone numerous secessions that birthed splinter salons during its existence. | |
Salon of the True Syndicalists |
|
August 8, 1965 | Anti-revisionism, industrial democracy, statist socialism, social conservatism | Formed to advocate a return to more orthodox form of Tyreseian syndicalism, the Syndicate Salon formed largely in opposition to the trends towards devolved government, civic democracy and counterculture exhibited in the 1960s. | |
Young Salon |
|
August 8, 1953 | Civic democracy, intersectional feminist issues, social progressivism | The Young Salon initially formed to house the beginnings of the anti-establishment counterculture movement after the loss of the Social War. Following the movement's decline, the Young Salon pivoted into championing the rights of sexual, gender, and religious minorities as well as general progressive causes. With the group's mainstreaming in the late 1970s, several other groups split off to form their own, more radical, salons. |
Variations, critique, and response
Feminist critique
While the eradication of sexism and equality of the sexes had been demands of the syndicalist movement since the mid-19th century, gender hierarchies persisted in many parties of Tyreseian society well into the 20th century. Philosophers like Anarixa Tabnit identified a need to rectify chauvinist and machist tendencies in Tyreseian law, culture, and media.
1970 Reforms
In 1970, a series of reforms were enacted in response to widespread counter-establishment movements, led by youth subcultures known collectively as conrrajuvus. These reforms, known informally by many as sindicalismu cun juna facha umana ("Syndicalism with a human face"), sought to demilitarize Tyreseian daily life, as well as a diversification of industry to best match the changing needs of a late-20th-century Tyreseia. The movement lost steam with the passing of the Reforms and the intensifying of the military involvement in the Third Uhlangan Civil War; the latter came with increased media coverage of the Hasanya genocide, incentivizing many Tyreseians to support the war effort. At this juncture, the bulk of the conrrajuvu movement's politically-active members generally continued on as affiliates of the Young Salon while the remnant radical fringe splintered into numerous political groups.
Wernerist critique
The pseudo-market nature of Tyreseian syndicalist economics, which lacks the top-down central planning authority of more orthodox Wernerist models, is a frequent point of critique.
Wernerist thinkers of orthosocialist persuasion may also take issue with the lack of a vanguard party in syndicalism, instead replaced by the salon system. Wernerist critique of the system frequently sees the lack of a socialist vanguard as holding back the mobilization of the proletariat, effectively handicapping Tyreseia's potential for supporting progress towards socialism (which many Wernerists believe Tyreseia has not yet fully achieved).