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{{Infobox country | {{Infobox country | ||
| micronation = <!--yes if a micronation--> | | micronation = <!--yes if a micronation--> | ||
| conventional_long_name = Travimostan | | conventional_long_name = Travimostan People's Republic | ||
| native_name = '' | | native_name = ''Respai̯blikă Norödnă Travimöstnă'' ([[wikipedia:Polabian_language|Travanian]]) | ||
| common_name = Travimost | | common_name = Travimost | ||
| status = <!--Status of country, especially useful for micronations--> | | status = <!--Status of country, especially useful for micronations--> | ||
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| alt_map2 = | | alt_map2 = | ||
| map_caption2 = | | map_caption2 = | ||
| capital = | | capital = Travibör | ||
| coordinates = <!-- Coordinates for capital, using {{tl|coord}} --> | | coordinates = <!-- Coordinates for capital, using {{tl|coord}} --> | ||
| largest_city = | | largest_city = | ||
| largest_settlement_type = city | | largest_settlement_type = city | ||
| largest_settlement = | | largest_settlement = Ånskov | ||
| official_languages = Travanian | | official_languages = Travanian | ||
| national_languages = | | national_languages = | ||
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| demonym = Travimostan, Travimostene | | demonym = Travimostan, Travimostene | ||
| government_type = [[wikipedia:Unitary_state|Unitary]] {{wp|presidential system|presidential}} [[Alban Nazarism|Emendatic]] [[wikipedia:theocracy|theocratic]] {{wp|republic}} | | government_type = [[wikipedia:Unitary_state|Unitary]] {{wp|presidential system|presidential}} [[Alban Nazarism|Emendatic]] [[wikipedia:theocracy|theocratic]] {{wp|republic}} | ||
| leader_title1 = | | leader_title1 = {{wp|Starost|''Storüst''}} | ||
| leader_name1 = Plötüs Vorblik | | leader_name1 = Plötüs Vorblik | ||
| leader_title2 = | | leader_title2 = {{wp|Voivode|''Våjvådă''}} | ||
| leader_name2 = Morajă Smölkă | | leader_name2 = Morajă Smölkă | ||
| | | leader_title3 = {{wp|Speaker of Parliament|''Pridsai̯tnăc Sånamă''}} | ||
| | | leader_name3 = Dümăs Köwolskĕ | ||
| legislature = Sånam ''(unicameral)'' | | legislature = Sånam ''(unicameral)'' | ||
| upper_house = <!--Name of governing body's upper house, if given (e.g. "Senate")--> | | upper_house = <!--Name of governing body's upper house, if given (e.g. "Senate")--> | ||
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| established_event1 = Castro culture | | established_event1 = Castro culture | ||
| established_date1 = 9th century BCE | | established_date1 = 9th century BCE | ||
| established_event2 = Arrival of the | | established_event2 = Arrival of the [[Tervingia|Tervingians]] | ||
| established_date2 = 200s BCE | | established_date2 = 200s BCE | ||
| established_event13 = <!--(up to 13 distinct events may be included)--> | | established_event13 = <!--(up to 13 distinct events may be included)--> | ||
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| footnotes = <!--For any generic non-numbered footnotes--> | | footnotes = <!--For any generic non-numbered footnotes--> | ||
}} | }} | ||
'''Travimost''', known formally as the '''Travimostan | '''Travimost''', known formally as the '''Travimostan People's Republic''' ({{Wp|Polabian language|Travanian}}: ''Respai̯blikă Norödnă Travimöstnă''), is a sovereign state in southeastern [[Ajax#Belisaria|Belisaria]]. | ||
==Etymology== | ==Etymology== | ||
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=== Religion === | === Religion === | ||
The state religion of Travimost is [[Alban Nazarism]]; particularly, under a constellation of schools of thought described as {{Wp|religious fundamentalism|Emendatist}}. Though diverse in thought, these schools are united by their foundation in {{Wp|Basic ecclesial community| | The state religion of Travimost is [[Alban Nazarism]]; particularly, under a constellation of schools of thought described as {{Wp|religious fundamentalism|Emendatist}}. Though diverse in thought, these schools are united by their foundation in {{Wp|Basic ecclesial community|folk churches}} (Travanian: ''norödnă carťai,'' {{Abbr|pl|plural}} ''norödnă carťĕ''). These independent communities of lay worshipers began as a phenomenon during [INSERT HARD TIMES HERE] as a means of continuing faith and the pursuit of ''gnosis'' while the power of the mainline Alban priesthood was otherwise limited. Many of these folk churches adopted [[Docetic Academy|Docetic]] qualities, such as public confession and the emphasis on cultivating a master-student dialectic. In addition to electing members of the People's Council, the folk churches also, along with monasteries, elect members of the State Metrolaurate in Travibör. The State Metrolaurate serves as the primary means of interface between religious and state officials. | ||
== Government and politics == | |||
{{multiple image|perrow = 2|total_width=200 | |||
| align = left | |||
| image1 = Brzeg_Castle_01.jpg | |||
| image2 = Pałac_Belweder_w_Warszawie.jpg | |||
| image3 = BashkirWhiteHouse.jpg | |||
| image4 = Livadia_Palace_Crimea.jpg | |||
| footer = Official residences. Clockwise from upper left: ''Pobrigskĕ Gord'' (storüst), Pink House (våjvådă), ''Sånam'' House, Supreme Court. | |||
}} | |||
Since 2006, Travimost has been ruled as a theocratic republic. Religious institutions of the Alban Nazarist church are legally enshrined in the Travimostan constitution, and there is little to no {{Wp|separation of church and state}}. The folk churches serve a political role as electoral units through which the members of the ''Norödnĕ Zbör'', or People's Council, are elected. The Council holds many duties, chief among which is the {{Wp|electoral college|election}} of a {{wp|Starost|''storüst''}}, the head of the Travimostan state. The ''storüst'' is elected once every five years, renewable indefinitely. The first, current, and so far only ''storüst'' is Plötüs Vorblik, a former revolutionary leader that has served in the role since 2007. |
Latest revision as of 09:30, 2 November 2024
Tyreseian history deposit for trimming
The area known today as Tyreseia was likely first inhabited by nomadic tribes around 5000 BCE. Farming techniques originating from western Scipia likely came soon after, with more peoples then settling both along the Periclean and in fertile river valleys. Very little is known about these First Peoples of Tyreseia, as no writing system has ever been found predating the Aradian migration. Early sites at x and y contain both copper and ivory tools, indicating that these peoples engaged in trade with neighboring groups of people. Additional finds suggest a reliance on a diet of fish and cereals, supplemented by a meager supply of pastoral beef; this supply seems to have disappeared around the beginning of the Bronze Age.
The utter lack of solid evidence as to these early peoples' lives is likely compounded by their lifestyles. A site 50 kilometers southeast of Gebayl, is likely the remnants of a Middle Bronze Age city, and one of the best-preserved ruins from the period.
Ancient Tyria
Archaeologists debate the circumstances and exact year in which the city-state of Tyria was founded. 814 BCE, 842 BCE, and 812 BCE have all been floated as possible founding dates, based on varying corroborations of archaeological digs and the testimonies of Tyro-Latin historians writing on the period. According to Tyrian myth, the city was founded by Aradian settlers fleeing the eruption of a volcano in their homeland, generally believed by archaeologists to be the city of Gadir to the west. As the legend goes, the future site was revealed when Baʿal Ḥammon, the chief god of the Aradian mythos and controller of weather, parted the mists and raised the foundations of the gleaming city walls from the silt of the river delta. While the historicity of this creation myth is dubious, excavations around the walls of Tyria indicate that the lower layers were built much earlier than the 9th century BCE. X scholar of the National University of Tyreseia theorizes that a previous civilization may have colonized the TBD River Valley between the First Peoples and the Aradian migration, though this is disputed by others, who suggest that Tyria was built on the site of a yet-unknown First Peoples city.
Regardless of origin, Tyria would quickly prove a jewel in the Aradian crown, as its strategic location at the junction of the TBD River and Periclean Sea trade networks led to a rapid explosion in economic and political power in the following centuries. As the Aradian civilization fell to repeated assaults in XXX BCE, the Tyrian civilization filled the power vacuum and rose to become a Periclean power in its own right. At its territorial peak around 300 BCE, the confederation of Tyrian city-states spanned much of the southern Periclean basin, with a vast patchwork of satellites, colonies, and trading outposts asserting the civilization's mercantile power throughout the rest of the region. Tyreseians often cite this period as the origin of their strong maritime tradition, thanks to the commanding presence Tyria held in early antiquity.
While nominally under the command of the city of Tyria, city-states on the periphery of the polity would often function on a tribute system, sometimes with the autonomy to wage their own wars and hire their own mercenary armies. Generally, though, the inner cities would be governed by a shofeṭ (Tyrian: šūfeṭ), elected from the wealthy merchant families much like an ancient Latin consul. These shofeṭim would meet in Tyria and run the Tyrian mercantile empire through the Senate (Tyrian: Drm), similar to the contemporary Latin Senate, but without a figurehead monarch to rule them. Indeed, the power of the Tyrian merchant families was profound and deep-seated, with power conflicts between the two sometimes erupting into violence and full-blown civil wars. Outside of Tyria itself, these families often maintained extensive connections and properties throughout the Periclean both to express their wealth and secure their mercantile holdings. These families would often finance their own armies of citizens and mercenaries in times of both interstate and intrastate conflict, often far dwarfing the size of the Tyrians' standing army, the Sacred Band. The Tyrian navy, however, was almost always in state hands, and was one of the few standing navies in the ancient world. Historians have credited the navy and its capable commanders with singlehandedly bolstering ancient Tyria's military might and with ushering in a golden age of maritime trade that coincided with the peak of Tyria's territorial expansion around the end of the 4th century BCE.
Tyria's downfall came during the time of the XXXth Council (in XXX BCE). The mercantile Houses of Hiram and Eshmun had, by this time in history, become the most wealthy families in Tyria, with each patriarch being valued as among the richest men in world history and controlling the local politics of several cities. Their rivalry had lasted for centuries, and frequently boiled over into conflict that had crippled the state's treasury and nearly destroyed the once-mighty Tyrian navy. During that year's shofeṭ elections, an attempt by the Hiramites to finance a candidate in a typically Eshmunite-controlled city broke out into civil war. As families and their associated cities began taking sides, the Latin Empire, long jealous of the Tyrian power in the Periclean, began preparations to invade. The Eshmunites consolidated their position within the city of Tyria, while the Hiramites took over the western cities around Tsabratan and appealed to Latium for assistance.
Latin Tyreseia
Almost immediately following the Latin occupation of the city of Tyria, the House of Hiram was installed as the sole familial line for the city's shofeṭim, and the region was trimmed down and reorganized into little more than a client kingdom for the Latins. The capital of this kingdom was moved out of Tyria and installed in the Hiramite House's home city of Tsabratan. The region, even when beaten down after a century of civil conflict and instability, proved immensely valuable for the Latins to control: victorious Latin generals organized triumphal parades in Alba to celebrate the conquest of a formerly powerful rival, and the once-intermittent trade of Tyrian purple dye, essential for the Imperial pageantry, was now secure. Old trade routes and Tyrian connections were now exploited to generate indirect wealth for the Empire. Much of the planned economic gains from the victory, however, were offset by the earthquake that decimated much of the Rubric Coast in X BCE. Oyat and numerous other cities were almost removed from the face of the Earth. As such, governance could not continue from Oyat, and the only city that could possibly be used was the old city of Tyria. Due to its sheer size, it had enough rubble and surviving buildings to be rebuilt quickly and economically, unique for most of the ruined cities along the coast. As such, the Latins pressured the Hiramite rulers to move their seat of government to a new site near Tyria (modern-day New Tyria). Misjudging their relative positions of power, the House instead chose to rebel, attempting to throw off the Latin yoke and reestablish an independent Tyria. The House quickly found itself bereft of allies and with exhausted soldiers, and were summarily routed by Latin forces. The lineage of Hiram was finally extinguished, its principal members either executed or taken hostage and their wealth taken to Alba for public display.
Following the revolt's suppression, the region was reorganized as a direct province of the Latin Empire. The province of Scipia Proconsularis was allocated a total of 5 legions to protect the area and keep the more pliable local nobility in line. Over time, these Tyrian noble houses declined in power, and were joined on the scene by Latin patrician families, usually related to the governor of the time or the Imperial bureaucracy.
The Latin period came to a close around the late 8th century CE, in the midst of a period of mass retreat across the empire. The first signs of trouble came as
Fragmentary Period
Following the end of Latin direct authority, the Transrubricine region quickly collapsed and devolved into the control of local elites. At first, the remaining Tyrian family houses and aristocracy from Latium clashed; many of these families attempted to secure singular control over the whole province, to no success. Instead, political power concentrated around the city of Coptia (now Oyat), and the former provincial capital of New Tyria. Political authority rarely expanded beyond the city-state level, and most new polities had wildly varying political systems devised by desperate Imperial-era elites to hold onto what little control they could maintain.
The Tyreseian region produced numerous vessels and fleets throughout the early modern period. These ships were highly sought-after for their versatility and high cargo capacity, while the sailors were sought after both for their experience and linguistic ability, with most sailors speaking multiple languages in their homeland. The introduction of oceangoing ship technology from the Rezese in the 7th century CE via Latium led to the modernization of Tyreseia's shipyards while under Latin rule. As the Greater Tyrian region fell away from the Latin empire in the late 8th century CE, the ships similarly fell from central control. As the new breakway statelets could not afford to maintain all of these ships, many were hired out on contract or sold outright to other nations, often with crews included on retainer. This contract system was originally limited to deals with Latium, but gradually extended to other Belisarian and North Scipian nations, and eventually to states across the Oorupaqi and the Salacian Ocean. By the 1200s, Tyreseian ships were the primary ferries of Latin troops in the Belfrasian Crusades. Ships both owned by other nations crewed by Tyreseians and owned by Tyreseian states themselves dominated trans-Oorupaqi trade from the 900s onward.
These traders and transports could just as easily turn to piracy, and the line between trader and raider was often thin and always blurred. Numerous pirate havens have been recorded across the region, with many originating from Onigamyg raiders from modern-day Wazheganon in the 9th century CE. These havens were often transient and temporary, but some had the permanence and political capital to organize into full-fledged statelets. Tyreseian pirates were also seen across the Oorupaqi trade networks, either crewing their own vessels or working alongside with Latin, Mutulese, Kayahallpan, Rezese, and Zacapine sailors in multinational pirate crews. Tyreseians were also the targets of piracy, as well. Tyreseian sailors were highly sought-after by Mutulese and Rezese slavers for their experience and skills. Rezese slavery functioned on a ten-year contract system, but often left Tyreseian former slaves with no way to return home after their servitude ended. As many Tyreseian sailors, and subsequently Rezese slaves, were women, these communities of former slaves were uniquely equipped to self-perpetuate in Sante Reze, especially in the port city of Eporte Kiriz in the Nine Cousins. The Eporte Kiriz community of Tyreseians still exists to this day, while other, smaller communities have mixed into both the freeborn and slave creole groups in the intervening centuries. In the Mutul as well, communities of slaves and ex-slaves of Tyreseian extraction formed self-sustaining and insular communities that persisted for centuries following their establishment, though the practice of ritual human sacrifice initially thinned the numbers of prisoners captured through conflict by the Mutulese. Various communities formed by slaves, expatriates, pirates and immigrants existed in other realms across Norumbia and Oxidentale throughout the Fragmentary Period and beyond, with some persisting into the modern day but the rest assimilating into wider society or mixing with other immigrant groups to form mixed creole societies.
Reunification
By the time of the 1830s, satisfaction with the patchwork, laissez-faire system of mercantilism and capitalism across the various independent Transrubricine city-states had hit a new low. The failure of the disunited national polities to reflect a resurgence in nationalist loyalties drove dissatisfaction among the literate middle classes and intelligentsia. The growing acceleration of industrialization had disenfranchised numerous artisanal workers, and threatened the power of the traditional guild system. As a result, many industrial workers found themselves partial to socialist ideas, particularly those that had formerly belonged to guilds and other work-community organizations now rendered redundant, sometimes even illegal, by new governments. To make matters worse for the dissatisfied, political avenues remained extremely limited. A merchant-nobility class, one which derived its wealth from generational inheritance and ownership of industrial concerns and international shipping lines, dominated most city-state political spheres. Even in nominal republics (few and far between among the numerous kingdoms, principalities and even theocracies), this elite class effectively shut out social mobility through mass infusions of capital into political parties and their own political careers. For centuries, the traditional route to find freedom in Transrubicine societies was to go to sea, either as a merchant mariner, a sailor in the navy, or perhaps even crossing over to the pirate republics. These small pockets of libertarian anarchy were reviled in their time, frequently mobile and often fluctuating between patronage as privateers and severe government persecution. In first two decades of the 19th century, however, the Principality of New Tyria, the most powerful of the pre-unification city-states, united numerous tributaries and allies into a league that sought the destruction of pirate havens once and for all. For those that weren't killed or forced into prison labor, former pirates faced a difficult and treacherous road re-entering society. Many of those thus deprived of their previous freedom became the first radicals, performing the action encouraged by revolutionary intellectuals. In the years leading up to the 1830s, numerous authors penned a body on works constructing an umbrella ideology of unification, liberal democracy, and secularism that, for a time, became the dominant political force of both reform and revolution.
The 1830s saw Tyreseia's western neighbor, Talahara, collapse into revolution. An initial 1834 coup by the landed liberal classes failed, plunging the nation into civil war. This civil war saw numerous socialist armies take to the field for the first time, including numerous radical volunteers under the leadership of Valerius (also known by his revolutionary pseudonym "Gracchus") Papin. The legion was a motly crew of radicals, former pirates, and intellectuals. Upon the Talaharan Communard victory in 1838, the Gracchus legionnaries returned to almost-certain arrest at the hands of their local governments' law enforcement; nevertheless, the Papinists' radicalization and return brought socialism, a previously fringe ideology, to the fore as a viable rival to the previous liberal unification philosophy. The liberals and the socialists gathered supporters across the region in tandem until the late 1840s. This decade saw numerous intellectuals spring to the fore, chief among them being the enigmatic Hanno of Tyria. It is still unknown whether the works attributed to Hanno were written by a single philosoper or several; nevertheless, the works borrowed heavily from post-Asherionic Norumbia and the council system of Mniohuta, proposing a system of syndicalist rule based on these regions. These works garnered few supporters in the 1840s, but proved hugely influential in the later decades of reunification. In 1848, a series of popular uprisings broke out across the Transrubricine region.
Modern Period
The Social War was one of the most impactful events in Tyreseia's modern history. From 1945 to 1947, socialist rebels under the command of Orestes Cotta rose up across the Latin Empire, attempting to install the Latin Social Republic. At first, support for the war in Tyreseia was overwhelming, but debates formed over the form and quantity of aid to be provided to the rebels. Ultimately, the Supreme Workers' Council voted to dispatch volunteer units and equipment to the Social Republic. The equipment, including a cruiser and two squadrons' worth of aircraft along with artillery pieces and small arms, were either reported as "donated" to the Tyreseian volunteer command (nominally independent of the government), or reported as stolen. All of this equipment and personnel, however, were not enough to make a difference, and the Social Republic collapsed in just two years. What followed was a massive and haphazard operation to rescue as many leftists and volunteer fighters from Latium as possible. Operation Rescue involved the ships donated to the Social Republic and Tyreseian Naval Fleet vessels, along with civilian ships, sailing through contested waters to pick up refugees and ferry them to Tyreseia. Following the induction of thousands of these x, as they were known, Tyreseia entered a period of paranoia, social disorder, and disruption that spanned most of the 1950s and 1960s.
As news of the defeat came to Tyreseia, the major pre-war political salons suffered a crisis of leadership. For all of them, and indeed the whole country, the threat of a Latin counter-attack was the paramount issue. Many of the salons experienced realignments and shakeups as political priorities shifted in the face of invasion. The Salon for World Revolution, the main force behind advocating all-out military intervention in the Social War, fractured. Members who supported a pre-emptive second invasion to forestall the Latins attacking Tyreseia left to form the Salon of Proletarian Strength, while members who wished total isolationism in the hopes of avoiding further Latin provocations joined Tyreseian Peace. Ironically, this salon was one of the few pre-war salons advocating no military action at all in the Social War. Members of the SWR who believed in seeking out other socialist allies as a bulwark against Latium became the salon's ideological vanguard for decades to come. Tyreseia's alliances with socialist states worldwide in the late 20th and early 21st centuries were later spearheaded by members of this salon.
The pressure of imminent invasion engendered numerous political actions, as well. During the 1950s and into the early 1960s, numerous "lone wolf" agents, trained and equipped by the Salon of Proletarian Strength, attempted to foment more revolt in Latium as foreign provocateurs. All of these failed, and any connection found to Tyreseia served as a further provocation towards Latium that worsened tensions between the two nations. At the time, the Tyreseian government denied backing these "lone wolves." Later declassified documents reveal, however, that some members of the Supreme Workers' Council and the Council of State were endorsing these attacks, and coercing their constituents into aiding these agents. The pressure was felt domestically, too. Starting around 1952, numerous members of the SWR and SPS began spreading baseless accusations that salons opposed to a preventive invasion of Latium were, as one salon member described, "under the evil auspices of a grand Imperial conspiracy." This theory hijacked the widespread paranoia of the time and fomented it into mass hysteria. Large sections of the population fell under the belief that pacifism and isolationism was being propped up by Latin agents. People who had voiced pacifist opinions suddenly faced discrimination, and were at risk of losing their union jobs. If they were prominent people, like politicians or celebrities, they could suffer the indignity of being hauled in front of the Supreme Workers' Council for lengthy interrogations of their character. In addition, the Red Guards, the militia force at the time, saw a massive increase in civilians forming "readiness battalions," drilling in such areas as defensive combat techniques and as air raid wardens. While the fervor began to die out in the late 1950s, the undercurrent of paranoia ran unabated until the 1970s. During the 1950s, Yisrael was under the domination of the political left, which led to Tyreseia and Yisrael fostering markedly warmer relations at the expense of their mutual relations with Latium.
In contrast with the militarism and paranoia of the 1950s, the 1960s was defined by a clash between the establishment and a young, anti-war generation. Children born during an economic boom in the mid-1940s were coming of age in the 1960s, having grown up during a period of hypocrisy and paranoia. This time was, for many, extremely grating and frustrating, leading to the formation of a counter-culture with two distinct wings of thought. One group, known as the (!hippies), claimed to see through the lies of statehood and established society, which they saw as hierarchical, authoritarian, and needlessly restrictive. Their solution was to "drop out" of society, often drifting around the nation and living on itinerant work or by moving into the remote wilderness and forming antinomian communes. Others fought the system, protesting and organizing mass actions to force dramatic political change. For a time, the interest of this latter group was represented by the countercultural salon known as the New Revolution Society. The aims of these countercultural activists were varied and scattered; in the end, while they had a large impact on contemporary culture, their constant infighting and lack of a single cohesive message meant they had little lasting political effect. The !hippies, by contrast, sought a new society elsewhere. The spiritual ideals of Ochran and the Ozeros Sea region, in particular, served as an intriguing alternative to the largely secularized society of Tyreseia. The N'nhivara faith, present in small minorities since the 14th century, was the most accessible so-called "Eastern" religion, and it attracted many new practicioners during the 1960s, along with the requisite fractalizing of sects and splinter groups. Some new faithful simply chose to tend to temples and practice rituals in Tyreseia, while many new converts chose to express their red-hot faithful fervor by exploring ancient sites around the Ozeros Sea and studying under spiritual teachers in N'nhivara's native Pulau Keramat.
History of Pulacan
The north of modern-day Pulacan was increasingly subsumed over the 10th century by the Tahamaja Empire. Though Komontu settlements persisted under their rule, many either relocated to modern-day Zanzali and formed part of the WaMzanzi group or were partially assimilated into the greater Tahamaja community. The Tahamaja constructed a pelabuhan as the center of their government and trade activities in the region, which later became the commercial center of the modern-day city of Mabesekwa. This city, along with many others in the Ozeros during this time, was jointly constructed by the Tahamajans and a council of merchants from modern-day Tyreseia; the latter came via the city of Shidunadast (nowadays Sumeira in Fahran). The Tyresene merchants were responsible for the city's well-preserved cothon, or enclosed harbor, and the modern-day Tyresene Gardens, which are largely rebuilt from medieval floating garden designs. Direct Tahamajan-Tyresene control never extended far inland from this center, but it nonetheless served as a way to project indirect influence into the hinterlands. The pre-eminent authority at Mabesekwa was the panguwasa, who served both as harbor-master for the pelabuhan and as the de facto ambassador of Tahamajan control. This position was given to sufficiently pliable and talented local leadership as a go-between with local populations, and often served as a means for introducing cultural knowledge to their native populations. The Tyresenes provided their own šūfeṭ, or consul, who served a purely commercial purpose as the local guild representative and advocate for merchants at Mabesekwa to the adon, or doge, at Shidunadast. As such, due to their commercial ambitions and role as inoffensive go-betweens, the Tyresenes had far less lasting cultural impact than the Tahamajans, much of which was accelerated by government programs of assimilation.
This assimilation saw the partial introduction of the N'nhivara religion to the area, partially supplanting and then syncretizing with local beliefs. More importantly, this period saw the introduction of the first writing system in modern-day Pulacan, the Uthire script. This script's use in Pulacan co-evolved to resemble the modern-day Mataram script, currently in use in parts of Pulau Keramat. The script is used today to write words in SePala, and though the characters are the same, the contents of Mataram and SePala writings are not mutually legible. The Uthire script spread in popularity along the existing trade routes to the Djebe highlands, where many tribes further cemented their power by employing dedicated scribes to recording their achievements and keeping bureaucratic records. State records begin to exist around 1050 CE, with the first coded laws appearing shortly after. From these records, a pattern emerges of tribal nations evolving from chiefdoms into more complicated states with various permanent (or semi-permanent) capitals, bureaucracies, laws and succession systems. Numerous wars of conquest were undertaken during this time, as well, with a complex network of vassal states, subjugated territories, and alliances all inhibiting one single group from rising to regionwide hegemony. These statelets would continue to evolve on this path for the next century, in sharp contrast with the southern coastal plains groups, which saw little societal change or population growth. The relative weakness of these southern tribes proved advantageous for the Zacapines and their merchant fleets, who began settling the area via trading and resupply posts starting in the 12th century. The eruption of Mount Siriwang in 1353 greatly disrupted the world's mercantile enterprises, with the Tahamaja suffering a fatal collapse
Travimost
Travimostan People's Republic Respai̯blikă Norödnă Travimöstnă (Travanian) | |
---|---|
Motto: Sjǫtĕ, Sjǫtĕ, Sjǫtĕ | |
Capital | Travibör |
Largest city | Ånskov |
Official languages | Travanian |
Recognised regional languages | Leshetic |
Ethnic groups (2020) |
|
Religion |
|
Demonym(s) | Travimostan, Travimostene |
Government | Unitary presidential Emendatic theocratic republic |
• Storüst | Plötüs Vorblik |
• Våjvådă | Morajă Smölkă |
Dümăs Köwolskĕ | |
Legislature | Sånam (unicameral) |
Establishment | |
• Castro culture | 9th century BCE |
• Arrival of the Tervingians | 200s BCE |
HDI | 0.801 very high |
Currency | Grėiwně (₲) (TVG) |
Time zone | UTC+2 (Eastern Belisaria Time) |
Date format | dd/mm/yyyy (CE) |
Driving side | right |
Calling code | +48 |
ISO 3166 code | TV |
Internet TLD | .tv |
Travimost, known formally as the Travimostan People's Republic (Travanian: Respai̯blikă Norödnă Travimöstnă), is a sovereign state in southeastern Belisaria.
Etymology
Demographics
Religion
The state religion of Travimost is Alban Nazarism; particularly, under a constellation of schools of thought described as Emendatist. Though diverse in thought, these schools are united by their foundation in folk churches (Travanian: norödnă carťai, pl norödnă carťĕ). These independent communities of lay worshipers began as a phenomenon during [INSERT HARD TIMES HERE] as a means of continuing faith and the pursuit of gnosis while the power of the mainline Alban priesthood was otherwise limited. Many of these folk churches adopted Docetic qualities, such as public confession and the emphasis on cultivating a master-student dialectic. In addition to electing members of the People's Council, the folk churches also, along with monasteries, elect members of the State Metrolaurate in Travibör. The State Metrolaurate serves as the primary means of interface between religious and state officials.
Government and politics
Since 2006, Travimost has been ruled as a theocratic republic. Religious institutions of the Alban Nazarist church are legally enshrined in the Travimostan constitution, and there is little to no separation of church and state. The folk churches serve a political role as electoral units through which the members of the Norödnĕ Zbör, or People's Council, are elected. The Council holds many duties, chief among which is the election of a storüst, the head of the Travimostan state. The storüst is elected once every five years, renewable indefinitely. The first, current, and so far only storüst is Plötüs Vorblik, a former revolutionary leader that has served in the role since 2007.