Amir Meyghani
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Amir Meyghani Shahid-ye Enqelab | |
|---|---|
| فرزاد اکبری | |
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| Life-Member of the Superior Council | |
| In office 15 July 1990 – 17 January 2020 | |
| Preceded by | Samir al-Jubairi |
| Succeeded by | Ghassan Kharrazi |
| Deputy Chairman of the National Security Command | |
| In office 19 July 2016 – 17 January 2020 | |
| Supreme Commander if the Irfanic Revolutionary Army | Alireza Fadavi |
| Preceded by | Abdullah Ali Jaffar |
| Succeeded by | Faris Sayid |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 20 October, 1953 Borazjan, Union of Khazestan and Pardaran |
| Died | January 17, 2020 (aged 66) Sidi Amar, Tsabara |
| Cause of death | assassination |
| Political party | Zorasani Revolutionary Unification Front (1971-1985) Zorasan Zendebad (1985-present) |
| Spouse | Khojasteh Shariatzadeh (1970-present) |
| Children | 3 |
| Alma mater | Mahrdad Ali Sattari Academy Imam Khosrow War College |
| Military service | |
| Branch/service |  Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army Land Forces |
| Years of service | 1972-2020 |
| Rank | General Major General (posthumously) |
| Commands | 23rd Armoured Brigade 3rd Banner Army Corps (2017-2019) |
| Awards |  Order of Nasr |
Amir Meyghani (Pasdani: , born 20 October 1953, ;83; January 17 2020, aged 66), was a Zorasani general and politician. He served in the Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army Land Forces from 1971 until his death in 2020. He was posthumously promoted to Major General and bestowed the status of Shahid-ye Inqelab (Martyr of the Revolution).
Meyghani served in several key roles throughout his career, including a series of administrative posts in the Irvadi Revolutionary Provisional Government (1979-80). He went on to command government forces in the Al-Hizan Uprising and the Al-Thawra Rebellion during the late 1980s, during which he stirred controversy over his strategies and tactics. In 1990, he was promoted to the rank of general, where he received the mandatory life-term seat in the Zorasani Superior Council of the Union (the upper-house of the Zorasani parliament). During the 1990s and early 2000s he secured prominent teaching positions at the Imam Khosrow War College, before being promoted to Deputy Chairman of the National Security Command.
In late 2019, he was appointed as the official representative of the Zorasani government to the League of the Righteous movement in neighboring Tsabara during the later stages of the Tsabaran Crisis. On January 17 2020, he was killed alongside four other Zorasani officers when returning to Zorasan from Tsabara. His week long stay in Tsabara saw his successful persuasion of the League of the Righteous to attend the Spálgleann Peace Talks. His killing was that of the highest ranking officer in the Zorasani military since 1969 and led directly to a significant increase in Zorasani involvement in Tsabara.
Early life
Meyghani was born in the village of Rezvanshahr in southern Pardaran on 20 October 1953. He was born to a poor farming family, as the youngest of six children. His two elder brothers, Hassan and Abdolreza were killed in action during the Badawiyan War (1965-1968), this led to Meyghani having to move in with a paternal uncle in the city of Soltanabad to earn the family more money. During his time in Soltanabad, he completed school and took a job as a low level civil servant for the city government. However, inspired by his brothers, he would volunteer for the Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army, joining the ground forces at 18.
Military career
Meyghani joined the army in 1971 and completed basic training with commendations from his superiors. Upon completing training, Meyghani was assigned to the 33rd Infantry Division under the 2nd Banner Army located in northern Khazestan on the border with the Irvadi People's Republic.
1971-1975
In 1973, after two years of deployment with the 33rd Infantry Division, Meyghani's company was directly involved in the Tal Samad Incident. The strategic hill which overlooked a relatively flat area of semi-arid desert was attacked in the early hours by soldiers of the Irvadi People's Army. Meyghani alongside his company were stationed on the hill and successfully repulsed the attack, his bravery and the successful extraction of a wounded comrade while under fire secured him a promotion to corporal. In early 1974, Meyghani's company was deployed to reinforce defensive positions during the Zarhya Zainab Incident, during the battle, Meyghani's squad commander was killed and he assumed command, following which, he successfully led his squad in the capture of an Irvadi position. His success resulted in a further promotion to the rank of captain, at the age of 24.
Irvadistan War
Post-war Irvadistan
Al-Hizan Uprising
Al-Thawra Rebellion
1990-2016
2016-2020
Political career
On April 19 1990, Meyghani was promoted to the rank of General. Under the Zorasani constitution, all serving officers who attain the rank of general are entitled to hold a life-term seat in the upper-house of the federal parliament. According to his biography, he was initially hesitant to enter the national parliament, owing to his personal preference of teaching army cadets, however, he was pressured by fellow officers to take the “state offered gift.” He accepted on April 23 and was registered to replace Samir al-Jubairi, a former general who was retiring both from his military and political career.
On July 14 1990, Meyghani assumed his seat in the Superior Council of the Union. According to the Parliamentary Recorder, Meyghani’s attendance averaged 78% from his assumption till his death in 2020. He voted all major legislation and 68% of smaller legislation, he fell within the voting traditions of the ideological Sattarist factions.
Through his seat in the upper-house, Meyghani was viable for political appointment and between 1995 and 1999, he served on the board of the National Armaments Group, the state-owned weapons producer. In 2001, he was named in a leaked memo indicating corruption at the board level, with suspicions he alongside three other officers had profited through kickbacks secured by deals made between the NAG and privately-owned weapons manufacturers. It was never investigated by the General Army Inspectorate, nor confirmed by third parties.
In 2019, Meyghani emerged as a founding member of the True Way political alliance, which went on to secure a overwhelmingly dominant majority in the lower-house and within weeks, unquestionable power across the entire country.
As a member of the Superior Council and his role as the intermediary between the Zorasani government and the League of the Righteous in eastern Tsabara, he was charged with presenting reports and updates to behind-closed door meetings with the National and External Security Committee.
Masood Saleh, a noted commentator on the Superior Council described Meyghani as a “part-timer, like many officers. But he would be present when needed and when it counted, and he certainly sat with the traditionalist Sattarist hardliners.” He also described Meyghani as a “typical general-politician, present but never truly involved. He was the reliable supporter of the more politically active and involved, but more than not, saw his presence in the Superior Council as a duty.”
Death
On the 9 January 2020, Meyghani and four other officers from the Zorasani armed forces travelled to Sidi Amar to persuade Sheik Faizan Salah, the leader of the League of the Righteous, to participate in the proposed peace talks in Caldia. This development was not announced publicly, nor was any public record found of his travels to Sidi Amar during the period.
Three days later, Sheik Salah confirmed that he and the Supreme Political Council of the LR had agreed to send representatives to Spálgleann, ostensibly confirming General Meyghani’s success in persuading the cleric to pursue a peaceful solution to the Tsabaran Crisis. After eight days in Sidi Amar, where the Zorasani delegation oversaw talks alongside Sheik Salah, they departed the city to return to Zorasan.
Earlier clashes between protesters and federal security forces had effectively blocked access to Sidi Amar’s regional airport, forcing the group to take to a motorcade to the border. The group left the residence of Sheik Salah shortly after 8.30am. The motorcade consisted of four SUV vehicles provided by the Sidi Amar city administration. The group was accompanied by six armed LR bodyguards including the four drivers and travelled along the Al-Tuban Road toward the border crossing of the same name.
Shortly after 9am, the motorcade struck what is believed to be an improvised explosive device. The explosion knocked over the lead vehicle which steadied to block the road. The IED was placed in a section of the road that was flanked by steep rockfaces roughly 10m high in either side. The rear vehicle was then struck by a rocket-propelled grenade or some other explosive device. The motorcade was then racketed by gunfire, with the attack lasting no longer than 3 minutes. All ten Tsabarans and the four Zorasani officers were killed instantly, while Meyghani survived but with serious injuries. Within 10 minutes, federal and provincial security forces arrived and evacuated Meyghani to Sidi Amar’s general hospital for treatment. However, he died on the operating table from fatal blood loss at 9.42am.
His death was not reported in Zorasani state media until the morning of January 18, where a military spokesman confirmed the attack and Meyghani’s death. The same spokesman confirmed that his four aides were also killed in the attack. Three days of national mourning was declared by the Zorasani government, alongside confirmation that the Lions of the Homeland were responsible. This was followed by a series of draconian laws aimed at preventing infiltration by the Lions, of the Zorasani Atudite minority and a promise of revenge.
The ambush that killed Meyghani and four other Zorasani officers is considered part of the wider attacks across Eastern Tsabara that killed 249 civilians, almost all Badawiyan Irfani and injured over 300 more. The attacks are also considered to be the beginning of the Tsabaran Civil War.
Reaction
The Lions of the Homeland in their series of social media posts and videos which claimed responsibility for the January 17 Attacks made direct reference to the killing General Meyghani and the four others. In his only video message, Lions’ leader, Elezar-ben Ya’ir claimed the assassination was aimed at “sending a direct message to Salah’s masters in Zahedan. This is our nation and you will not conquer us through that cleric in Sidi Amar.”
Many nationalist Atudites had argued for years that the League of the Righteous was a Zorasani puppet-movement, and explained the close relationship built during the presidency of Atwan al-Tughluq, who ostensibly relied heavily on the League of the Righteous and Sheik Faizan Salah for political and spiritual support and legitimacy.