Union of Zorasani Irfanic Republics
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Union of Zorasani Irfanic Republics
اتحاد جماهیرعرفانی زرصانی
Ettehād-ye Jamaheer-ye Erfāni-ye Zorasāni
الاتحاد الجمهوريات العرفانية الكرصانية
al-Ittiḥād al-Jumhūrīyyat al-Irfānīyyah al-Kurṣāniyyah
Zorasan in blue, Coius in light blue and claimed territories in dark blue
and largest city
|Recognised regional languages||Kexri|
|Ethnic groups||See Ethnicity|
Irfan (Arta and Hasawi)
Constitutionally recognised minority religions:
Maronite Catholicism, Atuditism, Zoroastrianism, Druze
Federal Sattarist parliamentary republic
Federal dominant party authoritarian parliamentary republic subject to a civic-military system
|31 October 1953|
• Constitution adopted
|4 November 1953|
• Treaty of Unification
|22 May 1956|
|11 January 1980|
• Current constitution
|10 May 1984|
|2,098,131 km2 (810,093 sq mi)|
• Water (%)
• 2018 estimate
• 2012 census
|179.60/km2 (465.2/sq mi)|
|$2.250 trillion (13th)|
• Per capita
|$1.809 trillion (9th)|
• Per capita
The Union of Zorasani Irfanic Repulics (Pasdani: اتحاد جماهیرعرفانی زرصانی; Ettehād-ye Jamaheer-ye Erfāni-ye Zorasāni; Arabic: الاتحاد الجمهوريات العرفانية الكرصانية; al-Ittiḥād al-Jumhūrīyyat al-Irfānīyyah al-Kurṣāniyyah), commonly called the Zorasani Union, Zorasan or the UZIR, is a federal non-partisan parliamentary republic located in northern Coius. The UZIR is bordered by Xiaodong and Kumuso to the south, Karzaristan and Kituk to the west, Tsabara to the east and the Solarian Sea to the north and Mazdan Sea to the north-west. The UZIR is home to diverse ethnic groups, with Arta Irfan as the majority and XXX as the largest minority, it also includes XX, Yazidis, XX and a tiny minority of Abburites. Its two largest ethnic groups are Pardarians and Arabs. With a population of 173.1 million it is the Xth largest country in the world and and Xth largest in Coius, it has a total area of 2,098,131 km2 (810,093 sq mi), making it the Xth largest in Coius and the Xth largest in the world.
Zorasan is home to some of the world's oldest civilizations, beginning with the formation of the Asirani and Galdian kingdoms in the fourth millennium BCE. Both the Pardarian and Badawiyan civilisations would be united under the former through the Barzanid Empire. The Sorsanid Empire would establish the tradition of Pardarian rule from the 4th century BCE until the 19th century, often with deep levels of Badawiyan integration. The Arasanid Empire would emerge in the 3rd century CE as a world leading power, with territory stretching from Hydana to southern Bahia. The Arasanid Empire would be in regular conflict with both the Solarian and Verliquioan empires, until the emergence of Irfan in 620 CE and the Tagemes invasion .
The rise of Irfan between 620 and 690 succeeded the devastation of the Tagemes invasions, the fledgling religion overthrew the Arasanid Empire in the Emshab-ye Amorzesh, in which the Shah and his family were killed by rebels under Ardashir Fereydun. The empire was replaced with the First Heavenly Dominion, which rapidly expanded across northern Coius and Bahia in what became known as the Irfanic Conquests. From 690 CE to 1100 CE, much of northern Coius would be ruled under successive Heavenly Dominions sparking the Irfanic Golden Age, until the Fourth Heavenly Dominion transitioned to a monarchy under the Gorsanid dynasty.
For much of its history, the Gorsanid Empire would be a leading world power until it fell technologically and economically behind its Euclean rivals. Successive rebellions and crises would ultimately lead to the Gorsanid collapse and the eventual conquest of its territory by Euclean powers. In 1863, much of modern day Zorasan was colonised by Etruria and was subsequently divided into numerous colonial possessions, though the monarchy survived through the Etrurian-dominated Shahdom of Pardaran. During the first half of the 20th century Zorasan was dominated by numerous rebellions and uprisings against Etrurian rule which coincided with both the Great War (1928-1936) and Solarian War (1943-1946). Independence followed with Zorasan being divided into a series of unstable states along ethnic lines, where ideological extremism dominated politics. In 1949, Pardaran was unified following a short civil war under Mahrdad Ali Sattari, who's pan-Zorasani ideology led to a similar revolution in Khazestan in 1950 and the two nations merger. Over the next twenty years, conflict, terrorism and revolution would ultimately lead to Zorasani unification in wake of the Irvadistan War in 1979. Between 1979 and 1980, the new union reformed into a parliamentary non-partisan federation. Economic reforms led to significant economic growth and rapid development.
The UZIR is a member of the Community of Nations, GIFA, NAC and the ITO and a founding member of the Rongzhuo Strategic Protocol Organisation. It is recognised as a regional to middle power by international commentators; some have claimed that it is a potential superpower in the event of further economic development. The UNIR has the largest proven oil reserves and is the world's largest producer of oil and natural gas, leading it to be considered an energy superpower.
- 1 History
- 1.1 Pre-history
- 1.2 Sorsanid Empire (550 BCE-400 BCE)
- 1.3 Arasanid Empire (400-322 BCE)
- 1.4 Rise of Irfan (322-300 BCE)
- 1.5 Heavenly Dominions (300-1100)
- 1.6 Gorsanid Empire (1100-1700)
- 1.7 Gorsanid collapse (1700-1880)
- 1.8 Colonial Zorasan (1880-1946)
- 1.9 Independence and Civil War (1946-1950)
- 1.10 Unification of Zorasan (1950-1979)
- 1.11 Union of Zorasani Irfanic Republics (1980-present)
- 2 Geography
- 3 Government and politics
- 4 Economy
- 5 Demographics
- 6 Culture
The earliest attested archaeological artifacts in Zorasan, like those excavated at Dorshad and Zarashfud, confirm a human presence in both Khazestan and Pardaran since 300,000 BC. Pardaran's Neanderthal artifacts from the Middle Paleolithic have been found mainly in the Miran region. From the 10th to the seventh millennium BC, early agricultural communities began to flourish in and around the Miran region in eastern Pardaran.
Pardarian development ran almost concurrently to the emergence of civilisations in the Asirani valley, in neighboring modern Khazestan. In Khazestan, the early Galdian civilisation became the source of what is debated to be the world's first writing system and recorded history itself were born. The Galdians are also argued to be the first to harness the wheel and create City States, and whose writings record the first evidence of Mathematics, Astronomy, Astrology, Written Law, Medicine and Organised religion. Writing systems also emerged in eastern Pardaran, with similar systems of cuneform to that of the Galdians.
Sorsanid Empire (550 BCE-400 BCE)
Arasanid Empire (400-322 BCE)
Rise of Irfan (322-300 BCE)
Heavenly Dominions (300-1100)
Gorsanid Empire (1100-1700)
Gorsanid collapse (1700-1880)
Colonial Zorasan (1880-1946)
Independence and Civil War (1946-1950)
Following the end of the Solarian War, the Treaty of Ashcombe restored independence to Etruria’s colonial possessions, establishing the independent states of Pardaran, Khazestan, Emirate of Irvadistan, Kexri Republic and the Confederation of Riyhadi Kingdoms. The use of the 1889 Treaty of Verlois to establish the borders, alongside the lack of legitimacy of the new governments resulted in the collapse of authority and government across swathes of Zorasan, and the emergence of warlord cliques, small statelets and two rival governments in Pardaran.
The Shahdom under Ahmad Reza Shah failed to establish control over the internationally recognised borders of Pardaran, owing to the Shahdom’s history as a compliant protectorate of Etruria since 1869. This allowed two military cliques and a nascent democratic republic to emerge in the north-west, while the Xiaodong-backed Pardarian Revolutionary Resistance Command; which had dominated the resistance movement during the Zorasani Rebellion (1936-1946) coalesced in the far-south. Competing ambitions eventually led to a multifaceted civil war that ultimately led to a PRRC victory over its rivals and the establishment of the Free Zorasani Republic in 1950.
In the Badawiyan east of Zorasan, the Kingdoms of Khazestan and Irvadistan stabilised relatively quickly, with King Hussein I of Khazestan and King Said Ali of Irvadistan cooperating in confronting restive Badawiyan tribes in the Al-Hizan region. Both kingdoms restored order and stability within their mandated borders by 1948, although economic crises and the spread of Pro-Sattarist elements in Khazestan would undermine the monarchy until its downfall in 1952. In the east, the Kexri Republic under its left-wing nationalist governnment sought to expand its borders at the expense of Badawiyan, Druze and Yazidi tribes and local communities, culminating in the Kexri War (1946-1959). The various emirates and kingdoms of the Riyadha peninsula were the only states to stabilise immediately upon independence, coalescing into the Confederation of Riyhadi Kingdoms under the pro-Euclean Emir Rafiq Ali. Riyadha became a prominent safe haven for refugees and exiled writers, political thinkers and activists, who fled Pardaran toward the end of the civil war.
By 1950, the states forged by the Treaty of Ashcombe had established themselves, though the instability and anarchy of the four-year period produced a climate of intense revolutionary activity, ideological entrenchment and a deep divided between Pan-Zorasanism and nationalism. This divide would form the basis for the process of Zorasani Unification, as Pardaran and its Sattarist ideology expanded across Zorasan through revolution, coups and war.
Unification of Zorasan (1950-1979)
The situation in Zorasan by 1950, though mostly stabilised politically, was still stricken by extensive war-time devastation, economic collapse, famine and shortages. The civil war in Pardaran saw extensive use of propaganda and radio by the PRRC leader, Mahrdad Ali Sattari who broadcasted daily, messages of republicanism, socialism, pan-Zorasanism and the threat of renewed colonialism. This broadcast were made across Zorasan, which led to the emergence of mass Sattarist movements in the Badawiyan states. The failure by the new states to immediately confront the devastation caused by the Great and Solarian Wars had profound effects on their internal stability.
The PRRC immediately in wake of the civil war regularly vowed to unify Zorasan in order to birth a “renaissance” and to ensure that colonialism would never return to suppress the Zorasani peoples. The PRRC’s conflation of colonial exploitation with monarchism led to further agitation among the starving masses toward their monarchs in Khazestan and Irvadistan. This was defined by the power-struggle in wake of Mahrdad Ali Sattari's death in 1951 and his succession by Omid Sharifirad and then by Ali Sayyad Gharazi. The PRRC’s renewed focus on unification in wake of its victory in the Pardarian Civil War swiftly led conflict with its Badawiyan neighbours.
Between 1950 and 1952, Khazestan was racked by mass bread riots, strikes and the continued effects of its collapsed infrastructure. King Hussein’s reliance on authoritarianism and often excessive violence to maintain control was capitalised by the Sattarist movement in Khazestan and its patron in Pardaran. On July 8 1952, a bread riot in the capital of Faidah escalated into a full-blow revolution, which coincided with a Pardarian military invasion. King Hussein was overthrown and executed, while Khazestan formally merged with Pardaran to form the Union of Khazestan-Pardaran, with Ali Sattari as Supreme Leader. However, the rapid disintegration of the Kingdom outpaced Pardarian armed forces, which resulted in northern Khazestan breaking away and forming the independent Emirate of Khazestan. The immediate deployment of armed units from the Emirate of Irvadistan, deterred a Pardarian advance, leading to the formal division of Khazestan for the next decade.
A cold war rapidly developed between the Union of Khazestan-Pardaran and the independent Badawiyan states to the north. In the east, the left-wing Kexri Republic struggled to confront resistance from its Badawiyan, Druze and Yazidi minorities, while it deferred from taking sides, it would eventually become a major theatre in the cold war. During the late 1950s, the region recoiled under the costs of terrorism, political agitation and economic mismanagement. The Badawiyan states were faced with growing ideological extremes competing for control, while also threatening the ruling elites. The Emirate of Irvadistan, primarily focused on combatting Sattarism, failed to confront the socialist movement, which grew significantly from economic failures, inequality and weaknesses of the monarchy.
In 1962, a coalition of Badawiyan, Druze and Yazidi rebel groups united to form the Revolutionary Resistance Command of Ninevah (RRCN). Aided by the UKP, it escalated its guerrilla war, while the UKP invaded the Kexri Republic in May 1962. An RRCN offensive on the Kexri capital of Surayda Hemko decapitated the Kexri government and the republic swiftly collapsed. A widely regarded rigged referendum six months later saw the former Kexri Republic merged into the UKP as the Region of Ninevah. This victory for the UKP greatly upset the balance of power and directly led to the Badawiyan War in 1963. During the three-year conflict, the UKP would defeat the allied forces of Irvadistan, North Khazestan and the Riyhadi Confederation, and would see the reunification of Khazestan within the UKP.
The late 1960s and early 1970s would see repeated waves of terrorism, political instability, failed coups and agitation by both sides. The prior instability in Irvadistan coupled with the casualties and defeat in the Badawiyan War led to the overthrow of the Emirate by the Irvadi Section of the Worker’s Internationale (ISWI) in 1968. The coup saw the collapse of the unified Badawiyan opposition to the UKP, ultimately leading to the 1974 overthrow of the Riyhadi Confederation by the Revolutionary Resistance Command of Riyadha, this was followed by the admission of the Riyadha peninsula into the UKP, leaving Irvadistan as the sole remaining independent state.
Rising tensions coinciding with disputes over the Haradh oil field, led to the surprise Irvadi invasion of Khazestan in the Summer of 1975. The Irvadistan War, would devastate much of northern Zorasan and leave over a million dead. By 1978, facing chronic manpower shortages, collapsing industry and an advancing Khazi-Pardarian opponent, the Irvadi government collapsed. In 1979, the UKP captured the Irvadi capital of Qufeira and established the Provisional Revolutionary Government of Irvadistan. The PRGI worked tirelessly to prepare for the country’s admission into the UKP, while also confronting resistance and economic collapse. Despite the opposition, Irvadistan was admitted on January 11 1980, with the UKP becoming the Union of Zorasani Irfanic Republics, this marked the end of Zorasani unification and its completion.
Union of Zorasani Irfanic Republics (1980-present)
Following the forming of the UZIR in 1980, the new Zorasani government faced considerable pressures for reform to consolidate unification. Many senior figures around Supreme Leader Javad Jahandar were concerned that the single-party state would perpetuate resistance and rebellion in Irvadistan and in other parts of the war-exhausted state. Jahandar opposed immediate reform, but ultimately agreed for considerable structural and constitutional change.
In 1981, Jahandar authorised the sitting of a Constituent Assembly to develop a new inclusive system, which would be introduced after a fixed period of continued single-party rule. By the start of 1982, the Assembly had produced the framework for a federal non-partisan parliamentary republic, which would provide universal suffrage, a commitment to human and civil rights and equally distribute powers to Union Republics to be forged out of the former states. The proposal was put to the Zorasani people by referendum on August 19 1982 and was backed by 88% of the electorate, the first democratic exercise in forty-years within Zorasan. The new constitution and government would be established in wake of a general election in 1985.
During this time and until the 1985 election, the single-party government under Javad Jahandar focused on reconstruction and the economic revitalisation of the northern regions. The merge of the Irvadi and UKP oil companies secured the new nation as the world’s largest oil producer and the possessor of the largest proven oil reserves. Aided by high prices, the government funded rapid reconstruction and modernisation, while also using its capital reserves to fund industrialisation and diversification. Despite the rate of reconstruction and economic growth, Irvadistan would see two unsuccessful revolts against the new government, with the Al-Thawra Uprising (1983-1984) and the Assan Uprising (1985). These failures saw the decline of Irvadi nationalism and resistance, further repressed by a mass embrace of the new semi-democratic system.
In 1985, Zorasan elected members to its local, state and federal level legislatures, marking the adoption of the 1981 constitution and the establishment of the non-partisan parliamentary system. The first parliament was stacked with Sattarist ideologues and figures from the now defunct Revolutionary Masses Party and the Zorasani Revolutionary Unification Front. Javad Jahandar was elected State President by the upper-house, while Hardan al-Bakr became First Minister following his election by the lower-house. Between 1985 and 1990, the Jahandar-Bakr administration continued its focus on reconstruction and economic reform, with the privatisation of state-owned enterprises, the opening of the economy to foreign investment and the formal replacement of the command-economy with state-capitalism as the national economic model.
Economic growth averaged 10% annually during this period, while social reforms expanded education to every child, hundreds of schools and colleges were opened, new universities were opened to women and special scholarships were provided for war orphans. Healthcare also saw significant improvements, with new modern hospitals replacing antiquated or destroyed facilities in Irvadistan. Infant-mortality declined dramatically, and life expectancy rose from 64 on average to 69 by 1990. Mass inoculations eradicated many diseases that plagued pre-war Irvadistan. The same period saw living standards and wages rise nationally by a marked degree, an expansion in foreign trade and investment further improved infrastructure and non-petrochemical sectors of the economy. In 1990, Jahandar and Bakr stood down following that year’s election.
X and X led the nation in the 1990s, sparking what is known as the Saffron Period. Under their administration, Zorasan’s economic performance pulled an estimated 70 million peasants out of poverty and sustained an average annual gross domestic product growth rate of 10.5%. The administration also initiated political reforms that greatly expanded democratisation and weakened the role of the military and clergy. The country joined the International Trade Organisation in 1999 and maintained its high rate of economic growth under X and X leadership in the 2000s. However, their political reforms sparked controversy and opposition and the 2005 global recession resulted in their defeat in the year’s election. Economic growth would rebound and remain strong under X and X who governed from 2005 to 2015.
From 2005 onward, democratisation was rolled back under the Hamid Alizadeh-Abdel Abbas government who rebuilt the military and clergy’s power and influence. Considerable resources were allocated for military expansion and modernisation, while repression of minorities was resumed. A renewed crackdown on minority interest groups led directly to the Kexri Conflict between 2006 and 2009, which saw an estimated 15,000 people killed and thousands more disappeared. The conflict fostered increased military control over the federal government and further backsliding of civil liberties and democracy. The Alizadeh-Abbas government oversaw the introduction of high-speed rail, the largest expansion of road and rail in Zorasani history and further diversification with state-backed manufacturers, technology companies and a liberalisation of the financial services.
In 2015, the Vahid Isfandiar-Farzad Akbari government was elected by the Supreme Assembly of the Union. The new administration focused initially on economic reform, modernisation of social services and infrastructure. The 2015-2020 period was marked by repeated ecological crises, such as repeated droughts and man-made water shortages, labour disputes and a failed return of Kexri insurgency. In 2019, in wake of growing instability within northern Coius and escalating tensions abroad, the Isfandiar-Akbari government oversaw the creation and rise to power of the True Way, a political alliance of numerous hardline Neo-Sattarist groups. True Way’s overwhelming landslide in the 2019 election saw the de-facto demise of the 1981 constitution and the establishment of a dominant-party state.
The land area of Zorasan is XX square miles (XX km2). Pardaran is the largest state at XXXX square miles (XXXX km2). Aramand, is the smallest at is XXXXX square miles (XXX km2) in area. In Irvadistan the Ruqqad Highlands; which is home to Irvadistan's highest point, Mount Hajar Asud (2,814 m; 9,232 ft), divide the western coastal plain from the al-Ramal al-Wusta Desert, while directly south, the Khazi coast is divided from the Dasht-e-Aftab by the Yafā'Aswad highlands. The Dasht-e-Aftab covers roughly 36% of the Khazi-Pardarian central region. The Tinnin Plateau divides the Aftab from the northern Pardarian coastline, these mountains also aided the creation of the Aftab, by blocking oceaniac rain-clouds from heading southward. The Pasdani south is one of the world's most mountainous regions, its landscape dominated by rugged mountain ranges that separate various basins or plateaux from one another. The south-west is dominated by the Exri and Soban; the last contains Zorasan's highest point, Mount Fereydun at 5,610 m (18,406 ft). To the south of the north-west and the Aftab are highlands that protect the southern plains from the desert and arid north. The southern Pasdani region varies between open flat plains to rolling yet fertile hills and valleys.
Irvadistan's interior is arid desert, but is punctuated by two fertile zones, from the north to south runs the Khabur and from the north to the east runs the Khanzir, these two rivers are vital for the country's agricultural regions and are the primary locations of the population. Both stripes of fertile ground are flanked by arid desert.
The UZIR, with its large size and geographic variety, includes most climate types. Having 11 climates out of the world's 13, Zorasan's climate is diverse, ranging from arid or semiarid, to subtropical along the Pardarian coast and the southern forests. On the southern edge of the country, on the shores of Lake Sharezan (the Sharezan Plain) temperatures rarely fall below freezing and the area remains humid for the rest of the year. Summer temperatures rarely exceed 29 °C (84.2 °F). Annual precipitation is 680 mm (26.8 in) in the eastern part of the plain and more than 1,700 mm (66.9 in) in the western part. Water Scarcity is considered to be the biggest threat to Pardaran, Khazestan and Ninejah and Zorasan at large.
To the west, settlements in the Soban basin experience lower temperatures, severe winters with below zero average daily temperatures and heavy snowfall. The eastern and central basins are arid, with less than 200 mm (7.9 in) of rain, and have occasional deserts. Average summer temperatures rarely exceed 38 °C (100.4 °F). The coastal plains of Irvadistan in south-western Pardaran have mild winters, and very humid and hot summers. The annual precipitation ranges from 135 to 355 mm (5.3 to 14.0 in).
Government and politics
Zorasan is a federal, Sattarist, parliamentary republic. Zorasan’s political system operates under a framework laid out in the 1983 constitution known as the Treaty of Ascension (Ertegha-Peyman). Amendments generally require a two-thirds majority of both the Popular Assembly and the Superior Assembly; the fundamental principles of the constitution, as expressed in the articles guaranteeing human dignity, the role of Irfan, the federal structure, and the rule of law are valid in perpetuity.
The Zorasani political system provides significant power and influence to the armed forces, through the Central Command Council. The CCC has the right to appoint key cabinet positions, holds vetoes over select areas of government responsibility and vets parliamentary candidates for the state and federal level.
The Zorasani government is classified as a “civic-military hybrid regime”, while also being classified as “authoritarian.” Zorasan has long been a serious violator of human rights, being regularly criticised and condemned.
True Way (121)
Union Solidarity and Reform Association (29)
People's Moderation and Respect Alliance (10)
People's Movement for Progress (5)
Armed Forces (335)
True Way (501)
Union Solidarity and Reform Association (10)
People's Moderation and Respect Alliance (6)
People's Movement for Progress (5)
Armed Forces (58)
The head of state is the State President who is elected by the upper-house of parliament for a five-year term. The State President is invested with some executive power, but is mostly restricted to a ceremonial position. The State President has the power to dissolve parliament, appoint or dismiss federal ministers, state governors, diplomatic and civil service officials. The State President de-jure chairs the Central Command Council, which is also technically the National Security Council of the Zorasani government. However, the commander-in-chief of the Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army chairs the CCC in reality.
The First Minister is appointed by the members of the Popular Assembly by simple majority vote. The first minister is assisted by the Council of Ministers, whose members are appointed by the State President on the advice of the First Minister. The Central Command Council also appoints members of the Council of Ministers, who cannot be removed by either the State President or First Minister. The Council of Ministers comprises the ministers, ministers of state, and advisers. Between 1980 and 1995, there were over thirty-five cabinet positions, but was reduced to merely twelve in 1995 as the state administrations were granted significantly more autonomy. From 2005 onward, this process of de-centralisation has been reversed and the states have been stripped of much of their original power. As of 2019, there are twenty-two cabinet positons.
On the other hand, the Zorasani military plays a significant role in the national executive. The Commander-in-chief of the Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army de-facto chairs the Central Command Council, a senior body consisting of sixteen commanders from all branches of the military. The Central Command Council is also the executive's national security council. The CCC has theright to appoint two-thirds of members of the Superior Assembly (the upper-house), by doing so, any attempt to reform the 2008 constitution would require military support to secure the necessary two-thirds majority to pass. The CCC also appoints 10% of members of the Popular Assembly (lower-house), this coincides with the CCC's ability to vet all parliamentary candidates through the National Commission for Political and Social Matters, which also includes members of the Irfanic clerical establishment. Military officers who reach the rank of Brigadier General and above, receive seats in the upper-house for life.
Most pivotally, the CCC appoints the Foreign Minister, the Internal Affairs Minister, State Intelligence and Security Minister and the National Defence Minister. These appointees cannot be dismissed or removed by either the First Minister or State President. Collectively, this grants the military control over foreign policy, law enforcement, domestic and external intelligence. The Central Command Council has a veto over all legislation related to these areas.
The legislature of Zorasan, known as the Supreme Assembly of the Union, is a bicameral body, and is comprised of the 500-member upper-house Superior Assembly, and the 580-member lower-house Popular Assembly. The Popular Assembly is the sovereign national body. Members of the Popular Assembly are elected through the first-past-the-post system under universal adult suffrage to single-member constituencies.
The Superior Assembly is unique in that two-thirds of its members (335) are appointed by the Central Command Council, while members who hold the rank of brigadier general or above hold seats for life. This guarantees any government effort to amend the constitution, would require the assistance and support of the armed forces. The remaining 165 members are elected by universal suffrage, with each administrative division of Zorasan providing 15 members.
Members of the Popular Assembly are elected by universal adult suffrage (eighteen years of age.). Seats are allocated to each of the eight Union Republics, two Union Municipalities and the Union Territory on the basis of population. Popular Assembly members serve for the parliamentary term, which is five years, unless they die or resign sooner, or unless the Popular Assembly is dissolved. 58 seats of the Popular Assembly's 580 are reserved for members appointed by the Central Command Council.
The Popular Assembly, Zorasan's sovereign legislative body, makes laws for the federation under powers spelled out in the federal legislative List and also for subjects in the concurrent List, as given in the fourth article of the Constitution. Through debates, adjournment motions, question hour, and standing committees, the Popular Assembly keeps a check on the government. It ensures that the government functions within the parameters set out in the Constitution, and does not violate the people's fundamental rights. The Parliament scrutinizes public spending and exercises control of expenditure incurred by the government through the work of the relevant standing committees. The military is further empowered by the Central Command Council holding the responsibility to vet parliamentary candidates for both houses of the Assembly. It does this through the General Directorate for Political and Social Affairs.
The Union comprises seven federal states which are collectively referred to as Union Republics (Ettehād-ye Jamaheer). Each state has its own state constitution, and is largely autonomous in regard to its internal organisation. Further to the seven states is the single Union Territory (Ettehād-ye Azar), in the form of the Zahedan Union Capital Territory, which is the self-governing national capital. The Union is also comprised of two municipalities (bāladiyyeh), the holy cities of Ardakan and Namrin, which hold some autonomy from the federal government. Every administrative division is led by an elected governor (ostāndār), who is appointed by the divion's legislature.
Despite the differences in size and population of the union republics, each is divided in 24 provinces (ostān), there are 168 provinces in the Union. The provinces are divided into counties (šahrestān), and subdivided into districts (baxš) and sub-districts (dehestān).
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The official goal of the government of Zorosan is to establish a new world order based on world peace, global collective security, and international equality. Since the time of the Irvadistan War, Zorasan's foreign relations have often been portrayed as being based on four strategic principles; eliminating outside influences in the immediate region, maintaining Zorasan as the leading power of northern Coius, securing Zorasani unification and pursuing extensive diplomatic contacts with developing and non-aligned countries, primarily in wider Coius-Bahia.
Zorasan's closest relations are with Xiaodong, although the nature of these close relations differ. In regards to Xiaodong, following the Corrective Revolution when XXX met Mahrdad Ali Sattari in 1957 both countries began to foster close political and economic ties as both countries were ruled by one-party governments intent on regional hegemony. Close cooperation between both governments became more prominent under Sun Yuting and Ghassan Ali Ghaddar, and have since Evren Volkan and Yuan Xiannian held office seen a dramatic revival of ties. The government of Xi Yao-tong has furthered this policy, signing significant trade deals with Zorasan in 2016 and 2017, and an increase in military cooperation. Zorasan meanwhile has provided military and technological cooperation with Xiaodong, most prominently during the Third Duljunese-Xiaodongese War. The extremely close and friendly relations between Xiaodong and Zorasan has been called the Rongzhuo-Zahedan Axis.
The Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army (Arteš-e Enghelâb-e Zorasāni-e Erfāni) consists of the Land Forces, the Navy and the Air Force. The fifth branch exists, which is held by the National Protection Force which exists as a mostly paramilitary force. The Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army currently has around 3,712,000 troops overall (761,000 active, 2,951,000 in reserve, including 367,664 paramilitary soldiers), making it overall the Xth largest in the world
The State President of the Union is the commander-in-chief of the Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army, which answers to the State Council of Ministers via Ministry of National Defence (MoND), which is headed always, by the Chief of Staff of the Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army. Military affairs are primarily handled by the Supreme Revolutionary Military Command, a forum of military commanders who nominally subordinate to the State Council of Ministers. Since the Arduous Revolution, the military has played a significant and domineering role in national politics.
The coast guard and gendarmerie and police forces take on military functions - in the event of war, but are subordinate to the Ministry of State Security. The main intelligence unit, the General Intelligence Directorate (Resat-e Ejmal-e Ettela'at; RESAT), also is officially part of the military structure however they report directly to the government via the Ministry of National Defence. Despite its role as the military intelligence agency, it enjoys a significantly greater role in federal intelligence activities than the State Security Service (Ta'min-e Ejbaree-e Dowlat; TEJDO).
The Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army has gone through numerous periods of modernisation and reform to maintain a dominant position within northern Coius; known as the Union First (Ebteda'Ettehād) policy, allowing it remain relatively as the most disciplined, well armed and capable forces in Coius; this has meant either great efforts being made in domestic R&D or the purchase of quality equipment and systems from foreign producers.
It is widely accepted that Zorasan operates an extensive chemical weapons arsenal, with an estimated combined total of over 14,000 tons of chemical agents in storage.
Conscription - known as "Patriotic and Revolutionary Duty" (Takleef Enghelabee-parast) is currently enforced for all male citizens between the ages of 18-21 for a period of a year to three years, dependent on education and job location. Zorasan does not recognise conscientious objection and does not offer a civilian alternative to military service, many conscientious objectors are either imprisoned under charges of "conspiring against the state" or press-ganged into four year service.
The armed forces are subject to controversial accusations of abuse and harsh treatment of trainee soldiers; with the use of beatings, caning and lashing in punishment of poor behaviour, low enthusiasm and slow progress in improvements. The IRA is also known to train its forces in "Isolated Desert Deployment"; in that units of troops are airdropped into the desert, with limited food and water to develop resilience in the event of being trapped or stranded in hostile environments seen in Coius.
Zorasan has been consistently criticised internally and abroad, with human right monitoring organisations such as the International Council for Democracy as of 2017 ranking the Union as unfree. The ICD stated "Zorasan remains a fundamentally flawed parliamentary democracy, with overbearing control by the unaccountable and unelected clergy and military controlled bodies. The mass surveillance and censorship system remains in place and undermines freedom of speech and the press. The excessive use of capital punishment, torture, rape and false imprisonment also remains rampant."
Zorasan's situation is unique in that the systematic abuses of human rights is conducted outside government control and oversight. The ICD has noted that much of the repressive policies and activities are conducted by the military, rather than the federal government. The military's oversized control of state media and the use of the General Intelligence Directorate (RESAT) to pursue activists, civil rights lawyers and critics of the state, led the ICD and the Euclean Community in 2018 to note, "without confrontation of the deep-state within the UZIR, it is unlikely that human rights will improve in the medium to long term."
Science and technology
According to the Statistical Centre of the Union (Markaz-e Amar-e Ettehād), the country's population was 169.1 million people in 2012, nearly 70% of whom lived in towns and cities. According to the 2018 estimate, the population is increasing by 1.55 percent each year. Zorasan has an average population density of XX people per km². People within the 15–64 age group constitute 67.4 percent of the total population; the 0–14 age group corresponds to 25.3 percent; while senior citizens aged 65 years or older make up 7.3 percent. In 1980, when the first official census was recorded in the Union (following the annexation of Irvadistan), the population was 63.6 million. The largest city in the union, Zahedan, is also Xth largest in population and size in Coius.
|Source: UKP census (1952-1972)|
UZIR census (1982-2012)
Article 18 of the Union Constitution defines a "Zorasani" as "anyone who is bound to the Zorasani union-state through the bond of citizenship"; therefore, the legal use of the term "Zorasani" as a citizen of the Union is different from the ethnic definition. Zorasan is a multi-ethnic nation, with at least 13 ethnic groups being present, though only 11 being officially recognised. As of the 2012 study, over 89% of citizens consider themselves "Zorasani", while 11% identify themselves by their ethnicity.
Reliable data on the ethnic mix of the population is not available, because federal census figures do not include statistics on ethnicity. Pardarians are the largest ethnic group, with 44-48% of the population identifying as such. Badawiyans are the second largest ethnicity at anywhere from 31-35% per cent of the population, Kexris are also included at 10-12%. Other groups include Oroqics at 4-6%, Adari between 2-3% among others.
The term "minority" itself remains a sensitive issue in Zorasan, while the federal government is frequently criticised for its treatment of minorities. Although minorities are not recognised, state-run Tasnim Broadcasting broadcasts television and radio programs in minority languages. Also, some minority language classes can be chosen in elementary schools.
Largest cities or towns in Zorasan
Markaz-e Amar-e Ettehād
Historically, Proto-Pardarian religion and the subsequent Zoroastrianism faith was the dominant religion in the Khazi-Pardaran region, while pre-Irfanic polytheism dominated Irvadistan. This changed after the Irfanic conquest of all three countries. Since the 900s CE, Pardaran and Khazistan have been dominated by the Asha sect of Irfan, while Irvadistan saw the emergence of Hasawi Irfan in the 1100s, this sect represents a significant minority of the state. Other faiths such as Zoroastrianism and Yazdânism exist in smaller communities across the country.
The Zorasani public health system, the Unified Health System (Beham Behbood Nezam), is managed and provided by all levels of government, being one of the largest system of this type in the world. On the other hand, private healthcare systems play a complementary role.
Public health services are universal and offered to all citizens of the country for free. However, the construction and maintenance of health centers and hospitals are financed by taxes, and the country spends about 9% of its GDP on expenditures in the area. In 2012, Zorasan had 1.85 doctors and 2.3 hospital beds for every 1,000 inhabitants.
Despite all the progress made since the creation of the universal health care system in 1988, there are still several public health problems in Zorasan. In 2006, the main points to be solved were the high infant (2.51%) and maternal mortality rates (73.1 deaths per 1000 births). However, since 2015 significant progress has been made in combating infant mortality, reducing it from 2.51% to 1.98%.
The number of deaths from noncommunicable diseases, such as cardiovascular diseases (151.7 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants) and cancer (72.7 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants), also has a considerable impact on the health of the Nautasian population. Finally, external but preventable factors such as car accidents, violence and suicide caused 10.9% of all deaths in the country.
According to some university rankings, the top university in the UNIR is the Rasool Burzafrah Academy, followed by Mahrdad Ali Sattari University and Zahedan Metropolitan University, Mazdavand Technical University and the Central Ekanbat University. However since the 1960s, many military academies have offered their student cadets non-military courses, in the sciences, engineering, mathematics and later IT.
The Enqehlab Tower in Zahedan
With two thirds of the population under the age of 25, many sports are played in Zorasan.