Tsabaran Civil War

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Tsabaran Civil War
Date39 days
Location
Status Ongoing
Belligerents
Tsabara Transtsabaran Federation Flag of the ILR.png Supreme Political and Resistance Committee
(Irfanic Liberation and Resistance)
TBR Emblem.png Tsabaran Resistance Brigades
Supported by:
 Zorasan
Flag of alIsbah.png Al-Isbah
Lions of the HomelandEmblem.png Lions of the Homeland
Haganah Symbol.svg Haganah
Beitar
Commanders and leaders
Tsabara

Nazim al-Qutayni
Aslan Ocalan
Wassim Karoubi
Yeshayahu Samia
Flag of the ILR.png

Faizan Salah
Zakhir Namiq
Zahran al-Amari
TBR Emblem.png

Abdelrahman Zaza
Nasser al-Din Nasir
Flag of alIsbah.png

Hussein Ardashir al-Shar’a
Hussein Al-Battar
Mustafa Saab
Lions of the HomelandEmblem.png

Elezar-Ben Ya'ir
Shimshon Alon  
Haim Adan
Eyal Mordechai
Haganah Symbol.svg

Moshe Erez
Avigdor Eitar
Rafael Dayan
Strength
Tsabaran Federal Armed Forces:
642,000a
Provincial Guard Forces:
80,000-90,000
Federal Police:
45,000-50,000
Irfanic Liberation and Resistance:
96,000-100,000 (estimated)
Tsabaran Resistance Brigades:
10,000-20,000
Al-Isbah:
3,000-5,000
Lions of the Homeland:
15,000-25,000 (estimated)
Haganah:
8,000-10,000 (estimated)
Casualties and losses
538 killed
998 wounded
29 missing
1,200 killed or injured (per Tsabaran government) 239 killed
113 injured
88 captured
200 civilians killed (per Ministry of Health)
486 civilians killed (per CBHRW)
110,000 internally displaced

a Current figures are estimates due to defections

The Tsbaran Civil War is an ongoing multi-sided civil war in Tsabara fought between the interim federal government of Tsabara led by President Nazim al-Qutayni, against the Irfanist-Badawiyan nationalist Supreme Political and Resistance Committee led by Sheik Faizan Salah, and the Atudite nationalist and secessionist Lions of the Homeland, led by Elezar-Ben Ya’ir.

The immediate unrest in Tsabara began in January 2019 over the policies of the late president Atwan al-Tughluq, who attempted to dismantle the co-social system in benefit of the Badawiyan-Irfanic population. Atudite resistance to these reforms saw the emergence of the Lions of the Homeland, which began a low-level insurgency against the federal government in March 2019. Counter-actions and crackdowns by the Al-Tughluq government resulted in a series of insurrections by Atudite units of the Tsabaran Federal Armed Forces and an outbreak of sectarian violence, as both these situations escalated, the government backed down on many of its planned reforms. On 7 October 2019, al-Tughluq died in office, he was succeeded illegally by his Premier Yahya Aboud who opposed the previous concessions to the Atudites, renewed violence and the threats of mass purges of Atudites from the armed forces, political institutions and the declaration of martial law led to a coup d'état, led by Nazim al-Qutayni, who proclaimed himself interim president. The new government promised to honour the agreement made by the Al-Tughluq administration, but anti-government protests erupted in the east. The civil war directly grew out of the 2019 Yeruham Attacks, conducted by Al-Isbah against the Atudite-majority city and the retaliatory 2020 Eastern Tsabara Attacks, conducted by the Lions of the Homeland.

The war is currently being fought by the federal government against the Supreme Political and Resistance Committee, which seeks overthrow the interim government and establish a Badawiyan majoritarian state. The SPRC is a broad Irfanist-Badawiyan nationalist coalition and is backed by Zorasan politically. Zorasan is also suspected of aiding the SPRC with materiel and training of its militias. The government is also fighting against the Atudite nationalist Lions of the Homeland, which seeks an independent Atudite state in the southwest, the Lions are also in conflict with the SPRC.

Attempts at a negotiated settlement were held between January 14-17 in Spálgleann, Caldia. The Caldish government led by Taoiseach Stiofán Mac Suibhne sought to find a mutually beneficial agreement between the government and the League of the Righteous (the primary Irfanist group, that leads the SPRC). However, these talks collapsed in wake of the 2020 Eastern Tsabaran Attacks.

Causes

Presidency of Atwan al-Tughluq

Atwan al-Tughluq served as President between 2006 and 2019. His policies are widely considered to be major causes for the ongoing crisis.

Pro-Badawiyan policies

Strongman rule

Constitutional weakenesses

Socioeconomic background

Tsabara stands as one of the most unequal societies in the world. Socioeconomic inequality was considered "concerning" by some economicsts under the Communalist regime, which failed to diversify the economy and remained reliant upon oil revenues throughout its existence. Industrialisation during the 1960s and early 1970s benefited the Atudite-Sotirian dominated coastal regions. However, inequality increased significantly after free market policies were initiated by the new democratic governments during the 1980s and 1990s, and it accelerated prior to the 2005 recession. With an emphasis on the service sector and manufacturing sectors, these policies benefited a minority of the nation's population, mostly the more developed and educated coastal regions, and members of the Irfanic merchant class of Qaa and Tebessa. In 2016, Tsabara's nominal GDP per capita was only $3,834 (on average), comparable to Bahian countries such as Habasha and far lower than its neighbors such as Zorasan. Per capita for the Atudite population was significantly higher at $13,503, while in coastal cities such as Elyakhin and Savyon it stands at almost $19,000. Also, with an annual growth rate of 4.39%, it falls below most other developing countries.

The country also faced particularly high youth unemployment rates among the Badawiyan population. At the start of the crisis, discontent against the economic situation was strongest in Tsabara's poor interior areas, predominantly among conservative Arta Irfanis. These included cities with high poverty rates, such as Tamanrasset and Hitteen, and the poorer districts of large cities.

Rise of Pan-Irfanism

Following Al-Tughluq's rise to the presidency in 2005, he brought with him elements of Political Irfan. Though driven by his desire for retaining office, his useage of political Irfanism as an electoral tool ultimately led to the rise of groups across the south and east aligned with his positions. The most prominent to emerge was Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq (League of the Righteous) in 2012, led by Faizan Salah. Other groups included the Association of Imam Ardashir, Imam Hussein Foundation and the Association of the Three Acts. Problematic for Al-Tughluq was that as he became more reliant upon these groups for mobilising the Irfanic religious vote, he became influenced by their agendas, which by 2018 had evolved toward Pan-Irfanism. These groups as a result came to advocate a closer relationship with Zorasan and came to view many minorities and the Atudites as "agents for Euclean influence."

Sheik Faizan Salah emerged during the early 2010s as the principal leader of political Irfan in Tsabara.

Yehiel Bar a former leader of the Atudite People's Party wrote in 2018, "as the President smothers our democracy through his strongman antics, his ear has ever more strongly held by Arta Irfanic groups that seek to Irfanicise all of Tsabara. Worringly still, these groups are directly backed and funded by Zorasan." The rise of Arta Irfanic groups saw the spread of theological arguments that Adunis' control by Irfanics alone, would herald the first "success in averting the End-Times." Owing to the Eschatological focus of Irfan, many groups, AAH and ATA especially, have publicly advocated the eviction of Atudites and Sotirians from the holy city to enable an Irfanic renaissance.

Pre-war phase

January-September 2019

Sfira Attack

Einat Kibbutz attack

Neogitations

Death of Al-Tughluq

Mass anti-government protests and threats of secession

The Yeruham Attacks

The 'Mazar Attacks'

Timeline

First phase (January 2020-present)

Armed groups

Atudite

Badawiyan

Other

Reactions

Domestic

International

See also