Progressivism in Carucere

Progressivism in Carucere (Papotement: Pwogresis) is a liberal political philosophy that supports the establishment a multicultural, pluralistic, and egalitarian state through reform. Progressivism in the country is primarily represented by the center-left Carucerean National Rally, but many other political parties have described themselves as progressive. It is considered to be a distinct political tradition that evolved from Euclean-style liberalism and was heavily influenced by Carucere's history. The "progressive" label is often used to distinguish them from classical liberalism espoused by the Democratic Party.

While Preval was progressivism's most prominent adherent, the political movement's origins can be traced to the colonial era. Carucere was introduced to liberal ideals during the late 19th century from education provided by the Holistique movement. However as a largely racially and religiously segregated and politically closed colony, attempts at liberal reform were nonexistent until the 20th century. The Great War and the country's incorporation into the Arucian Federation and then the United Provinces, sparked Carucere's political awakening and nationalism. The country's status as a de facto banana republic under the Arucian Federation and United Provinces led to civil unrest and cooperation between the ethnic groups of Carucere.

Following ethnic tensions in the 1950s and 1960s, Jean Preval asserted the power of the President and sought to establish a pluralistic and inclusive state. His governing style drew from Euclean liberalism, the idea of a collective executive, the economic policies of the Chloéois Catholic Labour Party, and the principles of multiculturalism and religious tolerance. In writing and in speeches, Preval described his philosophy and policies as "progressive" and "liberal" which would be supported by the Carucerean National Rally, which he served as de facto leader. Historians have argued that the progressive label was used to present his policies as reformist and non-communist. After his death, his successors continued the progressive tradition within the Rally.

Today the Carucerean National Rally continues to be the predominant proponent of Carucerean progressivism, although other parties and figures have advocated for progressive policies. Progressivism is associated with a large variety of policies and beliefs, but aside from their fundamental principles they tend to share common tenets on the economy such as reducing the control of transnational agribusinesses over the agricultural sector, continuing land reform, and promote cooperation with the wider Arucian and reduce dependence on Sainte-Chloé.

Principles

Multicultural state

The central principle of Carucerean progressivism is to achieve a multicultural state. Modern progressivism is centered around unique form of cultural progressivism. Progressives believe in establishing a "national" political and social framework to allow for the creation of a democratic and pluralistic society. To achieve this, progressives seek to achieve ethnic harmony and the establishment of democratic and inclusive institutions that would fairly represent all Carucereans regardless of race or religion. By creating a society accepting of ethnic and religious diversity, progressives believe that it allows Carucere to address common issues that effects the entire country.

As part of a multicultural state, Preval supported strong anti-discrimination legislation, particularly those that banned ethnic and religious discrimination. By extension, they support criminalizing hate crimes and ethnic violence with harsh punishments for those who violate it. Progressivism believes that it is the role of the federal government, as the protector of society, to monitor ethnic issues and tensions in Carucere and investigate and address its causes if need be. Progressives support social justice through the lens of decreasing social resentment to prevent political instability. These largely focus on increasing opportunities for social advancement, such as affirmative action for non-white students applying to national universities and other educational programs.

Former President Claude Dogo, described the idea of a multicultural state in a 2003 speech;

Progressivism holds the idea that a society that has overcome all ethnic and religious division is not only possible, but necessary. Rather than turning inward to our own community, we must look outward for national solutions and display an uncompromising multi-ethnic attitude. Only as a united and self-nurturing front we could achieve our potential as a people and ensure our national sovereignty. Yet we should never as members of the progressive cause lose sight of the fact while we are a single people, we are also a diverse people. Without the recognition and acceptance of our differences, it would only lead to a reaction of communal self-interest and conflict that we seek to avoid.

Democracy

Progressives believe that a highly decentralized and representative system is necessary to maintain political stability in Carucere. In particular they support the separation of powers between branches of government and not concentrating powers in a single individual. Progressives argue that decentralization allows the inclusion of many different ethnic groups, prevent domination by any particular ethnic group, and would lower the risk of a dictatorship emerging. For the legislature, progressives support proportional representation and a low electoral threshold for the same reasons. They also support a federal state with powers granted to regional and local authorities; in particular the local assemblies. While most progressives view the assembly system favorably, most disagree on their place within the federal system and the extent to which they should be granted autonomy and political power.

National identity

Progressives urge Carucerean unity over divisive ethnic divisions and emphasize a common Arucian heritage. However there is a considerable amount of debate and controversy among Carucerean progressives about the role of a common Carucerean national identity. Former President Preval originally supported a form of cultural nationalism centered around common Caurcerean cultural institutions, namely Papotement. This Creolization as a means of national identity was met with resistance by the population, especially Bahian Amendists and Gosa Badists and was eventually abandoned. Some progressives such as former Presidents James Serville and Claude Dogo supported a form of civic nationalism with an identity centered around Carucerean citizenship and the ideals of liberty and equality that its citizens pledge to uphold. However other progressives have criticized these attempts as "Neo-Functionalist" in nature, comparing it to the Gaullicanization policies of the Functionalist era, and argued that the intent on creating a standardized identity contradicts the multicultural component of progressivism. Nevertheless, most Carucereans view the idea of a common civic identity favorably.

History

Colonial period

Robert Sayasone DuBois, a Carucerean intellectual and reformist.

Liberal ideals remained marginal in Carucere throughout the colonial era and did not gain much political influence. However the rise of the Holistique movement in the later of the 19th century introduced mass education to Carucere for the first time, which in turn gave rise to local educated Carucereans. Although a Holistique education heavily favored the works of Xenagoras and Thomas Aquinas, it also presented competing and new viewpoints, including the ideals of the Enlightenment. These included the works of Alexandre Seyres and current Euclean philosophers and included concepts such as the social contract, religious tolerance, deism, moral thought, and philosophical systems.

The most prominent figure of the era was Robert DuBois, the son of a black mother and a white father. He had recieved a Holistique education, a new method which had been spreading in Carucere and Sainte-Chloé beginning in the late 1860s. DuBois was heavily influenced by these ideals and emerged as a prominent writer and a reformist in Carucere during the 1880s. He criticized the colonial government for its anti-democratic nature and advocated for political reforms including the creation of an elected colonial legislature and more local control over the appointment of colonial governor. Although a small council was created in the aftermath of the Capois Rebellion, it functioned as an advisory body of the prominent businessmen and planters of the colony, rather than an elected legislature. His proposals were largely ignored by the colonial authorities, but liberal and reformist sentiment continued among mixed race Creoles.

In 1887, DuBois encountered village communes established by former indentured gowsas in central Magua, and observed their form of self-governance and democracy. In a treatise titled A Study of Democracy in Gowsa Villages published in 1890, DuBois reported on a system that he called "gowsa village communalism" which they brought from their native Dezevau. While he dismissed communalism as a backward economic system, he favorably compared the consenus-based direct democracy practiced by the villages to the government of the ancient Pirean city-state of Lasithi. The treatise proved to be influential among Creole liberals, who argued that gowsas were as "enlightened" as the Euclean elite in some respects and they could draw upon their governance as a modern-day version of ancient Pirean democracy. Thus "gowsa democracy" became a popular idea for political reform within Carucerean liberal circles, who advocated for public forms and political clubs.

The expansion of Holistique education led to a groundswell of liberal attitudes, especially on the native-born children of gowsa workers. Like liberal Creoles, some educated Gosas embraced the ideals of the Enlightenment and advocated for liberal reforms. However while these Gosas did not suffer from overt segregation, they were often shunned and stigmatized for their race and culture by Whites and other Creoles. Gosas were often stereotyped as unsophisticated laborers and secret unbelievers, despite their conversions to Christianity; as a result many were often barred from the most prominent Creole reform clubs. However they were supported by liberal-minded Creoles who supported their inclusion into the reform movement. In 1902, a group of Gosas and Creoles founded the Constitutional Society (Société constitutionnelle), the first political club explicitly founded for liberals of all races. It quickly became the largest political reform club on Carucere and quickly became central to the political and social life on the small island.

The Functionalist era in Carucere saw the suppression of the liberal movement on Carucere. The Constitutional Society was banned and forced to operate underground while the National Functionalist Red Hibiscus Society dominated politics. During the Great War, Carucere was occupied by the Grand Alliance which completely dismantled the Functionalist administration; however the population of the islands were given little support due to the active conflict in the region. As a result, the peoples of the islands sought to cooperate with each other to stave off the worst effects of the war. The end of segregation policies combined with increased cooperation, marked the first intermixing of the minorities of the island. While the majority of figures that arose during this time represented their communities, they recognized that they needed to cooperate with each other.

Post War period

Following the Great War, Carucere was incorporated into the Arucian Federation. A Community of Nations Trusteeship, it was founded to oversee the de-functionalisation and democratisation of the colonial territories. In Carucere, the Trusteeship Council restored the colonial legislature that was disbanded during the Functionalist era and gradually devolved the authority to govern themselves over the course of several years; however the Council reserved the authority to intervene if it so chose. Although a parliamentary system emerged, the franchise was effectively restricted to whites and creoles who owned a certain amount of land. This excluded all Gosas and Bahians as well as many less wealthy but still politically active creoles and whites. In 1942, the first explicitly multi-ethnic political party, the National Republican Party, was founded. Although it remained a minor political force, it advocated for broad socioeconomic policies for all Carucereans regardless of race. In 1945 Universal suffrage with a less strict property requirement was implemented as part of the country's ascension to the United Provinces, allowing for the opposition parties to credibly contest provincial elections.

The National Republican Party was able to win a single seat, which was represented by Gosa Senator Bio Beauvoir. Like other opposition parties, he and his party advocated for the complete abolishment of poll taxes, property requirements, and other barriers to voting. The party approached social and economic issues purely on an multi-ethnic, secular, and nonsectarian basis; crucially however its policies aimed to build alliances with ethnic communities and their parties. The party's efforts reflected the growing cooperation between the opposition parties in the aftermath of the 1945 election. In 1947, negotiations began between the main parties to determine whether a united platform could be agreed upon. Lead by Senator Beauvoir, The negotiations were aimed to be a potential first step in the formation of a unified opposition bloc to contest federal and provincial elections.

On January 15th 1948, the four main opposition parties agreed on a set of four principles.

• Recognition of Carucereans as a single yet diverse people, united by a common experience of colonial oppression and should work together to oppose it.
• Senators from any party should represent of all their constituents. In principle, it meant that Senators should also represent the interests and address concerns of people not in their ethnic community rather than ignoring or even working against them.
• Ethnic harmony was a major goal to prevent violence and the deterioration of society. The parties agreed to not exploit racial and religious divides in society to further their own political standings. Furthermore it was agreed that they would actively oppose any public figure who attempted to do so.
• Democratization was the support for political reforms that could represent all Carucereans. In particular it specified that any reforms should not favor any single ethnic groups. Most importantly it was agreed that the self-governing settlements scattered across Carucere should be protected from encroachment on their autonomy.

The Four Point Charter, as it became to be known, was the first serious attempt to form a multi-ethnic opposition bloc in Carucere. While a united electoral coalition would not form until 1951, the Four Points formed the basis for modern Carucerean progressivism. Major figures in several opposition parties increasingly supported progressive principles, often to contrast themselves from other figures in their party that supported ethnic politics. The Four Points became popular across Carucere after it was published in Papotement and widely distributed across the islands. The tract became extremely popular within Carucerean society, especially among younger liberals and reformists who grew up under the United Provinces. Activists and community leaders, such as Jean Preval, were the principles' most prominent proponents as the United Provinces declined during the 1950s.

Progressive Era

Progressivism emerged as the main opposition movement to the Democratic Party after the economic chaos caused by the Sugar Crash in the 1960s. Despite previous agreements, the ethnic-based opposition parties failed to form a stable government in the aftermath of the crash due to constant infighting between factions. Modern progressivism emerged with the publication of Jean Preval's People's Charter for Progress in 1968, which declared fundamental principles that the government should address. Among its key proposals were the following:

• addressing the root causes of instability through political, social and economic reform.
• toughening the sanctions against encouraging ethnic conflict.
• building "conflict resolution mechanisms for groups and individuals affected by violence".
• empowering courts to penalize or dissolve political parties which engage in activities that violate the constitution.
• establishing civic programs to raise public awareness of ethnic violence.
• establishing civic programs to encourage "common comradery" between groups.
• ensuring a separation between Church and State.
• enacting a Code of Conduct for government leaders.

In January 1972, the Racial Hostility Act was passed by the Senate and signed into law. Its first major provision was preventing conduct that would cause hostility or ill-will against persons by reason of their race. This section included speech in a public place or broadcasted on radio or television; or by causing words spoken by them. It also included written or drawn content. Under this clause any person guilty of an offense under this section was liable on summary conviction to a fine and imprisonment for two years. Once a person is convicted under Section 2 of this Act, they are also disqualified for a period of five years for certain offices and appointments including, but not limited to, being a member of the Senate or of any local government authority, being an editor of any newspaper or any appointment on the editorial staff of any newspaper; and being on managerial or editorial staff of any broadcasting station.

That same year, a new constitution that incorporated many progressive principles was ratified which included the following provisions:

• Collective executive: The new constitution established a collective executive lead by a President. While the President became the leading governing figure, they still required the cooperation of the rest of the executive to fully exercise the office's powers. Most importantly, the President was elected by a special two round system, that heavily encouraged broad geographical coalitions.
• Proportional representation: The original single-member districts for the Senate of Carucere were abolished in favor of all seats being elected by nationwide proportional representation. It ensured that Tthe percentage of seats each party holds in parliament reflects the percentage of votes they received in the election. It ensured that all groups are represented in government and prevents dominance by any one group.
• Secularism: Carucere was declared to be a secular state, formally separating church and state. In addition freedom of religion is guaranteed in the constitution. It explicitly rejects the concept of the Sotirian state, as promoted by the Sotirian democratic National Party of Carucere.
• Ethnic Harmony: Article 22 of the constitution establishes the Ethnic Relations Commission, a supervisory body that monitors ethnic issues and tensions within the country. The provision grants it the authority to investigate its causes, make recommendations to governments, and most controversially, to intervene. It can intervene by serving as an arbiter or mediator, but it also has the authority to warn or sanction individuals or groups if it deems fit.
• Assemblies: The constitution formalized Carucere's legislative assemblies and protected their autonomy within the federal system. The new constitution allowed them to retain the majority of their powers although the federal and provincial governments were allowed to oversee them.

Prevalism

Main article: Prevalism

Jean Preval before his speech declaring his assumption of executive powers in 1971.

Prevalism generally refers to the governing style and policies of President Jean Preval, who was in office from 1970 to 1982. The Progressive Era was dominated by his Presidency especially after he assumed executive powers in 1971. During this time, Preval launched a series of ambitious programs, known as the New Republic, including civil rights, universal health care, establishment of welfare programs, education reform, environmental activism, and a series of programs designed to diversify the economy. Preval's leadership is generally considered to be the climax of progressivism in Carucere.

Preval's lasting legacy in Carucerean politics was the emphasis of a strong executive whose powers are exercised by a collegiate body. His new constitution established the Council of State, a collective executive body that represented the whole nation with the Presidency at its head. Preval governed as an independent without affiliating himself with any of the ethnic political parties that dominated the Senate. During his time in office, the Senate was often fractured between the various ethnic parties. The fractious nature of Carucerean politics allowed Preval and the Council of State to wield a greater degree of authority than he otherwise would and allowed him to be a central figure in the country's governance. The Council of State became an office that remained above ethnic-based politics while cooperating with the ethnic parties of the Senate to benefit the entire country. He dominated Carucerean politics during his tenure, although he did attempt to forge a consensus driven government by appointing a diverse range of people to the Council of State. By the time Preval left office in 1982, the philosophy of fratenite (brotherhood) was well established in Carucere, which valued the inclusion of many ethnic groups in the Council of State in order to avoid conflict or to resolve it in a peaceful manner.

The more controversial aspect of Preval's progressive policies was his approach towards Carucerean "civic" nationalism and identity. Preval was dismissive of racial identity, describing it in his speeches and writing as a "social construct" that divided and hindered Carucerean society. Instead he sought to create a new collective identity centered around common Carucerean cultural institutions, beliefs, and practices shared by Carucereans. To Preval, this inclusive identity would be embraced by all Carucereans and supersede their ethnic identities, thereby overcoming all ethnic divisions. It is generally considered today that Preval sought a form of ethnogenesis by creolization of Carucere's ethnic groups.

The Papotement language was central to Preval's concept of a Carucerean civic and cultural identity. In 1973, the government founded the National Academy of Papotement under the Ministry of Culture to promote and formalize the language. After the publication of the language's first dictionary and grammar guidebook, Preval began aggressively promoting the language in schools and universities, government, and media. The language also played a major role in cultural and civic programs and events promoted by the government, especially towards young and adolescent children; these often took the form of cross-cultural and "fraternization" events. For young adults, these events served to encourage interracial friendships and relationships.

These policies proved to be extremely controversial and it never progressed past the initial stages, especially after a cohesive opposition emerged to block his state-sponsored ethnic homogeneity programs. Although his goal for the mass adoption of a collective Carucerean ethnic identity was largely unsuccessful, Preval's programs left a significant legacy among the younger generations of all ethnic groups who participated in the cross-cultural programs. The programs are generally considered to be one of the main causes of the rapid growth of Medi or mixed race relationships and people.

Progressivism after Preval

Although Prevalism was largely abandoned by its contemporary politicians, progressivism has been profound in Carucere and has gradually influenced the entirety of the political spectrum. His successor as president, James Serville, solidified progressivism as the predominant political philosophy of the country during his term from 1982 to 1990. Since then, progressive ideals have been adopted into the Carucerean political consensus. The new constitution that Preval passed, continues to be the foundation of Carucerean politics; in particular the strong Presidency was maintained by all of Preval's successors. As Preval intended, the office distances itself from the ethnic politics of the legislature and largely has a nationwide outlook. The majority of Preval's political and social reforms, such as the establishment of a secular education system, remain in force today or were further expanded by his predecessors.

After Preval, many different political and political parties embraced progressive policies and stances, including the main ethnic parties of the Gosas, Noir, and Maroons. Five of the six Presidents of Carucere, with exception of Richard Smith of the Social Reform Party identified themselves as a progressive. Today progressivism, and Preval's legacy to a degree, are claimed by figures from all Carucerean ethnic groups and from across the political spectrum the radical left to the radical right.

Currents

Right progressivism

The term "right progressivism" is used by scholars to refer to the moderate and conservative faction of progressivism. Right progressives generally support the Third Way, a synthesis of liberal economic policies with traditional progressive social policies. Right progressives support the traditional progressive stance on social justice, seeking to promote economic mobility. As such, right-progressives support businesses established by local Carucereans while they are naturally opposed to big business which are largely international firms. Right-progressives espouse neo-corporatist ideals; seeking to mediate between workers and big businesses to curb the latter's influence over the economy.

Labor progressivism

Labor progressivism (or "left progressivism") focuses on the economic dimensions of progressivism, and has often been compared by contemporary scholars to social democracy. Social justice is taken further, focusing on rooting out systemic injustice and inequality rather than just reducing social resentment. It supports government intervention in the economy to restrain businesses and promote the general welfare of the country through social programs. This aspect of progressivism has been tied to the national labour movement and the country's largest labor federation, the National Federation of Carucerean Trade Unions. These progressives advocate for increasing the minimum wage, antitrust laws, legislation protecting workers' rights and the rights of trade unions.

Neo-Prevalism

Neo-Prevalism refers to supporters of Jean Preval's actions and policies, particularly his approach towards Prevalist civic nationalism. In particular, Neo-Prevalists seek to establish Papotement as Carucere's official language alongside Gaullican, and support the widespread adoption of Papotement in national institutions. Neo-Prevalists support a strong state with a powerful Council of State to preserve Carucerean independence and pursue national reforms. Also Neo-Prevalists generally support a strict ban on religious involvement in government affairs, especially religious influence in the determination of state policies. Neo-Prevalism is generally considered to be more paternalistic and interventionist than other variants of progressivism, and is sometimes derogatorily compared to Neo-Functionalism.

Progressive parties and organizations

• National Republican Party (1942-1971)
• Carucerean National Rally (1972-present)
• Progressive Reform Party (1979-present)
• People's Progressive Party (1982-present)