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The three arrows topped with a book and right-facing torch is the most commonly used symbol for Equalism.
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Equalism (Gaullican: Egalisme), sometimes referred to as Focșeneanuism or Focșeneanuism-Güerièrism, is a far-left ideology developed in Amathia and Champania during the 1920s and 1930s, formed from a synthesis of Nemtsovite and councilist ideologies. Equalists consider the ideology to be councilism adapted for the political reality of the more rural and poorer Euclean South, and it encompasses several detractions from orthodox councilism such as the inclusion of a vanguard party, emphasis on statism, promotion and promulgation of nationalism over internationalism, and rapid industrialization.

Equalism was first implemented on a state-wide level in 1958 when the Equalist wing of the Amathian Section of the Workers' International launched a self-coup and seized control of the party, and subsequently formed the Amathian League of Equalist Unity. Later in 1960, the Equalist faction of the Champanois Socialist Workers' Party gained control, and proceeded to establish Equalism as the dominant ideological current within the country. In 1963, the two countries merged to form Amathia-Champania, which elevated Equalism as a perceived alternative to the orthodox councilism in place throughout much of the socialist world, especially so after the decline of Tretyakism within Chistovodia. The Amathian Revolution saw a drastic decline in the influence of Equalism on the international stage as the landlocked SEPR-rump state was unable to maintain obligations. The dissolution of the SEPR and subsequent Champanois Thaw saw Equalism fall from grace in South Euclea, and saw it transition to the fringes of the global left.

Following the collapse of the SEPR, the ideology has undergone numerous transformations, as the ideology has seen the adoption of several Tretyakist tenets and a further rejection of orthodox councilism, including a de-emphasization on the importance of council democracy via curtailing the powers of local councils, the mass nationalization of self-governing, worker-controlled industries , and social conservatism. This Neo-Equalism, also called Champanian Councilism or Right Councilism, has seen a resurgence, particularly within Champania where it has been the dominant far-left ideology within the country since the mid-2000s.

History

Early

South Euclean People's Republic

Post-SEPR

Lorenç Cortamànxa, General Secretary of the PSOC from 2006-2015, was a key ideologue of Neo-Equalism.

The collapse of the South Euclean People's Republic resulted in the Equalist faction of the Champanois Socialist Workers' Party losing power. The subsequent Champanois Thaw and the adoption of Diorisme led to the relaxing of many of the hardline policies implemented during the SEPR. Some power was relinquished from the PSOC and central government, and portions of state-owned enterprises were sold and small-scale privates businesses had been legalized in 1990. Most of these policy reforms were seen as necessary at the time to ensure the continued existence of councilism within Champania, and to ensure that the Amathian Revolution would not spread.

It is within these socioeconomic conditions that Neo-Equalism arose as a reactionary movement to Diorisme. Hardline elements within the PSOC and bureaucracy argued that Equalism collapsed in Amathia because of "capitalist-functionalist sympathizers" within the All-Euclean League of Equalists rather than the authoritarian nature of the SEPR-era Equalist government and policies. This view was reinforced when Amathia joined the Euclean Community in 1995. Simultaneously, hardline factions viewed the stark rise of unemployment, drug-usage, and corruption during the 1990s as further cause for concern. The rise of a bourgeoning middle-class consisting almost entirely of entrepreneurs and "petty bourgeoisie" prompted the need for a "reinterpretation" and "transformation" of orthodox Equalism.

In the June 1997, Lorenç Cortamànxa, who was serving as Chairman of the Lièn City Council, published an op-ed in the party newspaper Ł'Humânite, titled "Transforming Councilism for the 21st Century." Throughout the article, he argued for a need to "adapt councilism to the needs of the Champanois people." Laying the foundation for Neo-Equalism, Cortamànxa wrote several more articles for the newspaper, taking advantage of loosened censorship laws that had been enacted during the Thaw. Cortamànxa's popularity rose, and he was elected as General Secretary of the Orangeois branch of the PSOC in 2001.

The Champanian economic bubble burst in 2005 with the 2005 Great Recession which exacerbated the effects of the rapid economic liberalization that took place during the Thaw. In the fall, Cortamànxa and his "Right Councilist" wing within the PSOC swept local and department elections. The 17th National Congress saw Cortamànxa elected as General Secretary of the PSOC and the Right Councilists take control of much of the politburo and central committee. Many of the economic reforms were repealed under the guise of "combating foreign economic sabotage," and initiated campaigns aimed at combating the societal effects of the recession, including harsher punishments for drug and youth crime, anti-drug campaigns, and anti-corruption campaigns. In 2011, the vast majority of economic reforms initiated during the Thaw had been repealed in their entirety.

The 2010s saw the rise of apparatchik cadres that grew up during the Thaw and the socioeconomic issues that accompanied it. These cadres gravitated towards the Right Councilists, and expanded upon the foundation of "Cortamànxa thought." In 2022, Premier Merxê Cruèsêłes was elected General Secretary of the PSOC at the 21st National Congress, and published the April Declaration. The declaration, titled "Proposed Measures for the Improvement, Development, and Maintenance of Ideological-Political Activity in Relation to Councilism with Champanois Characteristics," was the opening speech of the congress. The declaration and the acompanying launch of the Societal Reconstruction Campaign are considered to be the open adoption of Neo-Equalism by Champania.

Principles

Equalism detracts significantly from orthodox councilist praxis, and are considered by both socialist and liberal thinkers alike to be a different ideology entirely. On the surface, Equalism rejects two of the Three Tenets of councilism outright while promoting economic policies that contradict the third. The core praxis of Equalism encompasses a more Nemsovite view on revolutionary socialism, and features an emphasis on a vanguard party to guide the transition to socialism, promotion of militarism to defend the revolution from external and internal threats, abandoning of internationalism, and others.

These principles were solidified, and to a lesser extent seen as endorsed, following the Equalist factions of the Amathian Section of the Workers' International and Champanois Socialist Workers' Party coming to power in 1959 and 1960. Both groups quickly solidified power within their respective parties through the usage of fear and intimidation tactics. Through this, the other factions fell in line with the Equalists, allowing both to implement their policies unopposed.

Vanguardism

Vanguardism (Gaullican: avant-garde) is one of the key distinguishers between equalism and orthodox councilism. In the praxis of equalism, the vanguard party consists of the most politically "intelligent" sections of the working class. This vanguard party would be highly organized, and be first and foremost responsible for the basis of the "new order." The vanguard would then seize control, and establish a temporary dictatorship. In this regard, Equalist vanguardism is more similarly to a form of political putschism, rather than the more orthodox Nemtsovist vanguardism.

The vanguard would be a transitionary force intended to only lay the foundations of socialism before handing it over to the working class. Neither Focșeneanu nor Güerièr mention how long this period would be nor what the "foundations of socialism" entailed.

Valentin Apostol, Premier of Amathia from 1959-1963, revised Focșeneanu's initial writings on vanguardism. Apostol believed the working class would never reach a level of class consciousness to properly take over from transitionary rule. To remedy this, Apostol concluded Nemtsov's vanguardism was necessary, particularly in regards to the role of the vanguard party as an educator. Apostol wrote: "the vanguard party must take on the role of the teachers; to instill in the working class a sense of class consciousness." Rather than hand off the revolution to the working class as Focșeneanu originally intended, the vanguard party instead would safeguard it and educate the workers on socialism, with the ultimate goal of the working class and the vanguard party becoming synonymous.

Nationalism

Equalism is unique when compared to both Councilism and Tretyakism in that it forgoes the notion of internationalism, and instead continued to emphasize the national struggle in achieving global communism, and that councilism needs to be adapted for each unique nation. The idea is tied with the idea that socialism should be strengthened within the country first and foremost. This contradicts both the orthodox Nemsovist-Councilist notion of permanent revolution and Tretyakism's "Councilism in All Countries." Nationalism become closely tied with Equalism initially in Champania, where the nationalist movement was co-opted by the socialist revolution, and the notion of an independent Champania became heavily entwined with the existence of a socialist Champania.

Equalism advocates what it calls "revolutionary patriotism," which promotes cultural nationalism and the material development of the nation and people. This has since evolved to encompass a "love for the country, for the achievements of socialism, and commitment to the revolution." Mass youth organizations, such as the Champanian Red Guards of the Revolution, are the primary tools used to promote and instill revolutionary patriotism, and a large portion of their agenda is geared towards such. Outings to cultural and heritage sights, military bases, and others are done with the primary goal of instilling patriotism.

Under the South Euclean People's Republic, a unique form of revolutionary patriotism would arise. Rather than promoting and focusing on cultural nationalism and assimilation, instead there was an emphasis on multiculturalism, and a shared heritage between the Champanian and Amathian peoples. The phrase "Unity and Fraternity" (Amathian: Unitate și fraternitate; Champanian: Ûnite e frâternite) was adopted as a slogan during the SEPR-era by the All-Euclean League of Equalists. It shortly became the official policy for inter-ethnic relations within the SEPR, which promoted a unified cultural identity ("South Euclean"), emphasized the interdependence between Amathia and Champania, and officially proscribed all peoples in the SEPR to be equal. Simultaneously, ethnic nationalism was opposed by the SEPR government.

Militarism

Militarism within the Equalist context is framed as a "defence of the revolution by the proletariat." More specifically, it advocates for a "military-first" policy, and equates the strength of the military with the survival of the nation. Equalism is largely similar to Tretyakism in its relationship with militarism, and echoes many of the same talking points. Like Tretyak, Güerièr and other early Equalist thinkers believed militarism was integral to the Weranian Revolution, but argued that it ultimately failed because the Weranian Republic did not devote enough resources to the military, and thus was unable to adequately defend itself nor export republicanism abroad.

Members of the Volunteer Reserve of the Workers' Militia, ca. 1986

To prevent the failure of the socialist revolution, Focșeneanu advocated for a "military-first" policy that prioritized the military for resource allocation and in affairs of the state. In his views, Cazac asserted that the success of the revolution and the establishment of socialism was codependent on the strength of the military, and believed both the military and revolution to be entwined. The state of the military under Equalism was to be, in practice, the armed wing of the vanguard party, and thus an extension of the party itself. With this mindset, Focșeneanu argues that a nation's revolution's survival and prosperity were dependent on a well-armed and well organized fighting force.

Focșeneanu called for a "three paths" approach: arm the populace, fortify the nation, and modernize the military. He stated the military (in this context being the armed wing of the vanguard party) would be the main driver of the revolution and the lynch pin for unity and solidary between the party and the people.

The establishment of the Equalist governments in Amathia and Champania altered Focșeneanu's "three paths" policy. Bastitou Courderç, General Secretary of the PSOC from 1952-1963 and former officer in the National People's Army, diverged from the traditional interpretation of the three paths policy. Courderç believed the revolution was a "forever war between the forces of socialism and the bourgeoisie." He argued that the revolution was, in fact, a total war and should be treated as such. An editorial published in Ł'Humnânite, the official newspaper of the Champanois Socialist Workers' Party, stated "the revolution is perpetually besieged, and it is up to the proletariat to lift it."

Couderç's interpretation was turned into official policy in 1954 with the "Directive for the Formation of Volunteer Reserve of the Workers' Militia", often referred to simply as "Directive 13," which established a people's militia paramilitary force. This evolved into the idea of the "People's War," where according to it any citizen who resists an aggressor is a member of the armed forces." Starting from elementary school onwards, compulsory training was introduced and portions of school curricula were focused on shooting drills and other training courses.

Economics

Most of Equalist economic policies arose following the establishment of the socialist governments in Amathia and Champania. Both socialist take overs saw msupport from Valduvia, while Amathia further became economically reliant on Soravia. It was in these conditions that Equalism's economic policies were developed.

Equalism advocates for economic self-reliance. Courderç believed a strong economy was needed to, first and foremost, support the military, which was vital to the success of the revolution. Economic self-reliance was seen as a necessity to achieve this strong economy. A secondary motive for this was self-reliance allowed the country do develop socialism, as a dependence on foreign aid could threaten the country's ability to develop socialism. To achieve this "economic self-reliance," equalism adopted a statist planned economy.

Equalist economic planning is based on a hierarchy headed by a central planning committee, similar to that found in Tretyakism. The vanguard party is the primary planning body under Equalism, which sets broad economic goals annually at each plenum of the party's central committee. These are then translated by a central planning committee into tangible economic goals and quotas, along with incentives for reaching such. Further planning was conducted under the principles of "unified planning."

Unified planning sees regional committees established at a local level under the direct supervision of the central planning committee to coordinate work across all levels. The regional committees coordinate and communicate with the planning offices of the economy-related government organizations the corresponding regional and local areas. This enables the regional planning staff to better coordinate with economic establishments in their areas, which are directly responsible to them in planning, as well as communicating directly with staff at the central planning committee.

Social policy

The social policies of Equalism are different from orthodox councilism and other leftist movements. Owing to the prevailing social conservative attitudes leads equalism to be more conservative in both religion and LGBT+ rights compared to the orthodox praxis.

LGB+ rights in the framework of Equalism remains heavily influenced by Sotirianism. Although homosexuality itself was decriminalized under the SEPR, there were no guarantees for legal protection from discrimination, and the SEPR government made frequent accusations of homosexuality being a "right-wing conspiracy" and declared it "decadent." Homosexuals and bisexuals were often required to marry opposite sex partners, while both were effectively banned from any positions of power in both the bureaucracy and the party itself. Paradoxically, trans rights under the SEPR was remarkably progressive. Trans patients could seek sex reassignment surgeries after receiving permission from the SEPR Health Ministry. "Transsexualism" became an official diagnosis after the adoption of ICD-9 in 1976. In 1979, the first instructions for managing trans patients appeared, with one of the "cures" for "transsexualism" listing gender reassignment surgery.

Equalism considers both women and men to be equal. Güerièr saw women as untapped labor, and by extension, potential revolutionaries. Women, who were viewed by Güerièr and other early Equalists as being oppressed under National Functionalism, were to be fully emancipated and afforded the "same rights as man." Güerièr wrote about what he called the "New Woman" (femme nouvelle), who was representative of the "idealized Equalist woman." The Femme nouvelle was to be a "superwoman," being a full-time worker, politically conscious, and homemaker. Abortion was also legalized, and readily available.

Neo-Equalism differs from orthodox Equalism in its adoption of pronatalism. Spurred by the dissolution of the SEPR. Cortamànxa sought to combat the declining population of Champania. He de-emphasized the prevailing view of women in society – that of a full-time worker – and began emphasizing the motherly duties of women. Cortamànxa likened the role of the nuclear family with that of the state. Progressively over the course of the late-1990s and early-2000s, Champanian ideology argued that women's public roles were compatible with her roles as wife and mother, and that bot were necessary to achieve Güerièr's "new woman." To further incentivize child rearing, the National Congress awarded increased tax rebates per child born and greater state pensions for families with two or more children. Propaganda campaigns placed a new emphasis on the woman's role as the "perpetuator of the revolution" in their ability to produce "the next class of healthy workers."

Notable Equalists

Criticism

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