National Functionalism

National Functionalism
File:NationalFunctionalistAxe.png
Ideology	Cultural Nationalism Corporatism Militarism Syncretism Reactionary Modernism Totalitarianism Chauvinism
Political position	Far-Right

National Functionalism is a far right, authoritarian, culturally nationalistic political ideology. It is loosely based on the sociological theory of functionalism and is characertised by traditional beliefs in a strong centralised state, a rejection of individualism, superiority based on cultural origins and that the state is a living organism of which individuals are merely constituent parts, commonly referred to as the communauté populaire.

National Functionalism arose in Gaullican militaristic political circles in the late 19th century; following the war of the Triple Alliance. Gaullica's defeat in the war, the removal of 'Gaullican' territories such as Kesselbourg and Hennehouwe and the fragmentation of its traditional allies in Soravia and Valduvia left the nation diplomatically isolated and with a strong revanchist sentiment.

Its tenants can be traced to Gaullican Field Marshal Gaëtan de Trintignant, who wrote numerous political treatise demanding a rejection of 'modernity'; principally the constitutional amendments that had whittled the power of the Gaullican monarchy post the Age of Revolutions. In two political treatises, de Trintignant outlined his beliefs on the necessity of a strong central authority, a rejection of both capitalism and socialism, a strong sense of social cohesion underpinned by a civic national identity and the establishment of the means to spread this identity. Inspired by the growing field of sociology, de Trintignant viewed the state as a parallel to the human body - and health achieved when its parts were working in concert.

Whilst some scholars argue that National Functionalism as an ideology is specifically tailored to Gaullican political development, it is clear that it has influenced the development of political thought outside of Gaullica's borders. Some have argued that Shangea's National Principlism was directly inspired by National Functionalism, whilst in Euclea itself Functionalism entered southern Euclean countries like Etruria, Paretia, Piraea and Amathia through pro-Gaullican elements of the military. In Ruttland, Functionalism gave birth to the National Resurrection movement.

Since the end of the Great War, National Functionalism has been outlawed as a political ideology within Gaullica - though several groups have been accused of being "neo-functionalist". Since 2010, 'functionalist' has re-entered political discourse as a pejorative term for those on the far-right, especially in the context of Paretian and Etrurian nationalist groups like the Tribune Movement.

Etymology

René Dajuat

Hugues Subercaseaux

The Gaullican term fonctionnalisme is in explicit reference to the sociological term, derived from the works of René Dajuat and his student Hugues Subercaseaux, which itself stems from the medieval Solarian word functionalis. Gaëtan de Trintignant aimed to present a political theory that was based in empirical science and during his post-war years as a writer and fringe political figure, he became increasingly enamoured with the developing school of thought of sociology within Gaullican academic circles.

In a series of letters published in weekly editions of the 'Verlois Herald' throughout March and April of 1861, de Trintignant wrote that: "if we were to understand society, we would understand everything! By understanding social structure, we can create a society that is, of course, greater than all others."

His desires to formulate a political theory on the basis of this idea of 'purpose' or 'function' led to his creation of the Function of Man, published in 1881. In it, he repeatedly calls on a form of 'functionalism' to identify the functions of Gaullican society that had, in his words, driven it to become the pre-eminent world power, before discussing the moral obligations and functions of that society in spreading it to the rest of the world.

Fonctionnalisme national was specifically curated as a term to distinguish it from its sociological point of inspiration, though structural functionalism has increasingly been referred to as "structuralism". During the early 1900s and especially after the 1910 election, when Functionalism first appeared in the Imperial Senate, left-wing opposition began to refer to it as a "fon-fou", a portmanteau of "fonctionnalisme du fou".

History

Maréchal de camp Gaëtan de Trintignant, was a veteran of the War of the Triple Alliance.

War of the Triple Alliance

The outbreak of war in May of 1852 plunged Euclea into an enormous conflict, that saw over half a million military casualties in the space of three and a half years of war. Whilst Gaullica did not suffer the catastrophic defeats that rendered Valduvia as Euclea's "Sick Man" or plunged Soravia into civil war, the defeat left a lasting effect on the public and political consciousness about the future.

Tenets

Gaullican President Sotirien Roche described Functionalism as "revolutionary conservativism", noting that whilst it found itself rooted in conservative principles many of its policies brought it into conflict with established elements of society. Functionalism challenged the position of women in society and was willing to go against societal convention for the necessity of war and the economy, fought the church over the role of the state as an apparatus of identity and placed a great emphasis on an imagined future rather than a historic glory. In this sense, Roche's assessment that "Functionalism merged the carefully drawn lines of public and private life, as it aimed to consume all facets of it". Because of these factors, Roche called the movement "a conservative socialism" or a "socialist conservatism", to much criticism, though he clarified he did not truly mean 'socialist' in the political sense, but as a comparative point.

Civic nationalism

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The idea of Gaullican identity transcending ethnicity was a strong motivator in the attitude of 'civilising' the colonies.

Unlike most other Euclean political entities which developed nationalism as an ethnic identity, Gaullican political theorists were often critical of that concept. Traditionally, nationalism has been held to have been born by the Weranian Revolution of 1785, with Weranian radicals associating their ideas of radical republicanism with that of a unified Weranian ethnic identity.

In Gaullica, by contrast, the idea of ethnic nationalism was in principle rejected. Instead, some scholars have argued that a separate strain of nationalism grew there. Porthos Asselineau, writing in the early 1900s, compared the 'identities of the peoples of Euclea' and described of the Gaullican thought process that: "ethnic nationalism makes no sense, Gaullican identity is achievable. It is a civic identity, beyond the constraints of blood and ancestry." According to Porthos, the 'nationalism' present within Gaullica was a "nationalism of culture; one not set in on racial or ethnic lines, but on values and a way of life that others can be educated into."

In his seminal work, The Function of Man, Gaëtan de Trintignant wrote on the topic of race extensively. In the opening of his chapter: "The Peoples of Gaullica" de Trintignant states that "race is not real". Functionalist doctrine and ideology on race was largely dismissive of race as a factor of identity. Trintignant surmised his belief on what it meant to be 'Gaullican' as not being attached to the 'fabrication of the Gaullican ethnic group', but a set of cultural, linguistic, moral and value-based institutions and practices. He compared it extensively to what he called 'Weranic Nationalism', which he argued was exclusively concerned with "linguistic brotherhood".

To Trintignant the Gaullican identity was a civic and cultural identity that one could join into by assimilation; it was an inclusive identity that individuals from around the globe could and should aspire to be apart of. He described the primary goal of Gaullican imperialism to be a great "mission to spread civilisation". In this regard, many contemporary thinkers describe Gaullican nationalism to have evolved into that of 'civilisational identity', with Estmerish historian Paige Moss referring to it as a "a mimicry of Solarian identity".

The way in which this approach to nationalism was adopted has been brought into question by theorists from within and without Gaullica. In spite of what the Functionalist belief may have outlined, many policies within the empire were implemented strictly on a racial basis. Blanchiment was a Gaullican colonial policy adopted by the empire and maintained and expanded by the Functionalist regime that encouraged white men in the colonies to marry indigenous women in the hopes of 'whitening' their progeny.

Additionally many critics of the theory including Gaullican socialist thinker Éliane Bruguière argue that the functionalist idea of the 'civic-cultural identity' was an exportable form of 'ethnic nationalism'.

Authority

At its core, Functionalism is an authoritian political system because it views any form of differing from the opinion of the sovereign to be detrimental to the 'good' of society Functionalism espouses the belief that the state exists beyond the structures and institutions of society and is actually a physical representation of collective cultural consciousness. In this regard, it is an extremely statist ideology. In the eyes of the ideology the states' apparatuses exist to serve cohesive functions for the betterment of society and its inhabitants. Rafael Duclerque famously compared the state to the intricacies of machine: "each part is unique, individual and special; but a gear has no purpose unless it is within a grander concert."

Opposed to democracy, liberalism and socialism, Functionalism mandates the investiture of power in a strongly centralised authority. Whilst Trintignant exclusively referred to this entity as an absolute monarch, ostensibly the Gaullican Emperor, when implemented in Gaullica the investiture of power was focused in the position of Premier; Rafael Duclerque.

Basile Vaugrenard, a Functionalist jurist, wrote several treatise in which he supported the Parti Populaire's measures of negating the influence of the Senate: "Democracy, the idea of voting in governments, does nothing but foster divisions within society. People become affiliated with political parties, and their identity to a greater collective is superseded by party-membership."

Throughout its existence in dominating politics in Gaullica following the end of the Great Collapse, the Parti Populaire aimed to curtail the influence of the democratic systems of government by numerous means. Initially, numerous political associations were branded as 'enemies of the state' including the SGIO - at the time the second largest party. Following this the party granted the position of premier numerous executive powers over the course of late 1919 all the way through 1921. These ranged from the ability to dismiss members of the senate, to dissolving the senate at will, the ability to supersede the senate on its duties of appointments unilaterally as well as complete subvert the institution in regards to assessing the budget. At the conclusion of his term's limit, Rafael Duclerque declared a motion in which his term limits were suspended.

Communauté populaire

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'Filles de l'héroïne', a Functionalist propaganda poster highlighting the duties of women during the 'National Necessity'.

Trintignant surmised that "if a state has an institution within it; it serves a purpose. If it served no purpose, it would have no use to the state." Whilst he did argue that you could divide the constituent parts of the nation into as many arbitrary pieces as you wanted, Trintignant settled on four distinct social groups that encompassed all others: the government, the family (or women, depending on publication), the armed forces and the church.

These four social groups are at the forefront of Functionalist belief in the Communauté populaire, (People's Community), the mechanisms used to keep people - and therefore society - united, prosperous and happy. Each of the four social groups had a specific duty in the theories of de Trintignant.

• Women/The Family: In functionalist thought, the family was seen as the primary unit of socialisation. Family units had to instil in young people the norms and values of the Gaullican culture at its most basic stage; and needed to continue to repopulate the Gaullican nation. To enforce this in practice, the Parti Populaire offered great incentives for families to continue having children, instituted a far stronger and robust model of welfare for those children, and provided tax rebates to families with many children (as from three or more.) Women were permitted to enter 'non-traditional' areas of employment through a policy known as 'National Necesssity', especially during the time of total war.
• The Church: de Trintignant remarked that "faith builds community and provides direction". In the view of the functionalists, religion, even if not factual, provided a strong sense of communal bond and was the base of all forms of identity that superseded it. As far as they were concerned moral direction, subservience to authority, and these strong communal bonds were best exemplified by Gaullica's largest religion: Solarian Catholicism. Because of its established authority within Gaullica, the Parti Populaire was forced to compromise on issues with the Church. In this regard, whilst the functionalists may have wanted to centralise authority within the secular government, they were forced to maintain clerical involvement in all sectors of society.
• The Military: Viewed both as an honourable institution and an exemplification of human duty as well as a necessity in a view of the way states function, Trintignant viewed the military highly positively. This largely stemmed from his own service. He viewed the military as a defence of the communal body of the nation by itself, and that increasing it's strength would achieve success for the nation. As a realistic ideology, it viewed the strength of a nation to be the predicate to its success. The Parti Populaire adhered to the existing empire's reliance on the military, yet continued its expansion, prestige and dedication to innovation within the military - such as allocating enormous resources to research and development in the field of armoured warfare, aircraft, rocketry and the like.
• The Government: The government, being viewed as an organic entity, and often compared by analogy to the body, found itself as the primary facilitator for all facets of life. Trintignant viewed the government as a 'mother for all society' and instilled in it the responsibilities of rearing up the collective children; but also providing work, security, safety, good health and education for all of society. Because of this, he viewed elements of non-compliance as in democratic and liberal societies as weakening this message. To consolidate this vision of a 'paternal' state, functionalism in Gaullica worked at eroding away at the elements of democracy within its governing system and sought to entrench itself within power.

These four sections were often compared, via analogy, to the human body. They were argued to work best together for a unified goal, and both Trintignant and Duclerque simplified the explanation by comparing them to the organs of the human body.

Notable Functionalists

• 

  Gaullica
  Rafael Duclerque,
  Premier of Gaullica, 1919 - 1934

• 

  Gaullica
  Gwenaëlle Cazal,
  Directeur-Général of the Maréchaussée, 1919 - 1934

Criticism

Gaullican President Sotirien Roche described Functionalism as "revolutionary conservativism", noting that whilst it found itself rooted in conservative principles many of its policies brought it into conflict with established elements of society. Functionalism challenged the position of women in society and was willing to go against societal convention for the necessity of war and the economy, fought the church over the role of the state as an apparatus of identity and placed a great emphasis on an imagined future rather than a historic glory. In this sense, Roche's assessment was that "Functionalism merged the carefully drawn lines of public and private life, as it aimed to consume all facets of it". Because of these factors, Roche called the movement "a conservative socialism" or a "socialist conservatism", to much criticism, though he clarified he did not truly mean 'socialist' in the political sense, but as a comparative point.