|Vespasian name||Movimento Tribune|
|Novalian name||Pokret Tribina|
|Carinthian name||Gibanje Tribune|
|Federal Secretary||Alessandra Bellucci|
|Deputy Leader||Gianfranco Galizia|
|Founded||13 March 2012|
|Merger of||National Action|
People's Radical Party
Justice and Freedom Party
|Headquarters||5-9 Viale di Augusto Romolo|
|Think tank||Etrurian Institute for National Rejuvenation|
|Student wing||Tribune Student Movement|
|Youth wing||Young Tribune Movement|
|Women's wing||Tribune Mothers|
|Political position||Right-wing to far-right|
|Slogan||"Reclamare il Nostro Futuro"|
"Reclaiming Our Future"
195 / 290
|Chamber of Representatives|
401 / 650
|State and autonomous governments|
5 / 8
|State and autonomous lower house members|
668 / 935
|State and autonomous upper house members|
317 / 550
The Tribune Movement (TM; Vespasian: Movimento Tribune, stylised as "Movimento Tribvne"; Novalian: Pokret Tribina; Carinthian: Gibanje Tribune) is a Right wing-populist political party in Etruria. It is the largest party in both the State Council of the Federation and the Senate of the Federation, it also controls two of the three state governments and two of the six autonomous governments. It is also the largest in membership, with 1.89 million members as of 2018. Since its founding, it has been led by Francesco Carcaterra who has been President of Etruria since 2016.
The Tribune Movement was founded in 2012 by a collection of disaffected politicians from the National Action, People's Radical Party and the Justice and Freedom Party. It was founded in response to the announcement by President Emiliano Reali that a referendum would be held on joining the Euclean Community. The Tribune Movement swiftly became the primary force in the No Campaign, drawing concerns over sovereignty, judicial supremacy and the supposed "undemocratic nature" of the bloc, while it also used nationalism, xenophobia and history of interaction between Etruria and EC member-states to oppose membership. On the 6 July 2016, "No" won 54.53% of the vote, resulting in the immediate resignation of Reali, his successor Andrea Salvini proved ineffective at regaining control of his Etrurian Federalist Party and the government collapsed. The Tribune Movement, leading the polls by over 20 points secured a landslide victory taking a majority in both houses, with Francesco Carcaterra becoming President.
Throughout 2016 and 2017, the MT government followed up on numerous electoral promises. It took to plebiscites to enforce controversial constitutional reforms, including the empowering of the executive, the reinstatement of capital punishment, closure of numerous bodies associated with the Euclean Community, an end to the "Prospective Membership Programme" which involved numerous reforms and policy changes and major policies regarding education, housing and healthcare. In 2018, the government began to introduce legislation aimed at reforming the judicial system, which has been condemned by some as a direct attack on judicial independence. This was followed by controversial reforms of education, making it illegal for academics to reference or argue that Etruria perpetrated war crimes during the Solarian War, removal of constraints against police violence, harsher prison sentences, empowerment of federal law enforcement and the introduction of a new census for Marolevic minorities.
The MT is variously considered populist, anti-establishment, right-wing nationalist and anti-globalist. Carcaterra has numerously praised and welcomed the "populist" description and has previously called populism the "tonic of the age." Other commentators have questioned its right-wing nature, arguing that its populism and nationalism drives more toward the right, its position on welfare, equality and women's rights pushes it to the left, while others have called it "demagogically catch-all."
- 1 Name
- 2 History
- 2.1 Coalition of the Right (2010-2012)
- 2.2 Formation and organisation
- 2.3 2013 Election and breaktrhough
- 2.4 Rise and EC referendum (2013-2016)
- 2.5 2016 election
- 2.6 Coalition for Etrurian Rejuvenation (2016-2018)
- 2.7 2018 Election
- 2.8 Governing alone (2018-present)
- 3 Organisation
- 4 Base of support
- 5 Ideology and policies
- 5.1 Etrurian democracy
- 5.2 Economy
- 5.3 Foreign policy
- 5.4 Immigration
- 5.5 Social policy
- 5.6 Constitutional reform
- 5.7 Judicial Reform
- 5.8 Other
- 6 Controversies
- 7 Electoral history
The Tribune Movement is named in honour of the ancient Solarian Tribunus Missam (Tribune of the Mass), the political representative of the free but predominately poor citizens of the city. Since the party is rooted in populist politics and representing the "people against the masters of the broken system," the name sees its identity rooted in the ancient political position. Others claim that the name has enabled the party to transcend the traditional left-right divide in Etruria, by also referencing the military tribune.
All members of the party are called "Tribunes" (Tribuni) by the party officials and the press, both positively and pejoratively.
Coalition of the Right (2010-2012)
Prior to the forming of the Tribune Movement in 2012, the hard-right and far-right of Etrurian politics was fragmented with numerous parties competing for the nationalist and anti-migrant vote. The three largest parties of the far-right were the National Action (Azione Nazionale), the People's Radical Party (Partito Radicale Popolare) and the Justice and Freedom Party (Partito Giustizia e Libertà). These three parties had over 400,000 members combined, but no federal representation.
The election of Francesco Carcaterra a nationally renowned academic as leader of National Action in 2010 would prove pivitol in the direction of the Etrurian right. In the spring of 2010, he arranged for a meeting of the three party leaderships and through negotiation, succeeded in forming a unified electoral alliance, known as the Coalition of the Right (Coalizione di Destra). Very quickly, Carcaterra and his allies from National Action were able to mould the bloc's political views and platform. Carcaterra dismissed the traditions of the other parties, of often blunt language and racist anti-immigrant rhetoric, instead, he pursued a focus on income disparity, declining cultural traditionalism and rampant political corruption.
The CdD saw its first electoral success in 2011, following the collapse of the Red-Blue coalition in the state of Vespasia. In the 2011 Vespasian state election, the Coalition won 29 seats out of the 280 in contention, while the centre-right Etrurian Federalist Party was able to form a coalition with the christian democrat Libertas party, this was the most successful result for the hard-right for decades. The seats gained and the 21% of the popular vote vindicated Carcaterra's argument for softening the tone. His personal success further emboldened him and his allies from National Action to further liberalise the hard-right's most contentious positions.
The centralisation of organisation and leadership within the Coalition was hastened by the departure of Enrico Sorelli, the leader of the JFP. Sorelli was a "old-time right-winger" and held personal and familial ties to the National Social Movement (Movimento Sociale Nazionale), a legal successor to the Revolutionary Solarian Party of the Etrurian Revolutionary Republic regime. Sorelli was replaced by Gianfranco Galizia, a more moderate and modern political mind. Galizia and Carcaterra swiftly developed a close rapport that eased the modernisation process.
Following Sorelli's departure, the three parties of the coalition met in late January 2012 to discuss a renewed and more cohesive political platform. This led to a significant shift of the CDD toward the centre-right in some areas of policy. This included the introduction of a monthly payment to families with one child or more under the age of 30, improved women's right in the workplace, improved maternity leave provisions and an expansion of government subsidies for healthcare. Conversely, the CDD announced it would restore capital punishment, national service, mandatory sentencing and a major overhaul of the electoral system and judiciary to confront organised crime and corruption. The CDD's anti-elite and populist message was further refined, which would be a key cause for the Tribune Movement's landslide victory four years later.
July 2012, President Emiliano Reali announced that his government would organise a referendum on membership of the Euclean Community. Owing to Etruria's progress of meeting the EC's membership standards was still short, the Reali government penciled the referendum for July 2016. The shock announcement sent the right-wing of Etrurian politics into a tailspin as no major movement or indication of securing membership had been raised since 2005. In response, the Coalition of the Right met for an emergency congress in August and agreed to formally unite into one single cohesive political party.
Formation and organisation
In wake of the August conference, the Coalition of the Right began to merge its local constituency offices and groups into unified units. This was followed by the formal adoption of a new party charter and constitution on August 26. On August 27, the Coalition announced its decision to the Federal Federal Electoral Commission.
On August 30, the Tribune Movement was officially registered by the FEC. This meant that for the first time since 1983, the Etrurian hard-right had a single unified political entity. The same day, Francesco Carcaterra was announced as party leader and Gianfranco Galizia as Federal Secretary.
2013 Election and breaktrhough
Rise and EC referendum (2013-2016)
Coalition for Etrurian Rejuvenation (2016-2018)
Governing alone (2018-present)
The Tribune Movement is a federal party of the parties of Vespasia, Novalia and Carinthia. The Novalian and Vespasian parties are further split into autonomous region parties. The party at the federal level in both houses of the senate are highly centralised and organised directly under the federal leadership, the state and regional branches are semi-autonomous units. Co-ordination of all party activities across all federated groups is undertaken through the Federal Executive. Chaired by the party leader, its 30+ members includes representatives from each of the groups and democratically elected representatives.
The state and regionla branches are provided some levels of independence in policy formulation, campaigning and internal matters. According to the Tribune Movement's constitution, the branches must "exercise independence within the thematic limits of the federal agenda." This level of autonomy has resulted in divergences emerging within the party, with the Vespasian branch operating a more anti-migrant, anti-crime agenda, compared to the near exclusively economic focused agenda of the Novalian branch. However, both branches do so within the realms of policies or plans developed at the federal level.
Members of the public join the party by becoming part of a local constituency Tribune Group. The country is also divided into regions, with each region containing a number of areas, both having a similar structure to constituency grpups. The Tribune Movement Consultative Forum (Forum Consultivo del Movimento Tribune), which provides public opinion and policy suggestions. It is composed of all association chairs, officers from areas and regions, and 42 representatives and the Women's Tribune Movement. The Forum meets twice a year. Its Annual General Meeting is usually held at Spring Forum, with another meeting usually held at the Tribune Movement Congress.
The Tribune Central Office (Ufficio Centrale Tribune) is effectively head of the Professional Party and leads financing, organisation of elections and drafting of policy and is subordinate to the Federal Executive.
When the Tribune Movement was formed through the merger of National Action, People's Radical Party and the Justice and Freedom Party in 2012, membership stood at 22,485. From 2012 until 2014, membership slowly increased, however, membership expanded exponentially during the 2016 EC referendum, rising to 485,301 as of May 2016. Following the Tribune Movement's landslide victory in the election of the same year, membership grew to 1.84 million by 2017, making the Tribune Movement the largest party by membership since 1983. At the 2018 Spring Forum, Federal Secretary Alessandra Bellucci announced that membership stood at 3,775,201.
The membership fee for the Tribune Movement is ₣35, or ₣15 if the member is under the age of 23.
Base of support
Prior to 2012, the Tribune Movement's predecessor parties and specifically the Coalition of the Right saw its support marginalised to specific sectors of society. The Coalition's success in Vespasia was primarily driven by non-degree holding working class voters in industrial areas of Vespasia, its focus on anti-corruption and promises of enhancing the social safety net attracted mostly traditional Social Democratic Party voters, however, it saw some success with lower-middle class voters who were disenchanted by corruption. However, its still strident nativist and controversies over racist or discriminatory comments dented its outreach.
Today, the party enjoys great support among working class constituencies and union members. Groups that vote for the party are miners, farmers, shopkeepers, unskilled workers, unemployed and pensioners. With its relatively left-wing approach toward economics, the party attracts these voters who did not benefit from economic liberalisation and the post-2005 boom, and their economic situation did not improve significantly since 2005. The strongest voting block are older, religious people who value the conservative principles the party represents and patriotism. Tribune voters are usually located in rural areas and small towns. The strongest region of support is the northern half of the country (including Carinthia and northern Vespasia). People without a university degree prefer the party more than more educated ones. Recently, younger voters heve begun to support Tribunes more than in previous years. In 2018, the Tribunes increased their vote share of people aged between 18-27 by 15%.
Regionally, between 2012 and 2016, much of the party's support was concentrated in the "Labour Regions" (Regioni di Lavoro), mostly confined to eastern and northern Vespasia, and the entirety of Carinthia. Since 2018, the borders of support are not as clear as before and party enjoys support in southern parts of country, especially in deprived areas. Large cities in all regions are more likely to vote for more liberal party like Citizens' Alliance, the centre-right Democratic Alternative for Etruria or the centre-left Social Democrats, however, in 2018 the Tribunes secured high support in Vicalvi, Solaria and Turania with significant increases in its urban-working class support.
In 2018, the Tribunes succeeded into breaking into the CMB-PRA (Lower Middle Class-Patriotic, Religious, Ambitious) demographic. This voter bloc tends to be younger and urban and is a mixture of degree-educated or vocational middle class voters, who trend toward patriotism, religion and social mobility. The Tribunes' success in breaking into this large bloc is widely credited for the party's increase in popular vote share and 80-seat gain in the lower-house.
According to the National Insitute for Democracy, this voter profile offers the Tribunes as a base level support of 40-42%. In an analysis of the 2018 election, the NID noted, "the Tribunes receiving 47% of the popular vote was vindication of their targeting of the CMB-PRA demographic while consolidating its current base. The opposition parties have significant work ahead in order to reclaim lost voters."
Ideology and policies
The MT's political program has been consistently classified as vague, but its accepted core themes are traditional social values, law and order, and hostility towards social minorities and civil liberties. It continues to advocate a strong federal state with a empowered presidential form of government, and limited powers to the autonomous regions. While it's overt right-wing positions are debated, it does possess several positions considered to be left-wing and inherently populist, including, improved women's rights, equal gender pay, increase popular involvement in democracy (referendums, e-democracy and local referendums). The MT wraps its ideology around populist rhetoric, referring to the Etrurian elite as the "Community-Enslaved Cabal" (Comunità Schiava di Cabala), "The Black Class" (La Classe Nera) and the "Parasites" (Parassiti).
Digitalizzazione della Nazione
L'Etruria in Movimento=
Coius and Bahia
From 2012 until 2019, the Tribune Movement's official position on abortion rights was "fundamentally against the process, but respectful of the woman's decision." In 2019, the Tribune government began to undermine and rollback abortion rights, with the closure of the Federal Office for Parenthood, a federal body created to offer support and financial cover for mothers who wished to abort. This was followed by the proposed tabling of federal legislation that would ban abortion at any stage of pregnancy unless there is a "serious health risk", with the exceptions for rape and incest. Doctors who perform abortions may receive 10 to 99 years imprisonment.
The party strongly promotes itself as a pro-family party and encourage married couples to have more children. Prior to 2016 elections, it promised to build 3 million inexpensive housing units as a way to help young couples start a family. Once in government, it passed legislation lengthening parental leaves in 2018, including the introduction of leave for fathers. In 2018, it extended the period for maternity leave to six months, while capping income reduction at 20%.
In 2019, the Tribune government commenced the so-called "Assegni Familiari" programme under which all parents residing in Etruria receive an unconditional monthly payment of ₣500 for each second and subsequent child (the ₣500 support for the first child being linked to income).
In 2019, the government also announced plans to introduce federal legislation banning retailers from opening on Sundays. This is both to promote family time and church attendance.
Law and order
Direct democracy (National Consultations) and political informational campaigns
One of the party's most ardent and solid bases of support are the various Ultras of the Etrurian football culture. Virtually all major Ultras have declared support for the party and regularly chant supportive slogans in support of the party, or aggressive chants against the establishment and the Citizens' Alliance. During the 2016 general election, several Ultras were accused of violently attacking activists from opposing parties. The Federalist Party, the Citizens' Alliance and the Etrurian Greens all reported incidents involving Ultras and blamed the Tribune Movement for inciting or tacitly supporting the attacks.
One major incident involved 26-year-old Lucca Perelli, who was beaten into a coma by six members of the Legio Urbisliana Ultra. Perelli was handing out leaflets in support of the Citizens' Alliance in central Urbisalia when he was surrounded, pushed and kicked to the floor. The six men proceeded to repeatedly kick and punch him, while his leaflets were taken and thrown out onto the street, he suffered severe trauma and was in a coma for six weeks, he is however, expected to make a full recovery after much treatment and support. All six were arrested and charged with attempted murder, they were later sentenced to 15 years in prison. The police investigation found no direct link between the attack the Tribune Movement.
Another serious case was the attack on Novalian Socialist Party candidate Niko Bilic. Bilic was attacked outside his office in Dubovica by members of the Dubovica Osvajači Ultra. He suffered a broken nose and two broken ribs in the attack, however no arrests were made. The centrist and centre-right based press condemned the attack as the "most direct assault on Etrurian democracy since its conception." While others went further to report the Tribune Movement to the Federal Electoral Commission for "political intimidation."
Other incidents included the firebombing of party offices, rocks thrown through windows and death-threats through social media. Matteo Sorrentini described the Ultras' support for the MT as a natural consequence of the party's penchant for "racist, homophobic, derogatory rhetoric." He also said that the MT's continued failure to condemn links to the already controversial football hooligan groups was indicative that the party "is deeply rooted in nationalism and xenophobia."
One of the most damning concerns about the Tribune Movement is it's connections and relationship with the ruling party of Mathrabumi. The National Society for Krishin Consciousness has described the party as a "sister" in numerous party publications, and state media has consistently supported the positions of the Tribune Movement. It's leader Francesco Carcaterra appears quite commonly on the state owned TV channel Sirand Today, Il Popolo even writing "the channel never seriously challenges Caraterra, the interviewer never asking hard questions ... Sirand Today coverage on the Tribune Movement is less coverage and more cheering for the party and calls for closer cooperation". In these interviews has supported Mathra policies and human rights abuses, calling it better then what's forced by the EC "So the EC globalists talk relentlessly about the importance of their Community to solve issues like climate change, and at the same time they praise the enormous progress made in Mathrabumi! Over there the government isn't listening to some hippies and demolishing nuclear power plants, forcing them to rely on coal, it arrests these activists, a grave human rights violation according to the EC, and continues building renewable energy capacity! And what do we see? Without losing their sovereignity to some supranational 'community' controlled by bureaucrats, they achieve massive gains in fighting climate change, and I think this is something for us to follow. We don't need the EC for anything, they need us and hold us back!".
The Tribune Movement has also held multiple workshops and exchanges with the party, with them even producing theoretical documents on potential policy. These 'worshops' have been described as a means for the party to spread it's ideology, and influence Etrurian policy. Ideological influence has reached the point that powerful high level officials have been seen reading obscure texts from the Mathra emperor, and the countries book about the role of "the men above tone" is on the parties official reading list, with the men above time concept being alluded to by newer ministers. Finally the Tribune Movement has borrowed the rabid Islamaphobia of the NSKC, saying that Mumins are trying to replace native Eturians while destroying it's native culture. The party has called for their deportation and ominously one minister told a right wing publication "maybe the Mathras knew how to best deal with the Salamists". Disinformation about Mumins has been openly allowed to spread by Mathra state media under the watch of the Tribune Movement, with the parties ministers actively spreading this content on social media. Under the Tribune Movement's watch curricula has been revised to omit information about the Extermination of Salamists (Mathrabumi), and what little is thought is the official Mathra line, of it being an affair of civilians, killing barely 100 thousand, with Salamists instead leaving the Hindu Republic no longer able to slaughter cows.
414 / 680
|87||In government||Becomes the first single-party government in Etruria since 1983.|
327 / 680
|313||Coalition government||Enters coalition with the Farmers and Workers Union.|
14 / 680
|14||Becomes the first minor party since 1956 to gain more than ten seats in its first contested national election.|
194 / 290
|28||In government||First party to secure a two-thirds majority in the upper-house since 1983.|
166 / 290
|156||Coalition government||Enters coalition with the Farmers and Workers Union.|
10 / 680
|10||Becomes the first minor party since 1956 to gain more than five seats in the upper-house since 1985.|