Leander Kokkinakis

The Right Honourable Leander Kokkinakis MS CSM
Leander Kokkinakis in 1976
30th Prime Minister of Satavia Elections: 1984
In office 4 June 1984 – 3 April 1987
President	Theron Swart Willem Steyn
Deputy	Patrick Turcan Paul Monaghan
Preceded by	Eric Edwards
Succeeded by	Maximilian Dumfries
Leader of the Liberal Party
In office 4 June 1984 – 3 April 1987
Deputy	Paul Monaghan
Preceded by	Eric Edwards
Succeeded by	Maximilian Dumfries
Secretary of State for Education
In office 18 October 1981 – 4 June 1984
Prime Minister	Eric Edwards
Preceded by	Damian Botha
Succeeded by	Marthinus De Klerk
Secretary of State for Health & Social Affairs
In office 21 May 1979 – 18 October 1981
Prime Minister	Eric Edwards
Preceded by	Lachlan Goodhue
Succeeded by	Pieter Murell
Member of the Satavian Parliament for St George
In office 29 November 1976 – 3 April 1987
Succeeded by	Lucian de Groot
Personal details
Born	(1951-12-25) December 25, 1951 Pietersburg, Nuvania
Citizenship	Nuvania Piraea Satavia
Political party	Liberal
Other political affiliations	Western Freestate Social Democratic Party (1970-1974)
Education	Springbank College
Signature
Military service
Branch/service	Satavian Army
Years of service	1968-1970
Rank	Trooper
Unit	Green Jackets

Leander Kokkinakis MS CSM (/liːˈændər ˌkɒkɪˈnɑːkɪs/ lee-AND-ər KOK-in-AH-kiss; Piraean: Λέανδρος Κοκκινάκης; born 25 December 1951) is a Satavian former politician who served as the 30th prime minister of Satavia from 1984 to 1987, holding office as the leader of the Liberal Party. He previously served as Secretary of State for Education from 1979 to 1981, and as Secretary of State for Health & Social Affairs from 1981 until 1984 as a member of the Edwards government. Despite his short term as Prime Minister, Kokkinakis is frequently ranked as one of Satavia's most effective prime ministers.

Kokkinakis was born in Pietersburg, Nuvania as the youngest of four boys. Kokkinakis' parents had been prominent socialists in Piraea, but following the proclamation of the Second Piraean Republic and the beginning of political repression the family fled to the Asterias - first to Eldmark and then onto Pietersburg in Nuvania, with the ultimate goal of moving to Victoriaburg in the Western Freestate, home to a large Piraean diaspora. Kokkinakis moved to Satavia aged four, and grew up in relative poverty; however, Kokkinakis was a talented artist and sportsman, and was awarded an art scholarship to Satavia's most prestigious full-boarding private school, Springbank College in Port Hope. Kokkinakis left school at 16 and completed his mandatory two year national service in the Satavian Army. Following the completion of his national service, Kokkinakis became politically active and began attending underground meetings of the Satavian Section of the Worker's International in Victoriaburg. Kokkinakis stopped attending meetings after only a few weeks, instead joining the less extreme Western Freestate Social Democratic Party in 1970. By 1974, Kokkinakis had joined the Liberal Party and had become the cartoonist for The Free Man - a Liberal Party-sponsored underground paper. Kokkinakis was arrested a year later for participating in subversive activities and interned for four months before being released. The following year, the Hope Province Provincial Guard overthrew the Government removed the National Party from power. In the 1976 election, Kokkinakis ran as the Liberal candidate for the Division of St George in Victoriaburg, comfortably defeating the Conservative & Country candidate by over 22,000 votes, thereby becoming the youngest elected representative in Satavia at the age of 24. Kokkinakis soon achieved prominence within the Liberal Party, and in 1979 was appointed Secretary of State for Health and Social Affairs by Eric Edwards. During his time as Health Secretary, Kokkinakis introduced several wide-reaching welfare bills during this time, including the Preservation of Life Act 1981 that severely limited the fees attached to hospitals (at that time there was no unified national health service in any province) and included a moratorium on ambulance callout fees that has not been lifted since. In 1981, Kokkinakis was appointed as the Education Secretary and oversaw vast changes to the Satavian federally-mandated national curriculum which brought him into conflict with many of the Provincial Education Boards. Kokkinakis was easily re-elected in 1980, and later played a vital role in helping negotiate an agreement with right-wing insurgents that lead to the end of the Satavian Crisis in late 1983. When Eric Edwards announced his intention to resign in early 1984, Kokkinakis chose to take part in a highly-contested leadership contest with little expectation of winning. However, Kokkinakis performed well in the opening rounds and soon found himself with major support from both Liberal elected representatives and the general public. Kokkinakis went on to win the leadership contest and on June 4, 1984, Edwards resigned and Kokkinakis was appointed Prime Minister later that day. Kokkinakis would lead the Liberals to a landslide electoral victory in 1984 Satavian federal election securing a supermajority, a feat not repeated since.

Kokkinakis' term as prime minister saw huge social reforms aimed at improving the quality of life in Satavia. Kokkinakis also introduced the first piece of legislation aimed at attempting to deal with complicated indigenous rights and land claims coupled with a landmark acceptance of the genocide perpetrated against minority groups in a 1985 speech called the Great Shame speech. Despite his unparalleled popularity whilst prime minister, Kokkinakis would ultimately be forced to resign following revelations of a homosexual relationship with a younger man, which was against the law in Satavia, and highly stigmatised. Whilst Kokkinakis was never charged by police, his political career would be ended by the affair. As he was outed during his premiership, Kokkinakis was the world's first openly gay head of government and to date Satavia's only LGBT prime minister.

Later in his life, Kokkinakis lived quietly in his Victoriaburg home. However, in 2007, Kokkinakis came out in favour of the legalisation of same-sex marriage in the Western Freestate, and participated in a campaign that saw the Western Freestate legalise same-sex marriage in 2009. Since, Kokkinakis has participated in social and human rights campaigns across Satavia, and has been involved in many indigenous rights campaigns since, as recently as 2022.

Early Life

Kokkinakis was born on Nativity, 25 December 1951, in Pietersburg, Nuvania the son of Stavros Kokkinakis (Piraean: Σταύρος Κοκκινάκης) and Althaia Kokkinakis (neé Katsifaras; Piraean: Ἀλθαία Κατσιφάρας). Kokkinakis was the youngest of four boys; his older siblings were Constantine (born in 1944 in Rouvas), Ioannis (born in 1946 in Rouvas) and Dimitris (born in 1949 in Hammarvik). Kokkinakis' family were Piraeans, who were forced to flee Piraea following the proclomation of the Second Piraean Republic and the beginning of political repression in Piraea. Originally from Rouvas in Sitia, Kokkinakis' parents met and married in Rouvas aged 21 in 1942. Kokkinakis' paternal grandfather had served in the Piraean Army during the Great War, serving with distinction, before being killed during the Solarian War. Kokkinakis father also served in the Piraean Army during the Solarian War.

Kokkinakis' parents, who had been trade unionists and members of the Piraean Section of the Workers' International, were forced to flee Piraea in the face of political repression in 1948. The Kokkinakis family first arrived in Hammarvik, Eldmark in late 1948. On account of his injuries, Stavros Kokkinakis struggled to find employment and by 1950, the Stavros Kokkinakis chose to move the family to Pietersburg. Nuvania had been going through a period of economic prosperity, with many Piraean immigrants employed in the construction of social housing and other construction projects. Kokkinakis soon found employment as a low-level manager, as he was able to communicate well in both Piraean and Estmerish. However, Nuvania's strict conservative rule and racial segregation made Pietersburg an increasingly hostile environment and Kokkinakis was soon put out of work. A friend of Kokkinakis living in Victoriaburg suggested they should move to Satavia and despite finding it difficult to recieve approval for his immigration request, it was eventually accepted and the family moved to Victoriaburg in 1956.

Leander Kokkinakis grew up in relative poverty, in an area of Victoriaburg known as Tarpeia. Kokkinakis' father worked two jobs in order to support his family, but the Kokkinakis family struggled nonetheless. Kokkinakis' older siblings, Constantine and Ioannis were forced to drop out of school aged 14 and 12 to help provide for the family. Kokkinakis' father eventually found work as a copper mine manager, but was killed in an industrial accident in 1960. As a result of the Western Freestate's relaxed labour laws, and the Employment (Aliens, Compensation & Regulation) Act 1952, the owners of the copper mine gave G50 in compensation, or a little over G1,200 in 2023. To help supplement the family's meager income, Kokkinakis often skipped school in order to work as a paper boy. Kokkinakis was however an extremely talented artist and sportsman, and soon found another way to make money - selling hand-drawn postcards of Victoriaburg on the street.

When Kokkinakis was 13, he was offered an art scholarship to Springbank College, an elitist all-boys private boarding school in Port Hope, traditionally reserved for members of the establishment. Kokkinakis accepted and began his first term in 1965; his contemporaries Jannie Wilson, the son of former National Party Prime Minister Daniël Wilson and Paul du Plessis, the son of then-Prime Minister Jacobus du Plessis. Kokkinakis flourished on the sports field and enjoyed art classes, but struggled academically, suffered from homesickness and was bullied by his classmates. In his later life, Kokkinakis recalled being stripped naked and tied to a tree for three hours when he was 14, before a sympathetic teacher untied him. Kokkinakis also stated that the bullying intensified when his classmates accused him of being homosexual, and was a catalyst for his decision to drop out aged 16. Kokkinakis later said that his time at Springbank College, surrounded by the right-wing of Satavia's political elite, shaped his political views.

Aged 16, Kokkinakis chose to drop out of Springbank College in 1968 and was required to complete his two year mandatory national service in the Satavian Army, having acquired Satavian citizenship in 1966. Kokkinakis joined the Green Jackets that year and was stationed in Henschhoek. Kokkinakis did not enjoy his time in the Army and paticularly objected to feeling "like I was a member of the system, and in doing so I was only helping to oppress myself". Kokkinakis later revealed he struggled with his mental health whilst in the Army, and was confined to a psychiatric ward for three months in 1969 after a failed suicide attempt. Having completed his national service in 1970, Kokkinakis was honourably discharged and returned to Victoriaburg, taking a variety of jobs before finding stable employment as a construction worker. Kokkinakis continued his art, and sold paintings to help raise more money. In December 1970 his mother died after a long period of illness, having been unable to afford medical treatment.

Early political career

Early political involvement

Kokkinakis began attending secret underground meetings of the Satavian Section of the Worker's International in 1970 but stopped after a few weeks; despite his prior poor experiences with members of the elite, he felt the approach taken by the party was too extreme and instead began an association with the Western Freestate Social Democratic Party. Kokkinakis spoke often, and became well known as a fiery, passionate and relatable orator.

By 1974, however, Kokkinakis had left the Western Freestate branch of the SDP and joined an underground group of Liberals, responsible for printing The Free Man, a Liberal-backed paper that was widely read in Victoriaburg, despite the local authorities best efforts to stop its publication. Kokkinakis also began his correspondence with the exiled Eric Edwards, the leader of the Liberal Party, who was living in Rizealand at the time. Kokkinakis also befriended future cabinet ally Stefanos Dimitriadis around this time, and the two became joint-editors of The Free Man together. Kokkinakis also became the cartoonist for the newspapers, under the pseudonym B. B. Botha, and his caricatures of various National Party politicians were extremely popular, and distributed illegally throughout Satavia. Many of his caricatures were also published in the Estmerish press, with the Standard running a column featuring Kokkinakis' caricatures entitled "The Latest From Our Rogue Step-Child". Following a caricature of Prime Minister Hendrik Botha that depicted him as a chubby orangutang pinning medals to his own chest, whilst in floods of tears, saying "Why won't anyone love me?!" in November 1975, Kokkinakis and several others were arrested for participating in subversive activities, and were interned. Kokkinakis was held without charge for four months in Causeway Prison before being released in early 1976.

As the National Party began to lose control over the country, Kokkinakis began openly giving speeches in Victoriaburg calling for the removal of the National Party and a return to free elections. Kokkinakis' openness soon earned him support amongst the local populace, and he became the face of the Liberal Party in the Western Freestate. In September 1976, the Hope Province Provincial Guard removed the National Party from power and later that same day, Kokkinakis lead a mob of people, supported by local policeman, to the provincial parliament of the Western Freestate, where Kokkinakis and the police removed the Premier of the Western Freestate, TBD Name from parliament.

Backbench MP

Once Johannes Klopper, who was serving as interim Prime Minister, reinstated the Satavia Act, 1936 and repealed the Satavia Acts issued by the National Party, Klopper made it clear he intended to call for a federal election as soon as possible. Kokkinakis, partly in thanks to his Piraean roots, was selected to run in the Division of St George in the hastily drawn-up electoral map (itself based off the electoral map of 1936). St George was the only minority-dominated electoral division, where some 81% of voters were of Piraean ancestry in 1976.

Kokkinakis was running against three other mainstream candidates; Hubert Giroud of the Conservative & Country Party, Louise McKay of the United Party and Peter Clifton of the SDP. Kokkinakis and Giroud emerged as front-runners in the division, and lead vastly differing campaigns. Giroud attacked Kokkinakis at every stage; including referring to him on multiple occasions as "flamboyant" and a "quean". Kokkinakis chose to run a quiet campaign, confident in victory amongst the large Piraean electorate. On November 6 - just twenty days out from polling day, Giroud was quoted, perhaps inaccurately, as calling for an end to mass immigration and suggesting Satavia would be "flooded with ethnics, koelies and dirty migrants". Kokkinakis used the quote against him on late-campaign posters and even quoted it in a speach he gave on November 20. Kokkinakis would go onto win the division in a landslide; taking a 22,176 majority and becoming Satavia's youngest elected MP, aged 24.

Despite his friendship with Eric Edwards, Kokkinakis was not offered a cabinet position. Edwards later stated that had the Liberals won an outright majority - and not been forced into a three-party coalition with Labour and the SDP, Kokkinakis would almost certainly have been offered a cabinet position. Undeterred, and despite having no legal history, Kokkinakis played a key role in the drafting and writing of the Satavia Act of 1976, and by extension, the alterations to the Satavian constitution.

In 1978, Kokkinakis lead a campaign targeting the lack of healthcare provisions across Satavia, and the unavailability of healthcare in many parts of the country, paticularly by the poorest in society. Kokkinakis was appointed to the House of Representatives Committee on Healthcare, and encouraged the Prime Minister to introduce legislation that would help bring about the creation of a federal-supported welfare state, as seen in Euclea. Despite having Edwards' support, the SDP were against the proposals - their leader Patrick Turcan, writing to Edwards, explained - "it's simply not viable... we cannot expect the poor to pay for the rich to see a doctor". Despite the setback, Kokkinakis whipped up public support and demonstrated his characteristic charisma, declaring to a crowd at a political rally in Port Hope - "why should we die needlessly whilst they profit?". Kokkinakis pursuaded Edwards to introduce the Healthcare Bill in late 1978; it passed through the House of Representatives in its second reading, but was thrown out by the Senate.

Cabinet minister

In Edwards' 1979 cabinet reshuffle, Kokkinakis, who by now had earned a reputation as an fiery speaker and an authority on healthcare, was appointed Secretary of State for Health & Social Affairs, replacing Lachlan Goodhue. In Kokkinakis' maiden speech as Health Secretary, he called for "a hurricane of reform" and attacked the private healthcare providers, many of which had been established by and with the support of the National Party government. Just one month into his role, Kokkinakis introduced the Federal Insurance (Healthcare) Bill to parliament. The bill aimed at providing federal health insurance to those living below the income tax threshold, and despite some difficulties in the House of Representatives, ultimately passed through the senate with the support of the United Party. Kokkinakis later described it as his "first achievement", and according to Estmerish historian Sigur Haroldsson, the act paved the way for the resurrection of the Satavian welfare state that had been started by Sydney Warwick in the 1900s.

In the 1980 election, Kokkinakis easily won re-election, extending his margin of victory to 44,359 votes (at that time a record, only surpassed by himself in 1984 and later Edward Norton in 2009). During his campaign, Kokkinakis spent only four of the fifty-two day campaign in his own constituency. Nonetheless, the Liberals, as well as the Conservative & Country party, suffered a wipeout defeat in the Western Freestate, with the majority of seats going towards the United Party and SDP, both of which were based in the Western Freestate. Kokkinakis was one of four Liberal MPs who did not lose their seats in the Western Freestate.

In a debate in the House of Representatives on March 16 1981, Kokkinakis was forced to apologise after referring to Theophilus Verwoerd, the leader of the United Party, as a "pissant of a man, [and] a miserable excuse for a human being". The incident marked the first in a long line of insults that Kokkinakis used to refer to his political rivals that were regarded as uncouth but nonetheless effective, and endeared him to the Satavian public.

Despite holding a relatively minor ministerial position, a 1981 survey found that Kokkinakis was the third most recognisable politician, after Eric Edwards and Ben De Villiers. Kokkinakis used his notoriety, largely attributed to his un-parliamentary language and frequent outbursts, to push his own agenda within cabinet. In May 1981, Kokkinakis introduced an amendment to the Federal Insurance (Healthcare) Act 1979 which included a moratorium on ambulance callout fees, with the state covering the cost for all Satavian citizens. The proposal was extremely popular amongst the Satavian electorate; and despite fears that it may not pass through the Senate, fourteen members of the opposition dissented and it was signed into law by the President later that month.

Kokkinakis, emboldened by his success, persuaded Edwards to allow him to introduce the Preservation of Life Act 1981 to parliament. The act was wide-ranging, and severely limited the fees hospitals could charge patients (and was primarily based on income). The act was seen as part of the government's response to the De Ruyter incident, in which a bypasser injured in a bomb attack in Port Hope was charged G146,000 for his medical care (just under G1,000,000 today). Despite his successes as Health Secretary, Kokkinakis was appointed Education Secretary in Edwards' 1981 cabinet reshuffle.

Kokkinakis is escorted from his hotel room in the Crown after a car bomb exploded in the hotel's car park

On 12 May 1982, Kokkinakis was the target of a second assassination attempt by members of the far-right ultranationalist organisation Oranje Liga. Two armed perpetrators fired fourteen shots at Kokkinakis whilst he was giving a speach at the opening of a new high school in Windstad. Remarkably, Kokkinakis was unscathed but the school's new head teacher was treated for a minor injury. Kokkinakis later joked that the shooters "must [have] been Liberals at heart". The attack came just three weeks after a bomb exploded at the hotel Kokkinakis was staying in, the Crown in Port Arthur, which left twelve dead and several hundred injured, although Kokkinakis was not the target of the attack.

Kokkinakis worked to challenge the Provincial Education Boards, who he viewed as far too powerful in deciding what children in Satavia were taught. For example, the teaching of the theory of evolution was illegal in the Orange Province, whilst the teaching of creationism in science classes was illegal in the neighbouring Hope Province. Kokkinakis introduced legislation that worked to limit the powers of the various Provincial Education Boards, and in July 1982 the government created the Federal Education Council, a regulator that oversees the Provincial Education Boards. Additionally, Kokkinakis brought sweeping reforms to the federal curriculum itself, forcing certain classes and topics to be taught throughout the country.

In December 1982, at the instigation of Edwards, Kokkinakis, Justice Secretary Bill Stanley and Defence Secretary Willem Steyn met with Hendrik de Wiss, the leader of the far-right extremist group De Volksmilitie, for the first time. The four met in a series of secret meetings, later known as the Vooneeaboo Talks, where they began negotiating a resolution to the Satavian Crisis. Over the course of three months, a deal - which controversially included immunity from prosecution for De Wiss - was agreed upon to end the Satavian Crisis. On 17 February 1983, De Wiss agreed to an immediate cease fire and a version of the agreement was distributed by the Satavian Government the next day. Although fighting did not end immediately, particularly as many groups such as the Oranje Liga were still operating, by the end of 1983 it had mostly fizzled out, although isolated attacks continued up until as late as 1995. Although Kokkinakis' role in ending the Satavian Crisis was largely unknown at the time, the declassification of the Vooneeaboo Papers documenting the talks in 2013 and the publication of Eric Edwards' autobiography the following year shed further light on his role. Edwards credits Kokkinakis as "instrumental... perhaps the most important player in ending [the crisis]".

One year following the cessation of major hostilities, Edwards announced on 20 February 1984 that he intended to resign as prime minister, citing his deteriorating health. Whilst the news came as a shock to many, Edwards had already informed Kokkinakis of his decision some two weeks before the announcement to the public. Kokkinakis was one of twelve candidates who qualified to run (at the time, a candidate required five MPs to back their entry) but by the time nominations closed on 21 May, Kokkinakis was one of only five remaining candidates. Two front-runners - Pieter Murell and Marthinus de Klerk had withdrawn in favour of Kokkinakis. Three members of the right faction stood whilst two in the party's left faction remained as candidates. Although Kokkinakis came third in the first MPs ballot (behind Theodore Kerris and Maximilian Dumfries), Kokkinakis soon gained the support of the right faction members of the Liberal Party, as well as several of the left faction members. Kerris and Dumfries, both two of the most senior members of the Liberal Party, were noted rivals who took increasingly different policy stances and many believed their personal animosity would only serve to divide the party. Kokkinakis presented himself as the "unity candidate", and in the third ballott finished first ahead of Dumfries and Kerris. Following Kerris' defeat, he backed Kokkinakis over Dumfries. On 1 June the final ballot was held in the Orangery of the Parliament of Satavia, and Kokkinakis was duly elected leader having defeated Dumfries 34-14. The SDP, who were in coalition with the Liberals, soon voiced their approval for Kokkinakis and on 2 June federal SDP leader Patrick Turcan confirmed that he was willing to continue serving as deputy prime minister under the agreement the SDP had reached with Eric Edwards in 1980.

On June 4, Edwards met with president Theron Swart and handed in his resignation, whilst recommending the president to invite Kokkinakis to form a government. Swart did so later that day, and Kokkinakis was sworn in as prime minister at 16:30 SST, and his cabinet suggestions - largely unchanged from Edwards' - was accepted by Swart two hours later.

Prime Minister of Satavia

Kokkinakis selected his first ministry, giving himself the equality portfolio in addition to his role as prime minister. Kokkinakis appointed several SDP members to his cabinet in accordance with the supply and demand agreement, whilst also securing senior cabinet promotions for his allies. Kokkinakis gave his first speech as prime minister to the House of Representatives on 5 June. In a now famous speech, he likened the divisions within Satavian society to the struggle of fighting the Great War, and called for "winds [to] rush forth and blow away the old order".

You ask of my policy? My plan? My dreams? I share one dream, a dream that was not mine but one that I have fought for, and will fight for, for the rest of my life - of this you can be assured. It is a dream I shared with Edward Limes, who through those dark and terrible times, wracked by illness, self-hate... perhaps even by guilt - devoted himself to fighting. He fought for what was right, setback after setback... he fought for Satavia until that fight consumed him and he too, paid the ultimate price. He once had a dream, a dream that I share, of a New Satavia; a healed Satavia. An equal Satavia, for all peoples regardless of race or creed. We have in this country, again, again and again torn open our scars and let ourselves bleed out. The injustices in our society are numerous; the implications are severe. Several years ago, I promised I would release a hurricane of change, and now the winds must rush forth and blow away the old order, and replace it with the new.

Kokkinakis' speech was well recieved by the left-wing, but was regarded as dangerously radical by members of the opposition Conservative & Country and United parties. On 21 June, following the news that the former King of Estmere and Satavia's final King Richard XIII had passed away, Kokkinakis lead tributes to him in the House of Representatives describing him as a "tragic figure who never stopped loving his country, nor his fellow man" and praised him for his intervention in Estmere arguing for the liberalisation of Estmere's sodomy laws. Immediately after Kokkinakis gave this statement, Theophilus Verwoerd is alleged to have responded "you two had a lot in common then!", although the remark was not recorded in Hansard.

Election campaign

With the 1984 federal election held in November, the parliamentary shutdown process began in September and parliament was dissolved in order to campaign. Kokkinakis visited his own constituency first, and was met with overwhelming support. Content with his own seat, Kokkinakis began touring Satavia in order to raise support for the Liberal Party. Kokkinakis had hoped to be able to form a majority government without requiring the support of the SDP. Additionally, long-serving President Swart announced that he would step down - and as was custom, Kokkinakis was able to choose his own candidate for president, inviting former Defence Secretary and close ally Willem Steyn to run as the Liberal candidate. Kokkinakis was met with a crowd of 55,00 people at the Arena in Victoriaburg; similarly large crowds met Kokkinakis wherever he went.

By 4 November, polling suggested Kokkinakis would sweep both the House of Representatives and the Senate; four of the five major national newspapers had endorsed Kokkinakis, whilst the Satavian Economic Review refused to endorse a candidate. Kokkinakis engaged in a television debate on 8 November alongside Ben de Villiers (leader of the opposition and Conservative & Country Party), rival Theophilus Verwoerd (leader of the United Party) and Patrick Turcan (leader of the SDP). During the debate, Kokkinakis and Verwoerd began interrupting each other in a spat that ultimately lead to Kokkinakis calling Verwoerd an "κώλος" (ass) in a widely publicised remark. Despite the worst fears of Kokkinakis' campaign team, Kokkinakis' popularity increased dramatically after the debate. Both Verowerd and De Villiers tried to portray Kokkinakis as childish and resulting to petty insults when seriously challenged, but the more press attention garnered by the incident only boosted Kokkinakis' campaign. Kokkinakis portrayed himself as "an ordinary bloke" - indeed, the phrase was printed on many of his campaign posters and would later be the inspiration for his autobiography, Still Just an Ordinary Bloke.

It was clear that Kokkinakis would win the election in a landslide by 15 November; De Villiers publicly admitted that the Conservative & Country Party could no longer prevent the Liberal Party from winning. Exit polling on election day, 23 November, was so heavily in favour of the Liberal Party that TripleN called the election for the Liberals just thirty-six minutes after counting began; the SBC called the election for the Liberals after seventy four minutes. Just five hours after counting began, Ben de Villiers phoned Leander Kokkinakis to congratulate him on his victory. It would be a full twenty four hours before the results were clear; the Liberals had secured a supermajority for the first (and to date last) time in Satavian history - a national majority in addition to a majority in all six provinces, as well as the Central Territory. The Liberals emerged with 89 of the 119 avaliable seats in the House of Representatives and 65 of the 84 avaliable seats in the Senate, winning 65.94% of the popular vote . The Conservative & Country Party suffered their worst ever electoral defeat, winning only 12 seats in the House of Representatives, 11 in the Senate with a meagre 14.07% of the popular vote. Ben de Villiers only won re-election in the Division of Johnson by 231 votes, whilst SDP leader Patrick Turcan was defeated in his own constituency, the Division of Exeter Point by future Liberal Prime Minister Milo Malan, who was entering parliament for the first time.

Majority government

Kokkinakis and his newly-formed cabinet, 1984

With Kokkinakis' new found majority, he set about forming a new cabinet. He promoted key cabinet allies such as Paul Monaghan, the deputy leader of the Liberal Party, whom he made deputy prime minister and Secretary of State for the Civil Service (despite this office usually being held by the prime minister). Additionally, Theodore Kerris was promoted to Treasurer, Daniël Pieterson was appointed Attorney-General, Bill Stanley became Home Secretary and Lachlan Goodhue filled the vacancy at the Department of Defence made by the outgoing Steyn. Kokkinakis also promoted several members of the left wing faction, including Dumfries - whom he had beaten to the leadership of the Liberal party - who was appointed Justice Secretary. Kokkinakis hosted the Chief Minister of Nuvania, Johnathan Keaton in Port Hope in January 1985; Keaton and Kokkinakis met and primarily discussed security and the strategic importance of maintaining a bulwark against socialist influence in the Arucian Sea. Despite concerns that Kokkinakis - as a result of his left-wing views and influences - would be more accepting of socialist advances, these fears were quickly dispelled.