Miersan Section of the Workers' International

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Miersan Section of the Workers' International

Mierska Sekcja Międzynarodówki Robotniczej
AbbreviationMSMR
FoundedFebruary 2, 1901 (1901-02-02)
DissolvedOctober 21, 1967 (1967-10-21)
Succeeded byMSMR-C
NewspaperDźwięk Socjalizmu
(the Sound of Socialism)
Youth wingSiCR
Trade union wingKMZZ
Membership (1967)3.4 million
IdeologyCouncil socialism
Socialism with Miersan characteristics
Personal national autonomy
Political positionLeft-wing to far-left
Colours  Red
Slogan"Przerwij Łańcuchy!"
"Break the Chains!"
AnthemLa Sobrosienne
"The Zobrodzian"
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The Miersan Section of the Workers' International (Miersan: Mierska Sekcja Międzynarodówki Robotniczej), also known by the abbreviation MSMR, was a council socialist political party in Miersa that existed from 1901 to 1967. It officially espoused council socialism, socialism with Miersan characteristics and personal national autonomy; prior to 1936 it had also advocated for Miersan independence, and could be considered Miersan nationalist.

Founded in 1901 by Miersan émigrés attending the first congress of the Workers' International, the MSMR emerged as one of the primary forces for independence in occupied Miersa. Due to the rise of the working class in industrial cities like Dyńsk and Ryża, the MSMSR was most influential in the Gaullican-occupied east, but it also organised in the Soravian-occupied west. Prior to the Great War, the party focused on organising the growing Miersan trade union movement and radicalising the Miersan working class with the aim of achieving independence through a revolutionary general strike.

The party was heavily repressed by the functionalist regime under Rafael Duclerque, but re-emerged in the later stages of the war, organising workers' militias to fight the Gaullicans. These were met by the advancing Soravian army with mixed reactions. After the war, the party was instrumental - alongside the KMZZ - in organising the 1936 general strike, and it was a key party privy to the ratification of the Gofredson Plan, being instrumental in the foundation of the Miersan Socialist Republic. From the foundation of the republic until its dissolution in 1967, it was the leading party in the country, effectively operating a one-party state via its control over the vetting of candidates in the country's council democracy, despite a nominal commitment to council socialism.

The party promised to end the vetting of candidates when the threat of a Western invasion had been prevented, but this and other aspects of party control were called into question following economic mismanagement, and the party lost power in the country following the Rose Revolution, in which reformist elements within the MSMR and the country at large peacefully secured control over the party apparatus. The party was officially dissolved in 1967, at the 66th annual party conference, and the East Miersan constitution was amended to ban all political parties from the the political process.

History

Foundation

The signatories of the MSMR's founding documents.

The MSMR has it's background in the Miersan trade union movement. The Congress of Miersan Trade Unions existed as a prominent trade union organisation in the country - primarily centred in the more industrialised east - but the Congress had thus far proven unable to enter the political scene by the start of the 20th century. However, Miersan émigrés who had attended the first congress of the Workers' International returned to the country with a view that the Miersan working class needed a political organisation that both represented their desire for Miersan independence and for socialism.

Therefore, the Miersan Section of the Workers' International was founded on the 2nd of February 1901, alongside other Sections such as the Gaullican and the Weranic Sections, to act as the primary communist party in Miersa affiliated to the Workers' International, and to advocate for an independent, socialist Miersa. It absorbed a number of smaller, regional organisations. The formation of the party was not without controversy; the Gaullican Section, the SGIO, believed that Gaullican-occupied eastern Miersa should be represented by the SGIO itself. The Soravian Section had similar feelings about the Soravian-occupied west. Nevertheless, both parties eventually backed down, allowing the MSMR to remain in the Workers' International.

Activity in occupied Miersa

The MSMR was most active in the Gaullican-occupied east of the country, and the industrial cities of Dyńsk and Ryża soon became strongholds for the party, alongside the industrial coal-mining region known as the Czarny Kraj. The party focused on organising the growing Miersan trade union movement, and worked closely with the Congress of Miersan Trade Unions to this end.

An illustration of a Soravian officer marching through Krada in the aftermath of the 1909 Miersan Revolt.

The MSMR was a primary participant in the 1909 Miersan Revolt, which saw Miersan nationalists across the border enter a state of insurrection against both the Gaullican and Soravian authorities. The MSMR and other Miersan nationalist groups worked together to plan the uprising, but proved unable to work productively with the other groups during the actual uprising. The urpising came to an end after less than two months, and was widely considered a failure; it the aftermath of the revolt, the MSMR was completely banned in Soravia and temporarily proscribed in Gaullica.

Following the failure of the revolt, the party primarily focused on industrial organisation through trade unions, and officially advocated a general strike to achieve a socialist revolution. Some members embraced the idea of organic work. The party also organised itself to take part in parliamentary elections on both sides of the border. It had little to no success to this end in the Soravian-occupied west - where conservative nationalists and religious elements had more success - but in the Gaullican-occupied east it continually secured representation in the Senate of the Gaullican Empire. The Gaullican government unofficially worked to hinder its operations, such as by gerrymandering Senate constituencies in Miersan-majority areas.

The party was supportive of the 1919 April Revolution, and a number of MSMR members participated in the ensuing civil strife in Kirenia on behalf of the councillists as part of the international battallions; these members returned to Miersa as veterans knowledgeable in civil conflict.

Repression and wartime activities

An MSMR-affiliated armed militia in the city of Ryża in the closing stage of the Great War.

When Rafael Duclerque and his Parti Populaire came to power in Gaullica in 1919, one of the first acts of their functionalist regime was to move to repress the MSMR. The party was seen as a threat not only due to it's socialist ideology, but also due to it's advocacy for Miersan independence. The Miersan Section was proscribed alongside the SGIO, and as such was banned from contesting elections, had its delegates to the Senate imprisoned, and was banned from organising. The organisation as a whole was also declared to be a terrorist organisation, and was targeted by the Gaullican secret police.

Throughout the Great War, the Miersan Section was heavily repressed by the Duclerque regime, and organised largely underground in opposition to the Gaullican government. In the early years of the war, the MSMR struggled to re-assert itself, as it's leadership had been largely apprehended by the Gaullican authorities. Nevertheless, the party managed to continue to operate by implementing a decentralised cell structure with the aim of constructing an "underground state" that could emerge once Gaullica was weak. The MSMR came to organise the Miersan resistance, at times working with the Voyins.

In the later stages of the war, when the tide had turned against the Entente, the MSMR re-emerged from hiding. Its organisation of the resistance came to fruition, as the party began to assemble workers' militias to help liberate Miersa from Gaullican functionalist rule. The results of this was mixed; MSMR resistance cells in Dyńsk were essentially obliterated by the Gaullicans after they entered open resurrection, whereas in the north of the country the MSMR militias were able to link up with advancing Kirenian forces to achieve more success. Miersan militias which encountered the advancing Soravian army from the west were met with mixed reactions, with the Soravian army on some occasions treating the militias as hostile forces, and other times as begrudging allies, depending on the overall strategic situation.

General strike and Godfredson plan

A session of a workers' council during the 1936 general strike.

As the Great War came to a close, the MSMR expected to be rewarded for their efforts, but instead Miersa as a whole came under the occupation of Soravia, with Soravia aiming to integrate Miersa as part of it's pan-Marolevic ambitions. The MSMR was opposed to this, and organised the 1936 general strike alongside the Congress of Miersan Trade Unions, and with Kirenain support. The strike effectively brought the already-battered economy of Miersa to a hold, as Żobrodź and other major cities came to a standstill. The strikers also took control of their workplaces, establishing impromptu workers' councils.

After only a few weeks a number of cities, most notably the port city of Dyńsk, were effectively administered by the strikers. The Soravian government wanted to confront the strikers with force, but Kirenia's support for the strikers prevented this. As such, the Community of Nations intervened to resolve the situation, working with Estmerish President Wolfgar Godfredson to create the Godfredson Plan, which partitioned Miersa into two new countries; the Miersan Socialist Republic to the east, aligned with Kirenia, and the Miersan Federation to the west, under Soravian influence.

The Miersan Section was a key signatory to the plan, alongside western authorities. The party was instrumental in the founding of the Socialist Republic, which took the form of a federation of council republics, and the party quickly took on a leading role. Despite the democratic nature of the new state, the party had effective control over a majority of workers' councils, and the party leadership quickly rose to national leadership positions, putting it in position to dominate the new state apparatus.

Effective one-party rule

Decline and dissolution

Legacy

Ideology and policy

Organisation

Relationship with the trade union movement

Sons and Daughters of the Revolution

International affiliation

Election results