Liberationist Party of Namor
Liberationist Party of Namor | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Eternal leaders | Cho Chunguk Antelope Yunglang Antelope Gelai |
| Secretary-General | Antelope Shohai |
| Politburo Standing Committee | Antelope Shohai Su Rongyun |
| Founded | 1896 |
| Headquarters | Namo, Capital District |
| Newspaper | The Liberator |
| Student wing | Liberationist Students Front |
| Youth wing | Young Liberationists |
| Membership | 27.8 million (5.3% of population) |
| Ideology | Liberationism |
| National affiliation | Popular Front |
| International affiliation | Alliance of Esquarian Socialists |
| Colors | Green |
| Anthem | Liberationist Anthem |
| Central Council | 809 / 2,549 |
| Party flag | |
| File:Libflag.png | |
The Liberationist Party of Namor (LPN) is a major political party in Namor that recognizes Liberationism as its official ideology. It is the oldest existing political party in Namor.
Founded in 1896 by the anti-monarchist intellectual Cho Chunguk, the LPN was among several parties that emerged in the last years of the Hao dynasty demanding political reforms and an end to the absolute monarchy. Because of its opposition to Hao rule, the LPN was suppressed in 1899 and many of its leaders were executed. Surviving members were driven underground and reorganized the party under the leadership of Antelope Yunglang, who would serve as chairman of the LPN for life. In 1900, the reorganized LPN orchestrated the Tanken Uprising, marking the beginning of its armed struggle against the Hao dynasty that lasted until the end of the Unification War. After the Unification War, the Liberationists turned against the Republican government, driving it out of mainland Namor and establishing the People's Republic of Namor in its place.
The Liberationists ruled mainland Namor from 1925 to 1990. It officially ruled alongside several other legally recognized parties that recognized the leadership of the LPN during the Namorese Civil War, while in practice it held absolute control over the government. From 1941 to 1955, it was the only legal party. The LPN continued to hold onto power after non-Liberationist parties were legalized in 1955, although its influence started to wane due to the emergence of opposition parties. The LPN lost control of the Central Council in 1985 before losing the presidency in 1990, bringing 65 consecutive years of Liberationist rule to an end. In 2015, LPN Secretary-General Antelope Shohai was elected President-General, becoming the first Liberationist head of state since the party lost power. The LPN is a part of the Popular Front, a coalition of left-wing parties currently governing Namor.
Liberationism is the guiding ideology of the LPN, although the party's application of Liberationism has changed considerably since the 1950s. While the LPN still envisions a multipolar world where the influence of "First World" countries is significantly diminished, it no longer advocates for such a world to come about through armed revolutions. The party has also rejected the closed economy as a means to achieve independence, a major concept in Liberationism.
History
Founding and early years (1896 - 1915)
The Liberationist Party was founded at a time when the Hao dynasty faced increasing domestic opposition. The Chen Minko Rebellion, which lasted over a decade, greatly weakened the Hao dynasty from within. Although it was eventually suppressed, it inspired future rebellions and laid the foundations for republicanism in Namor.
In 1896, the LPN was founded by Cho Chunguk, a professor of history at Jungkin University. While the LPN considered democracy to be the final form of government, it did not openly call for the overthrow of the Hao dynasty; instead, it advocated for socialism, cellular democracy, and a "Third World Revolution" that would end the hegemony of industrialized powers. The LPN's ideas soon gained popularity, with thousands — most of whom were intellectuals — joining as members.
At first, the Hao dynasty viewed the LPN as a reformist group and did not take action against it. However, this began to change after the First Namo-Luziycan War when protests flared over Namorese concessions to Luziyca. Joining in the protests, the Liberationists demanded military modernization and an end to the absolute monarchy, prompting the government to crack down on the party. LPN members were arrested en masse; Cho himself was captured and executed along with other members of the party leadership. Surviving members of the party were driven underground and eventually reorganized under Antelope Yunglang, who called for the violent overthrow of the Hao dynasty.
The Liberationists organized their first armed insurrection against the Hao in Tanken in 1900. The rebellion soon spread across central Namor; the Liberationist-administered areas were organized into groups of councils, which together formed the Union of Revolutionary Councils. The green flag, which was used to identify the Liberationists during the Tanken Uprising, was adopted as the flag of the rebellion; before long, the color green became associated with the Liberationist Party, which adopted the green fist as its symbol.
As the insurrection progressed, Antelope consolidated his control over the party by establishing the Politburo, a body within the larger Central Committee that led the party in the Central Committee's absence. He also chaired the Revolutionary Defense Commission, a body that directed the LPN's armed wing, the Liberation Army.
The Liberationist rebellion came to a halt in 1910 after the Double Fourth Revolution forced the Rungchi Emperor to abdicate. The new monarch, Veinan, granted an amnesty to the Liberationists and offered them a place in the government. After lengthy debate, the LPN submitted to the monarchy and in turn was granted control of West Nozama. Antelope justified the party's submission to the constitutional monarchy by arguing that most of the Liberationists' objectives had been met, with the Hao monarchy existing only in name. The cessation of hostilities allowed the LPN to build up its base, with the number of members swelling to over a million by 1915.
Rise to power (1915 - 1925)
The brief peace between the LPN and the Hao monarchy ended with the restoration of the absolute monarchy in 1915. The restoration led to the Unification War between the restorationists and anti-monarchists who established the Republic of Namor based in Mojing. The Liberationists recognized the RON as the legitimate government of Namor. The Liberation Army, which had been nominally integrated into the Imperial Namorese Army, joined the Namorese Armed Forces, although it remained under Liberationist command.
Relations between the Liberationists and Republicans deteriorated after the monarchists were defeated in the Unification War. The Liberationists viewed the constitutional amendment of 1921, which replaced the RON's parliamentary system with a presidential system, as a ploy by the Republican Prime Minister Jung To to gain unchecked power. The Republicans wanted the Liberationists to surrender all territories under their control to the government in the name of national unity. An agreement between the Liberationists, Republicans, and other parties to hold elections as a first step to forming a national government broke down after Jung To won the presidential election by a landslide. The opposition, led by the Liberationists, accused the Republicans of electoral fraud and refused to recognize the results of the election. Jung accused the Liberationists of obstructing national unity, and, after being sworn in as president, signed an executive order banning the Liberationists. The Liberationists responded by declaring armed resistance against the Republican government, and the Namorese Civil War began.
In 1922, the Liberationists, Communists, Syndicalists, and New Republicans established the People's Government of the Republic of Namor. Officially a national unity government where all parties had an equal say, the People's Government was mostly led by the LPN due to its military strength. Still, the People's Government attracted popular support from its calls for ethnic autonomy, democracy, and peasant's rights. By 1925, the Liberationists had taken control of mainland Namor. A new constitution was adopted, replacing the People's Government of the Republic of Namor with the People's Republic of Namor and establishing the Liberationist Party as the "dominant party" of the new regime.
First Party System (1925 - 1960)
The First Party System is a term used by historians to describe the era between 1925 and 1960 when the People's Republic of Namor was effectively a one-party state ruled by the LPN. Major institutions such as the military and banks were controlled by the LPN instead of the Namorese government. Antelope Yunglang led the LPN for most of this period.
During the 9th National Congress of the LPN in 1924, it was decided that the LPN would hold a National Congress once every five years to elect the party leadership and make any changes to the party constitution if necessary. The following year, the PRN was proclaimed into existence and Antelope was elected President-General, a position he held onto until his second term expired in 1935 and Mikhail Zo, Vice Chairman of the LPN, assumed the presidency. Relations between Antelope and Zo deteriorated during Zo's presidency, as Antelope disapproved of Zo's steps to open up parts of the Namorese economy to foreign investment and attempts at rapprochement with "first world" countries. In 1940, Zo was forced to resign from the presidency and was succeeded by Kiang Su. The following year, the LPN held an "emergency" National Congress, in which it expelled Zo from the party, promoted Kiang to Vice Chairman and endorsed the Green Fever. The Green Youth Organization replaced the Young Liberationists as the youth wing of the LPN.
The Green Fever heralded a period of instability for the LPN. Kiang, who became increasingly influential within the party as Antelope's health failed, tried to set up a "party-state" by banning all non-Liberationist parties and forming state institutions such as the Military Affairs Commission of Namor that acted parallel to party institutions. The LPN expelled members who were accused of disloyalty to the party, including members of the Central Committee. At the same time, the established procedure for joining the party was condemned as "elitist" and overturned, allowing anyone deemed to have exemplified "revolutionary behavior" to join the party.
Antelope died in 1950 and Kiang succeeded him as chairman, a position he stayed in for a month until he was forcibly removed from power by the military. Antelope's son, Antelope Gelai, took over as chairman and repudiated many of the LPN's policies during the Green Fever. Kiang's allies were purged from the party, while those whom they purged were rehabilitated and readmitted back into the party.
The 15th National Congress of the LPN, held in 1954, proclaimed Namor's entry into the Third Stage of the Revolution. The LPN named Cho Chunguk and Antelope Yunglang the eternal leaders of the party. At the same time, the position of chairman was abolished and replaced with the Secretary-General, and five-year terms for National Congress were restored. In 1955, a new constitution was adopted that effectively made the Namorese Liberation Army a nonpartisan military force, and the Military Affairs Commission of the LPN was disbanded.
The 15th Congress is considered a watershed in the history of the PRN since it signaled the coming of an era of economic and political reforms. Soon after the Congress, the government abandoned collective farming and opened the country to foreign trade. The ban on non-Liberationist parties was lifted, and the first genuinely multiparty legislative election was held in 1960.
Second Party System (1960 - 2005)
The Second Party System saw the emergence of opposition parties, mainly the Democratic Socialist Party, that challenged Liberationist rule. While no longer the sole legal party, the LPN remained in power for most of the Second Party era. Because of its strong support among government workers, soldiers, and the rural population, the LPN was seen during this period as the establishment party in contrast to the DemSoc-led opposition, which drew its support from urban professionals, academia, and ethnic minorities. At the same time, political reform became the major issue that divided the party.
Antelope Gelai led the LPN as its Secretary-General from 1954 until he retired in 1964, succeeded by Kong Jo. Kong, who belonged to the liberal faction of the LPN, agreed to hold direct presidential elections and introduce proportional representation in the Central Council following the Plum Blossom protests in 1965. He also continued his predecessor's policy of encouraging foreign investment, creating new special economic zones along the Namorese coast. However, reforms were slowed as national security became a priority after the Third Namo-Luziycan War. Kong retired before the end of his second presidential term in 1974, ensuring the continuity of a tradition where the leader of the LPN would step down before retiring from the presidency.
Kong's successor, Su Shui, tried to reassert the LPN's dominance by prioritizing economic growth over political liberalization. However, his policies were met with resistance, as demonstrated by the backlash from his attempt to introduce intelligence tests for voters. Despite his reelection as Secretary-General in 1979, Su's second term as leader of the party was cut short in 1982 by a scandal involving the influence of his family over the government. Su resigned from the party and Deputy Secretary-General Chen Chanin took his place. As Secretary-General, Chen tried to undo the damage that Su's scandal had inflicted upon the LPN. During the 21st National Congress, the LPN established the Supervisory Commission, a commission tasked with investigating allegations of corruption by party members. It also formalized a rule that automatically expelled party members when they are convicted by a court. Although Chen's efforts at stemming corruption within the LPN helped restore some lost support, they did not prevent the LPN from eventually losing control of the Central Council for the first time in 1985.
In 1989, the LPN revised the preamble of its party constitution to name Antelope Gelai, who died in 1985, an eternal leader of the party alongside Cho Chunguk and Antelope Yunglang.
Chen resigned as Secretary-General following his defeat in the 1990 presidential election, which saw the Democratic Socialists control the presidency and made the Liberationists an opposition party for the first time in PRN history. He was succeeded by Antelope Txo, the son of Antelope Gelai who had served as Deputy Secretary-General of the LPN and Vice President-General of Namor under Chen's leadership.
The LPN faced pressure from the ruling Democratic Socialists throughout the 1990s. The administration of Lan Xuan Huong implemented deliberationization at a national level — statues of Liberationist leaders were removed, places named after Liberationism were renamed, and an investigation was ordered into human rights abuses under Liberationist rule. The LPN resisted deliberationization, viewing it as an attempt to harm the LPN politically and create unnecessary rifts in Namorese society rather than a genuine effort to foster national reconciliation. In the meantime, the LPN under Antelope Txo listed party reform as its number one goal to shed itself of the elitist image it had earned in the 1980s. Term limits for Secretary-General and Deputy Secretary-General were formally put into place, such that neither the Secretary-General nor the Deputy Secretary-General could be elected more than twice. The minimum age for joining the party was lowered from 22 to 18 — the legal minimum age to vote in Namor.
Antelope Txo was elected to a second term as Secretary-General in 1999, but resigned the following year after losing his second presidential election to Democratic Socialist Kaitlyn Kan. He was succeeded by Tzang Venjen, who served as Acting Secretary-General until he was formally elected Secretary-General in 2004. Tzang ran for President-General during the 2005 election but lost with only 20.9% of the popular vote, the worst showing of any Liberationist candidate. Despite his loss, Tzang did not resign like his predecessor did, but voiced his intention to retire by the next National Congress in 2009.
Third Party System (2005 - present)
As the two-party system that dominated the Second Party System began to break down with the rise of the right-wing New Democrats, the LPN, which identifies as a left-wing party, began to align with other left-wing parties, including the Democratic Socialists and Socialists. The LPN itself, which had long been considered a conservative party on economic and social issues, became more socially liberal and shifted closer to the left on economic issues, emphasizing social equality instead of economic growth.
Tzang Venjen did not run for reelection in 2009 and was succeeded by Antelope Shohai, the son of Antelope Txo and the first Secretary-General born after Antelope Yunglang's death in 1950. Antelope stayed Secretary-General despite losing to incumbent President-General Fu Wen during his first presidential campaign in 2010. As the leader of the LPN, Antelope advocated for more inclusiveness within the party, supporting membership for agnostics and civil unions for same-sex couples. He also pushed for a retirement age of 70 for all members of the Central Committee in order to give younger party members a greater voice in the LPN leadership.
In 2014, the Liberationists, Democratic Socialists, and Socialists formed the Popular Front, a left-wing coalition that would challenge the New Democrats in the 2015 election. Antelope was nominated the Popular Front candidate, and together with independent running mate Long Jiaoche, defeated New Democratic candidate Huan An in a landslide victory. Antelope became the first Liberationist President-General since the Liberationists lost power in 1990.
Following Antelope's election to the Namorese presidency, term limits for Secretary-General and Deputy Secretary-General were abolished, allowing Antelope to lead the party beyond 2019 and until 2034 — when he will have turned 70.
Organization
The Liberationist Party has a hierarchical leadership structure based on cellular democracy and democratic centralism. In a cellular democracy, members elect leaders at a lower level who go on to elect leaders at a higher level. The elections continue until the highest level of the party leadership, the Politburo Standing Committee, is elected. Cellular democracy works in tandem with democratic centralism, where the decisions of the party are binding on all members.
At the national level, the LPN leadership consists of four tiers — the National Congress, Central Committee, Politburo, and Politburo Standing Committee. The National Congress is directly elected by party members across Namor and convenes every five years to elect the Central Committee. The Central Committee then elects the Politburo, which in turn elects the Politburo Standing Committee. The Secretary-General is the ex officio head of the Politburo.
According to the LPN charter, each tier of party leadership must be at least 1/7ths the size of the tier below it. As such, the PSC has seven members, the Politburo has 49 members, the Central Committee has 343 members, and the National Congress has 2,401 members.
The National Congress is structured similarly to the Namorese Central Council. 1,500 deputies represent 50 districts whose boundaries are identical to those of Central Council Legislative Districts. 900 deputies represent Namor's 15 districts and autonomous republics, including Capital District. One deputy is a regular party member appointed by the Secretary-General to cast a tiebreaker vote in the event of a gridlock among the 2,400 elected deputies.
The power to amend the party constitution rests solely with the National Congress, although higher levels of the party leadership are allowed to interpret the constitution to resolve disputes.
List of leaders of the LPN
Chairmen
| Order | Portrait | Name | Term of Office | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 
|
Cho Chunguk1 | 1896 | 1899 |
| 2 | 
|
Antelope Yunglang1 | 1899 | 11 November 1950 |
| — | 
|
Kiang Su2 | 11 November 1950 | 3 December 1950 |
| 3 |
|
Antelope Gelai3 | 3 December 1950 | 1954 |
1 Cho and Antelope were posthmously named Eternal Chairmen of the Party in 1954.
2 Kiang was expelled from the LPN following his ouster in 1950, and in 1954 his chairmanship was retroactively declared illegitimate.
3 Antelope Gelai was posthmously named Eternal Chairman in 1989, the last leader of the LPN to be granted such a title.
Secretaries-General
| Order | Portrait | Name | Term of Office | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 |
|
Antelope Gelai | 1954 | 1964 |
| 2 | File:Kongjo.jpg | Kong Jo | 1964 | 1974 |
| 3 | 
|
Su Shui1 | 1974 | 1982 |
| 4 | 
|
Chen Chanin | 1982 | 1990 |
| 5 | 
|
Antelope Txo | 1990 | 2000 |
| 6 | .jpg)
|
Tzang Venjen | 2000 | 2009 |
| 7 | File:Shohaiantelope.jpg | Antelope Shohai | 2009 | |
1Su left the LPN in 1982 due to a scandal involving his family
Politburo Standing Committee
| Rank | Portrait | Name | Member since | Position |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | File:Shohaiantelope.jpg | Antelope Shohai | 2004 | Secretary-General |
| 2 | 
|
Su Rongyun | 2004 | Deputy Secretary-General |
| 3 | .jpg)
|
Txo Hengzang | 2004 | Secretary of Public Policy |
| 4 | 
|
Gang Haiping | 2009 | Secretary of the Young Liberationists |
| 5 | 
|
Namsa Chunvu | 2009 | Secretary of External Relations |
| 6 | 
|
Antelope Yigi | 2014 | Secretary of Public Relations |
| 7 | 
|
Chi Quang | 2014 | Secretary of the Liberationist Students Front |
Political Positions
The LPN considers Liberationism to be its official ideology and regards the writings of Cho Chunguk and Antelope Yunglang to be the "core" of Liberationist ideology. Additionally, it recognizes the writings of Antelope Gelai and Kong Jo as supplements to Liberationism. Presently, the Liberationists' ideology has been described as socially liberal, socialist and nationalist.
Economic policy
The LPN identifies as a socialist party striving for the eventual coexistence of social ownership of the means of production alongside political democracy. Despite this, many analysts say the Liberationist Party is more market-friendly than it was in the years preceding Antelope Gelai's rise to power.
Although the Liberationists traditionally favor protectionist policies, its stance on free trade has shifted from being outright hostile to somewhat accepting. Under Antelope Yunglang, the Liberationists tried developing a self-sufficient economy; as such, foreign trade was generally shunned. Foreign trade increased exponentially in the 1950s, resulting in Namor's first free trade agreement with Ainin. The agreement was controversial as some within the party viewed it as contradictory to the Liberationist concept of "economic independence," but Antelope Gelai tried to justify the agreement by reinterpreting "economic independence" as a state of economic prosperity rather than autarky.
The Liberationists have always supported expanding access to healthcare for Namorese citizens, although its approaches have varied over time. "Universal healthcare" was one of the stated aims of the New Revival Program in the 1920s, in which the government built hundreds of hospitals. Under Liberationist rule, Namor's life expectancy increased while the mortality rate sank to an all-time low. In spite of this, affordability of health care remained an issue, especially in rural areas. In the 1990s, the Liberationists joined the ruling Democratic Socialists in establishing the Common Medical Care System (CMCS), a program which allows subsidies for rural patients who seek medical treatment in local hospitals. During the 2014-15 Popular Front primary, Liberationist candidate Antelope Shohai criticized a single-payer healthcare system as too costly and infeasible. Later, as President-General, Antelope expanded CMCS benefits to low-income individuals in urban areas. In 2017, he expressed his intention to extend healthcare insurance to all low-income Namorese irrespective of geography.
While the Liberationists support environmental protection, it believes Namor should not be held up to the same standards as industrialized countries in protecting the environment due to its status as a developing economy. The party supported the Nari pipeline which would grant Namor access to Riroese tar sands while reducing Namorese reliance on Nautasian oil. After 2015, the party adopted a more environmentalist stance and endorsed an eventual coal-free economy. In 2017, the Liberationists joined the other Popular Front parties in sponsoring the Climate and Environmental Protection Act (CEPA).
Social policy
Liberationists tend to be more socially conservative than other left-wing parties, although the party describes itself as socially liberal.
The party supports heavy punishments for the possession, sale, transport, and cultivation of cannabis and other drugs it views as dangerous. Successive Liberationist leaders with the exception of Antelope Shohai have endorsed extending the death penalty to drug-related offenses. Since becoming Secretary-General, Antelope Shohai has called for "strict measures" to curb recreational drug use without explicitly endorsing the death penalty.
On LGBT issues, the Liberationists favor the status quo where civil unions are recognized. It considers same-sex and heterosexual relations to be "separate but equal," believing that same-sex couples can enjoy the same rights as heterosexually married couples without changing the definition of marriage. But in 2014, the party stated in its platform that it will support recognizing same-sex relations when the international community reaches a broad consensus on the definition of marriage.
The Liberationists are strictly secularist, believing that "a secular state must not only separate itself from religion but also promote its interests above those of religion." Religious activities were restricted under Liberationist single-party rule. The government was especially wary of Apostolic Catholicism due to its Luziycan roots; for some time, it refused to recognize clergy members appointed by the Apostolic Catholic Church. In the 1980s, Namor and the Apostolic Catholic Church agreed to a procedure of appointing the Patriarch of Gusev where the Church lists several candidates while Namo selects a Patriarch from that list. The procedure was used to appoint Patriarch Ivan III, and, after Ivan's death, Patriarch Joshua I.
Members of the Liberationist Party are prohibited from adhering to a religion or religious movement. This rule has been criticized by some Liberationists as exclusionary. As chairman, Antelope Txo reinterpreted the rule to allow agnostics to enter the party, arguing that agnostics' attitude towards religion does not constitute adherence to a religion and is therefore permissible within the party.
Foreign policy
The Liberationists support increased funding for the military to enhance its aerial and maritime capabilities. It favors Namor's membership in Cenba, like most other parties, but supports developing a thriving defense industry in order to reduce reliance on technology from other Cenba states.
The party has a long tradition of supporting Namor's relations with developing countries. Some Liberationists have proposed a common market among developing countries to resist economic domination by developed countries. Under the administration of Antelope Shohai, Namor joined the International Forum for Developing States. The party has traditionally refrained from commenting on the internal affairs of developing countries, as it believes foreign powers should not dictate how a particular country is governed. But in recent years, the party has become increasingly critical of regimes in developing countries that refuse to embrace reforms or commit human rights abuses on a massive scale. Antelope Gelai criticized the People's Republic of Katranjiev (PRK) as deviationist in A Hard Look at Katranjian Liberationism. The 2017 Xiaodongese Protests and the Hurricane movement in Ankoren have prompted Antelope Shohai to question the notion that developing countries must disrespect certain rights to ensure their development.
Anti-Luziycan attitudes remain influential within the party. Historically, the Liberationists have viewed Luziyca as the world's leading imperialist power and a threat to Namor's security. After the Third Namo-Luziycan War, the Liberationist government refused to normalize relations with Luziyca unless Bethlehem fulfilled the Three Conditions. But after relations were normalized under the Wolf administration, the Liberationists softened their position. In 2015, Antelope Shohai proposed maintaining stable relations with Luziyca based on Three Mutuals — "mutual benefit, mutual respect and mutual trust" - and presented his proposal as an alternative to Fu Wen's Luziyca policy, which was criticized by left-wing opposition groups as concessionary. Antelope has publicly disavowed Namo-Luziycan detente multiple times since taking office, although some commentators say detente has continued.
The Liberationists support the eventual reunification of Nantai with Namor. It believes Nantai's political status should be decided by all Namorese voters because Nantai is a territory of Namor. While it supports a peaceful resolution to the Nantai Question, it has never ruled out support of reunification by force if a peaceful solution is unattainable.
Election results
Presidential elections
| Election | Candidate | Running mate | Total votes | Share of votes | Outcome |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1990 | Chen Chanin | Antelope Txo | 30.8% | Lost | |
| 1995 | Antelope Txo | Tzang Hongmoi | 21.1% | Lost | |
| 2000 | Antelope Txo | Tzang Venjen | 35.7% | Lost | |
| 2005 | Tzang Venjen | Gu Lai | 20.9% | Lost | |
| 2010 | Antelope Shohai | Yang Shinke | 23.3% | Lost | |
| 2015 | Antelope Shohai 1 | Long Jiaoche (Ind.) | 59.5% | Won |
1Antelope officially ran as a candidate of the Popular Front
Legislative elections
| Election | Total elected seats |
+/− |
|---|---|---|
| 1960 | 1,999 / 2,050
|
|
| 1965 | 1,898 / 2,050
|
 101
|
| 1970 | 1,553 / 2,549
|
 345
|
| 1975 | 1,658 / 2,549
|
105
|
| 1980 | 1,433 / 2,549
|
225
|
| 1985 | 1,020 / 2,549
|
413
|
| 1990 | 632 / 2,549
|
388
|
| 1995 | 765 / 2,549
|
133
|
| 2000 | 701 / 2,549
|
64
|
| 2005 | 382 / 2,549
|
319
|
| 2010 | 385 / 2,549
|
3
|
| 2015 | 809 / 2,549
|
424
|