Federal Republic of Petite-Corne

  • République fédérale de la Petite-Corne
Petite-Corne (in green) located in Coius (light grey).
Petite-Corne (in green) located in Coius (light grey).
Official languagesGaullican
Recognised regional languagesMzebi, Zunu
Ethnic groups
72% Mzebi, 24% Zunu, 4% Gaullican
Demonym(s)Petite-Cornais, Cornais
GovernmentFederal constitutional parliamentary republic
• President
Robert Noir
• Premier
Zagozu Mibaru
LegislatureNational Assembly
First Chamber
Second Chamber
Formation from Kingdom of Oykokou
• Kingdom of Oykokou founded
• Kingdom of Oykokou granted independence by Werania
• Formation of the Republic of Petite-Corne
• Reformation into the Federal Republic
[convert: invalid number]
• 2016 estimate
• 2016 census
• Density
104/km2 (269.4/sq mi)
GDP (PPP)2016 estimate
• Total
11,453,619,000 FD
• Per capita
1011 FD
GDP (nominal)2016 estimate
• Total
5,947,725,000 FD
• Per capita
525 FD
Gini (2015)28.0
HDI (2015)0.443
CurrencyCornais Zega (CNZ)
Time zonePetite-Corne Time
• Summer (DST)
not observed
Date formatdd-mm-yy
Driving sideright
Internet TLD.pc

Petite-Corne, officially the Federal Republic of Petite-Corne, is a nation in central Bahia. It is bordered by Heja to the south. Early in Petite-Corne's recent independence, the country was embroiled in the Oykokouan Civil War which was fought on the grounds of deep ethnic divides. This caused one of modern history's largest genocides, which saw the deaths of over 1.5 million ethnic Zunus. Since the Second Tribunal and the establishment of the Federal Republic, after the Comeur War with which a second intervention was taken, the country has seen a period of stability partnered with steady foreign investment. The intervention, which was led by Heja, Glytter and Gaullica in coordination with the Community of Nations, is often considered one of the most successful in recent history.


The Comeur River, which defines Heja's northern border and runs along the southern border of the country, forms a region that Gaullican explorers and colonisers called "la petite corne", in Estmerish "the little horn".


Early history

Gaullican Protectorate

Historians believe the Kingdom of Oykokou was first established in the early 1600s under the semi-legendary King Muba Bongo Onodiba. Onodiba, who was an ethnic Zunu, led a series of campaigns in central Bahia, conquering neighboring tribes. Eventually he chose to centralise his holdings into the Kingdom of Oykokou, named after his home settlement. The country, which functioned as a semi-feudal realm, was dominated by the Zunu, who were an ethnic minority due to their conquests. Due to their prominence, the Zunu came to control the land, the food, and most importantly, by later eras, Oykokou's main export to Euclean traders: coffee beans. Likewise the Zunu also sold many of the ethnic Mzebi people into slavery, providing them with further wealth and power.

Gaullica came to dominate northern and central Bahia in the late 1800s and began to exert extensive influence over the region. In 1886, Gaullica extended an offer of protectorate status to the King of Oykokou, who accepted the offer. Soon after Gaullica began to develop the country, linking it up to their other Bahian colonies by building railroads. Likewise, Gaullica decided to establish the city of Sainte-Anne-Marie at the northern tip of the Comeur River's "little horn", which would soon become the principal economic and in many ways political centre of the protectorate. The royal family, along with many of the Zunu, converted to Solarian Catholicism and began to learn Gaullican. Many of the elite's children studied abroad in Gaullican universities, bringing further Euclean influence.

During the Great War, the Zunu leadership sided with Gaullica while the Mzebi chose to actively pursue independence with a resistance movement. The country found itself occupied by the Negaran Republican Army following the defeat of the Gaullican forces. Forces from the Free Gaullican Army would aid in the occupation of Gaullican East Bahia and would soon enter the territory. Following the war's close, the protectorate, along with the rest of Gaullican East Bahia, was transferred to Werania. While a belief that the pro-Gaullican Zunus would now go calmed the Mzebi for a time, the evident incorrectness of that assumption caused a rise in Mzebi unrest, which Werania funded the Zunus to suppress. As decolonisation became the norm in Coius, Werania chose to release the Kingdom of Oykokou as an independent state, marking the end of its status as a protectorate, in 1964. After its independence, the country shifted safely inside the Gaullican sphere of influence due to the Zunus' longstanding relationship with Gaullica.

Early post-colonial era

The Kingdom of Oykokou was established as a constitutional monarchy modeled after those in Euclea. The capital was moved to the cosmopolitan city of Sainte-Anne-Marie, which was the nation's main economic centre. The city was also home to a large community of Gaullican ex-patriots, many of whom had married into the local Zunu populace. The royal court and legislature were both established in the city, being completed by 1966. The government, which was dominated by the Zunu, maintained strong ties to Gaullica and members of the Gaullophone. This included signing extensive trade agreements with the Gaullican government and Gaullican companies. Various measures were used to keep the Mzebi in check; while they could vote, disproportionate representation, monarchic executive powers, secret police and difficulty in accessing voting booths in time, safely or privately ensured that the Zunu maintained power.

In the late 1960s, the Mzebi, largely influenced by the events in the socialist People's Democratic Republic of East Bahia, established the Mzebi Liberation Army. The group's ideology revolved around a mix of ethnic Mzebi nationaism and the strand of communism exported by the People's Democratic Republic. The MLA found foreign backers in both Kaxakh and Songguo, which supplied the group with arms and supplies by smuggling them through the PDR, and with funds. This was largely done in an attempt to curb both Gaullican and DITO influence in Bahia.

The group launched its first offensive in 1973. The offensive, dubbed the June Offensive, took place in the north of the country. The capital was soon threatened and King Omara II Onodiba decided to move his court back to his ancestral seat of Oykokou, in the east. The Premier, legislature and national treasury's reserves were also moved.

Oykokouan Civil War

After capturing territory in the north of the country, the MLA continued to launch insurgencies into government held territory. The government, under King Omara II, was able to repel many of the early attacks. Omara II was personally involved as Commander of Chief of the Royal Oykokouan Army and he played an extensive role in military planning.

Following a state visit to Gaullica in which he lobbied the government of President Thomas de Lesloir for help in the conflict against the MLA, King Omara II's plane was shot down after it reentered the country's airspace. The King, along with several government officials, were killed in the crash. It was later revealed the MLA was behind the incident, having planned the assassination. His mother, the Queen Dowager Marie, became the regent for her young grandson, Crown Prince Omara, who was studying abroad at university in Roeselle. Several months later the MLA captured Saint-Anne-Marie. The MLA's leadership then began to plan an offensive to capture Oykokou. The Queen Dowager, bankrolled and supplied by Gaullica and the Federation, hired foreign mercenaries from Heja and other neighboring countries to protect the largely ethnic Zunu south from the Mzebi insurgents. The mercenaries committed many atrocities against Mzebi villages, raping and killing hundreds of civilians all while destroying entire villages. The MLA launched its new offensive and began a push south, forcing government forces to retreat.

In 1977, Taoiseach Michael Moss of Glytter decided to send peacekeepers to try and quell the violence. The Moss government made extensive attempts at negotiating a ceasefire, but met with failure. As a result, Glytter began the mass evacuation of Euclean citizens from the country. Many of the Gaullican expats in the north had already fled the violence. Soon after the arrival of the peacekeepers, the MLA launched a renewed offensive against the government forces, quickly surrounding Oykokou. The peacekeepers fell back to protect government targets, such as the royal palace, the legislature, and the treasury, and were cut off from the outside world. On the 21st of March 1977, MLA forces launched a surprise attack on the city. During the siege, the Premier and several members of the legislature were killed. The following day, MLA forces encircled the royal palace. 10 Glytteronian peacekeepers surrendered their weapons and were taken prisoner. They were subsequently tortured and killed for protecting the Queen Dowager, who managed to escape to neighboring Heja. The government had effectively collapsed, along with the army's high command, and what remained of the Oykokouan army fell southwards. As, result Glytter temporarily abandoned its peacekeeping operation, evacuating all units to friendly territory. The MLA established the Mzebi Socialist Republic, with its capital in Sainte-Anne-Marie, largely unrecognized bar the Pope's Democratic Republic several other Comintern states, including Kaxakh.


Following the seizure of power, the MLA launched a genocide against the Zunu population, slaughtering hundreds of thousands. Many were killed by mobs of angry Mzebis, who would attack targets such as Catholic churches and schools where many Zunu took refuge. Nearly two million refugees flooded into Heja, at first being set up in Community of Nations administered refugee camps. Glytter decided to build settlements for the refugees in the form of complete towns. The Glyt government employed some refugees in this, providing them with housing and income. Taoiseach Moss soon decided to revisit the situation. The CN-mandated Operation Cross was launched in cooperation with Gaullica and peacekeepers arrived in the south. While they had orders not to engage the MLA unless fired upon, Commander Catherine O'Ryan decided to engage the MLA and Mzebi mobs in order to protect the ethnic Zunus. Their operations were met with limited success, but were credited with saving thousands of lives. After the slaughter of nearly 1.5 million ethnic Zunus, the genocide came to a close when the exiled national army returned after training and reorganisation in coordination with Glytter and Gaullica in Heja. The MLA was pushed back to the north and Saint-Anne-Marie soon fell. The MLA's military command collapsed as they began to lose the war, many of its leaders fleeing to the People's Democratic Republic of East Bahia, and many of its fighters deserted or chose to flee as well. What remained of the of the MLA leadership opted to agreed to peace talks in Gayneva. The genocide, as soon as it became known of, drew almost unanimous global condemnation, and lost almost all foreign support and recognition for the MLA and its MSR.

First Tribunal

A War Crimes Tribunal was opened by the Community of Nations based out of Gayneva, bringing many of those responsible for the genocide to justice.

Republic period

In 1978, the conflict came to an end following successful talks in Gayneva and it was decided the Republic of Petite-Corne would be established. The MLA reorganised into a political party, known as the National Democratic Party which continued the ideology of Mzebi nationalism and communism. The Zunu established their own party, the centrist Union for Peace and Prosperity. The remaining members of the royal family opted to go into exile in Gaullica, with the Queen Dowager Marie leading an unrecognised Oykokouan government-in-exile until her death in 1981. Tensions between the two parties remained high, as the Mzebi were the majority and the NDP managed to control both the presidency and the legislature.

In the 1980s, Presdient Casmir Oye from the NDP began to bring national attention to the refugee settlements that still existed in Heja. He decided to invade Heja ostensibly in order to stop what he labelled as "terrorist communities". However, it was a combination of wanting to shore up his regime with military victory, having a good excuse to expand and control the military more, and looking to push back Heja in its time of weakness (it appeared that a military coup would take over the country at the time), since Heja had played a role in the MLA's downfall. This led to the start of the Comeur War.

Comeur War

The war, which was largely fought across the Comeur River, lasted for several months and ended in a definitive Hejan victory. With help from Gaullica and Negara, as well as several of its Bahian neighbors, Heja quickly defeated limited elements of the military that had attempted a coup and managed to capture Sainte-Anne-Marie and oust the President Oye, who subsequently into exile, fleeing to the People's Democratic Republic. Leader of the Opposition Pierre Ondo assumed power and the Gabajin Accords were signed, allowing the remaining Zunu refugees in Heja to return to Petite-Corne. Glytter then decided to sell the now empty towns to the Hejan government.

Second Tribunal

A second round of tribunals were held, this time in the Negaran capital of Kota Merdeka. Many members of the republic's leadership were indicted, including those with ties to the genocide, the Comeur War, and any form of human rights violations or election tampering. As a result the leadership of the National Democratic Party and the military were shattered.

Federal Republic

In 1985, the Federal Republic of Petite-Corne was established as a successor to the failed republic. Fresh elections are held, this time heavily monitored by the Community of Nations. Peacekeepers helped ensure the peace was kept and the elections ran smoothly. The UPP formed a coalition government with other minor parties while an independent won the presidency.

After years of reorganisation, the NDP reemerged as a viable party in the late 1990s. With the genocide and ethnic tensions in the past, the party began to act as the main leftist party rather than a Mzebi nationalist party. In 2002 the party changed its name to the Social Democratic Party. The country has largely remained stable since, with foreign investment consistently on the uptick, and increased trade with Heja.



Political parties and elections

Administrative divisions