National Renovation Front
National Renovation Front جبهه تجدد ملی Jebhe-e Tajaddod-ye Melli جَبْهَة تَجْدِيد وَطَنِيّ Al-Jabha al-Tajdīd Waṭaniyy | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Secretary-General | Vahid Isfandiar |
| Federal Leader | Farzad Akbari |
| Deputy Federal Leader | Saad Al-Sadoun |
| Founded | March 9, 1979 |
| Preceded by | Revolutionary Masses Party |
| Newspaper | Khordad |
| Student wing | Young Thinkers of the Union |
| Youth wing | Young Companions of the Union |
| Women's wing | All-Union Womens Federation |
| Trade union | All-Union Workers Federation |
| Membership (2020) |  18,601,555 |
| Ideology | Sattarist Renovationism |
| Political position | Big tent right-wing to far-right (disputed) |
| Religion | Irfan |
| Colors | Black, red, white |
| Supreme Assembly of the Union | 530 / 530
|
| Union Republic Assembly seats | 2,250 / 2,250
|
| Provincial Assembly seats | 13,440 / 13,440
|
| Election symbol | |
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| Party flag | |
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The National Renovation Front (NRF) (Pasdani: جبهه تجدد ملی; Jebhe-e Tajāddod-ye Melli; Rahelian: جَبْهَة تَجْدِيد وَطَنِيّ; Al-Jabha al-Tajdīd Waṭaniyy) is the founding and sole governing political party and entity of the Union of Zorasani Irfanic Republics (UZIR). The NRF though the sole legal political party, operates a vast network of subordinate organisations that cover virtually every aspect of daily social, political and cultural life. The NRF was founded on 3 September 1979, as the legal successor to the Revolutionary Masses Party, and in preparation of Zorasani Unification. The NRF inherited the RMP's organisational structure and membership, but grew exponentially following the 1979 Union Referendum and the oversaw the establishment of the UZIR in 1980. The party has governed the UZIR continiously since, though due to its organisational nature and setting within the Zorasani political framework, it is subordinate to the Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army, as the Revolutionary Masses Party was formed as the political wing of the Pardarian Revolutionary Resistance Command in 1925.
The NRF is organised in accordance to the notion of Čekâd (Peak), in which the leadership (known as the Central Authority) as the peak, dominates the party-levels below in a highly centralised top-down manner, while bottom-up, the party-levels are subordinate to the one immediately above it. Čekâd also entails the open discussion and debate on policy (any level of the party may propose policies or changes), though the Čekâd or party leadership makes the final decision, and party-wide unity is mandated on the final decision and its enaction. The top-decision making body of the party is the National Command Council and meets weekly and is comprised of all civilian Union Ministers, the heads of the party offices and departments, and three most senior members of the Central Command Council, as such as the National Command Comittee as seen as the top leadership of not just the party, but of the state as well. Below the NCC is the Revolutionary Command Congress, an annual meeting of the party's most senior delegates, where policy is debated and the prior year's policies and party-leadership records are evaluated. The Secretary-General of the Front, who organises the party's administration also holds the office of State President of the Union (ceremonial head of state), while the Federal Leader, who deputy-chairs the RCC serves concurrently as First Minister, the powerful head of government. The current Secretary-General is Vahid Isfandiar and Federal Leader is Farzad Akbari both elected at the 8th Union Command Congress in 2014.
According to the NRF's founding charter, the party adheres to Sattarist Renovationism, the same as its predecessor, the Revolutionary Masses Party. However, the ideology adopted at its founding in 1979 is markedly different from that of the RMP, with the abandonment of socialism, a command economy and secularism. The ideology of the NRF has been described as Neo-Sattarism, with a notable inclusion of Politcal Irfan, corporatism, also described as state capitalism and theorised militarism. The NRF's ideological basis is described as "perpetual motion through perpetual renovation and evolution of the Union." In recent years, many have also described the NRF as adopting a nascent form of Pan-Irfanism.
The party maintains ties with a variety of political movements and groups across Coius, as part of the network inherited from the RMP in 1979. These include numerous dominant parties in Bahia and southern Coius, with a primary focus on parties that are dedicated to anti-imperialism, whether they're left-wing or right-wing. With 18.6 million members it is one of the largest political parties in the world.
History
Prior to the establishment of the National Renovation Front in 1979, it was preceded by the Revolutionary Masses Party, a political movement established in 1924 by Mahrdad Ali Sattari to compliment the nationalist armed forces of the Pardarian Revolutionary Resistance Command. The RMP assumed power under a one-party system following the PRRC's victory in the Pardarian Civil War, before being expanded with the founding of the Union of Khazestan and Pardaran, in wake of the Khazi Revolution and Kexri Conflict in 1954. The RMP would govern the UKP for the next three decades, where the UKP's victory in the Second Rahelian War heralded the successful unification of Zorasan. The RMP under the leadership of Javad Jahandar and Khadem al-Qubaisi argued that a completely new system of government and new party would be needed upon the completion of unification as the RMP would foster negative feelings and hostility in the former United Rahelian People's Republic. At the 1979 extraordinary Revolutionary Command Congress, the proposal for a new political party to govern the newly unified state was backed unanimously by all 3,485 delegates.
Founding
Establishing the Union
1990-2005
Turfan
Hardliner restoration
2014-present
| Leadership-Generations of the National Renovation Front | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Generation | Secretary-General/ State President |
First Deputy Secretary/ First Minister |
Start | End |
| First | Javad Jahandar | Khadem al-Qubaisi | March 9, 1979 | 10 July 1984 |
| Second | Ataollah Shahedeh | Tarek Al-Wazir | 10 July 1984 | 10 July 1990 |
| Third | Abdelraouf Wazzan | Faris-Ali Erekat Zakaria Moradi |
10 July 1990 | 10 July 2000 |
| Fourth | Ekrem Dalan | Izzat al-Din Kahala | 10 July 2000 | 10 July 2005 |
| Fifth | Hamid Alizadeh | Ali Reza Aref | 10 July 2005 | 10 July 2015 |
| Sixth | Vahid Isfandiar | Farzad Akbari | 10 July 2015 | 09 November 2021 |
| Seventh | Rahim Ali Haftar | Gafur Qahhor | 09 November 2021 | |
Organisation
Following the Turfan and the hardliner restoration, the Front underwent a significant administrative and organisational reforming process, that “drastically streamlined, simplified and centralised the party under the national leadership.” The principal changes focused entirely on national oversight and control over the lower levels, while also streamlining the hierarchy to enable the swift transmission of “key data and information” up the structure. The 2008 reforms also abolished the parallel party-state structure for a policy known as “equivalence” (Moadalah), in which party leadership roles also equate to holding state positions. The 2008 reforms further rearranged the seniority of key party bodies, with the National Command Council supplanting the Revolutionary Command Congress as the highest body. The RCC’s duties and role was cut down to merely electing the new national leadership and debating policy directions every five years. The party operates both collective leadership and democratic centralism. The aim is to guarantee party unity and loyalty at all levels, but also to guarantee the authority of the centre.
The Central Authority
The Central Authority (Maqam-e Makarzi) is the term used to describe the “apex of the Front”, which includes the National Command Council and key party offices and divisions. The Central Authority also contains key party offices such as the Commission for Party Discipline, the Strategic Policy Planning Department, the Party Office for Internal Mobilisation and the Commission for Irfanic Guidance. Collectively, they all exert influence and authority over the regional and local levels of the party. The Central Authority is comprised of the following bodies in detail:
- National Command Council: the highest decision-making body of the party. It is comprised of 26 members, all of whom hold various party and state roles; including the entirety of the non-military members of the Union Council of Ministers and the heads of all party offices and departments. It is headed by the Secretary-General of the Front, who is deputised by the First Deputy Secretary. Under the policy of “Equivalence”, the Secretary-General of the Front concurrently serves as State President of the Union (head of state), and the First Deputy Secretary, serves as First Minister (head of government). Owing to the NCC including a majority of the Union Council of Ministers, the NCC has in recent years evolved toward serving as the executive branch of the Zorasani state. The official responsibilities of the NCC according to the Front’s and nation’s constitution is to “exercise the powers of executive of both party and state, to enact the policy agenda set forth by the Revolutionary Command Congress and maintain party cohesion, operation and unity.”
- Commission for Party Discipline: The CPD is the body tasked with ensuring the execution of party and state policies across all levels of the Front, while also investigating and managing internal corruption cases and abuses of power. The CDP is also tasked with policing party groups in civil society, the economy and cultural institutions on behalf of the NCC. The CPD has extensive powers to punish party officials and members who violate the “Charter for Ethics, Standards and Revolutionary Behaviour”, including the suspension of party membership and the referral of individuals or groups to the judiciary for prosecution. The CPD is headed by either a state prosecutor or retired police officer.
- Strategic Policy Planning Department: is the organisation dedicated to the development of policies and strategies along “data-driven and scientific methods.” The SPPD is also charged with the oversight of an estimated 104 think-tanks, research groups and university institutes (specialising in economics, politics and foreign policy). The body is also the principal conduit for information and data gathered by the local-level for use at the national level, essentially enabling the NCC to bypass its state-level counterparts when responding to local issues.
- Party Office for Internal Mobilisation: The POIM, is the body that serves as the equivalent of the party’s human resources department. The POIM manages membership applications, the Central School for Political Governance and identifies “the new generations of leadership” prior to each Revolutionary Command Congress.
- Commission for Irfanic Guidance: The CIG is the party office dedicated to representing the Irfanic clergy in wider society and those who serve as party officials. The CIG is also the principle source of Irfanic-minded policies, while also being charged with maintaining religious integrity within the party. The CIG is unique compared to other party-offices in that its head is selected by the Supreme Custodian; Zorasan's highest religious authority, rather than the party itself.
Revolutionary Command Congress
The Revolutionary Command Congress was prior to 2008, the most important body within the Front, serving as the paramount decision-making body within the party structure, with the NCC assuming the duties of the Congress when it was not in session. Following the 2008 reforms, this relationship was turned on its head, with the RCC delegated to serving as merely the "vehicle upon which the party's leadership is elected, reviewed and held accountable." The RCC meets every five years and it cannot be postponed or interfered with under any circumstances. The RCC has six responsibilities:
- Electing the National Command Council; the RCC elects the membership of the NCC from a tranche of candidates produced by the Party Office for Internal Mobilisation (who are first vetted by the Central Command Council). The list of candidates are not proposed for individual posts, but rather they compete in a secret-ballot race for individual posts.
- Electing the Secretary of the Commission for Party Discipline; the RCC elects the chair of the CPD through an open secret-ballot race between candidates who are drawn outside the party structure.
- Reviewing the term reports of each union ministry, state commission and government agency and the strategic reivew of governance produced by the National Command Council. The Reviewing process de-facto serves as the re-election process of a leadership-generation. Notably, in the 2010 Command Congress, three Union-Ministers were sacked and replaced by majority votes of the Congress for failing to achieve the policies set in the 2005 Congress.
- Review the term report of the CPD; this includes a review of anti-corruption investigations and the possible amendment of party rules and regulations.
- Reviewing the term report of the SPPD and Supreme Assembly and formulating the next five-year government plan; this involves reviewing the scientific studies of the SPPD and devising new policy lists and agendas for the next five years. The policy review precedes the elections and used as a determining factor in the elections of key posts.
- Reviewing and revising the party charter; should reforms or amendments to the party organisation or structure be proposed, they require the debate and approval of the Congress.
The Congress is held for over three months and significant attention is afforded to its responsibilities. From 1980 to 1990, the Congress used to boast over 3,000 delegates, however, the 1990 reform reduced this to 255, 85 of whom are selected by the Central Command Council and the remaining 170 are selected by the state-level party executives. As the election of the Secretary-General (State President) and First Deputy Secretary (First Minister) require a two/third majority to pass, the military possesses a significant power over the party.
Supreme Assembly of the Union
The Supreme Assembly of the Union is the de-facto national legislature, however, many commentators describe the Assembly more as a rubber-stamp consultative body than a parliament. The Supreme Assembly has 360 members, 12 being elected by the state-level command congresses for two five-year consecutive terms, though members can be afforded a “special term dispensation” where they have their term limits remove, in honour of their contributions to the State.
Unlike an overwhelming majority of parliaments, the Supreme Assembly has no legislative powers of its own, rather, only the National Command Council can produce legislation and those sent to the Assembly more often serve as public statements or symbolic gestures. The only policy areas the Assembly has some influence over are the economy, the budget, healthcare, and education. In 2019, the Assembly was handed the power to vote on the deployment of Zorasani military forces beyond the country’s borders for the first time.
The Assembly meets every weekday and operates policy-focused committees that are tasked by the Revolutionary Command Congress to hold Union Ministers to account on the day-to-day running of government. These committees are vital for the work by the Strategic Policy Planning Department and the Commission for Internal Mobilisation. The Assembly Committees have been known to be granted special dispensations by the Commission for Party Discipline (powers of subpoena when investigating ministry and policy failures or scandals.
Regional and local level
Below the Central Authority at the national level, there exists parallel structures at the Union Republic (state level, though referred to as regional), provincial, country and district levels. Each proceeding level is subordinate to the one immediately above, though all are ultimately subject to the authority of the national level. Zorasani federalism provides very limited autonomy to its states, only taking form in areas focused mostly on economic development and infrastructure.
The state-level, known locally as the Regional Authority, takes the same form as the national:
- Regional Command Council, the executive branch of the state-administration, which is led by the Secretary-General of the Regional Section, who under “Equivalence” serves Governor and deputised by the First Deputy Secretary (Deputy Governor). Much like the NCC, regional councils are comprised of cabinet ministers and state officials.
- Regional Command Congress is the state-level equivalent of the Revolutionary Command Congress and is held every five years, though it precedes the RCC by at least three months. The duties of the Regional Congress though like the RCC are limited with policy debates restricted to those the state’s have power over. The Regional Congresses have also been described as “vital for the policy discernment and debate at the national level.”
Below the Regional level are the Provincial, County and District authorities, these two operate identical bodies, though the powers and areas of responsibility decline precipitously as the structure descends.
As Zorasan is a one-party state, the sole form of popular democracy that exists is the election of delegates to the Regional Congresses from the provincial, county and district level by the party membership. The Front also operates a strict and rigid promotion system, in that all appointments are made from candidates proposed from the immediate authority below. This top-down promotion runs to the national level, where the new leadership generation are drawn near exclusively from candidates selected from the regional level. The Front also operates party groups outside of the state structure, with committees being found in virtually every single civil society group, charity, cultural institution, state owned enterprise and many of the largest private corporations.
Subordinate groups and organisations
As the sole political body in Zorasan, the NRF operates a wide network of subordinate groups, associations and organisations that cover virtually all aspects of everyday life. Notably, several of these organisations are under the party’s direct authority, rather than the state itself.
General Federation of Workers
The General Federation of Workers is the national trade union center of Zorasan. It is one of the largest trade unions in the world, with 86.24 million members as of 2020, drawn from 395,000 trade union organisations under the jursidication of the GFW. The GFW is organised in manner reflecting the federal political system of the country, with eight state federations which hold jursidiction over affiliated trade unions within the state. The GFW is the sole legally mandated and recognised trade union, under which all trade unions and worker's associations must be affiliated to be legally recognised.
The GFW is de-jure subordinate to the Party and is widely accused of being a vehicle for party control over the labour force and a means to subvert workers interests for economic and business benefits. The GFW operates an executive officer - the Party Liason Officer, who serves as an observer and intermediary between the union and the government.
Young Companions of the Union
The Young Companions of the Union, (YCU) (Pasdani: همراهان جوان اتحادیه; Hamdamân-e Javân-ye Ettehâd, HJE; Rahelian: الصحابة الشباب من الاتحاد; Al-Aṣḥāb al-Šabāb min al-Ittiḥād, ASI), is the sole political youth movement in Zorasan and the youth division of the party. It is the largest youth movement in the world, with an estimated 77.54 million members as of 2020, membership is mandatory for all children aged between 4 and 16. It's sister organisation, the Young Thinkers of the Union is dedicated to university students.
It was established in November 1950 following the Sattarist victory in the Pardarian Civil War and expanded in 1953 to include the youth of Khazestan and Ninevah following the unification of the Union of Khazestan and Pardaran. Between 1953 and 1980, its primary duty was to prepare its male members for national service and its female members for supporting any future war effort, while also engaging in political education and propagation of National Renovationism. Following the success of Zorasani Unification in 1980, the YCU was again expanded to an all-Union organisation, with mandatory membership sustained at its 1981 General Congress.
Today, the YCU provides numerous extra-ciriculuar activities that go toward securing university places or being fast-tracked into select government services. It still provides its male members access to military style training and regularly operates events designed to prepare them for national service or volunteering for the armed forces. The YCU also operates social services for young members from poorer backgrounds, including tutoring, housing and electronic devices. The YCU's structure and inherently political nature has led many to describe the YCU as a "training school" for NRF politicians or career officials.
Young Students of the Union
The Young Students of the Union, YSU (Dânešjuyân-e Javân-e Ettehâd) is the national confederation of student unions in Zorasan and the university-student branch of the party. The DJE is tasked with representing the interests of students in higher education and promoting key principles of National Renovationism. The DJE provides various services for students, including career advice, work placement and health. The DJE has also been used by the Front to mobilise young students into joining or leading pro-government rallies and other events, while many consider the DJE as a tool for stifling student movements, opinions and debate.
The Secretary of the DJE is appointed by the National Command Council from one of the affiliated student unions, while two permament deputy secretaries are appointed by the Revolutionary Command Congress and the Central Command Council, guaranteeing a permement party and military presence among its leadership. Below the national DJE, state-level branches also exist and much like the youth movement, holding prominent positions within the DJE is a known pathway into a career within the Front and wider government.
Women and Mothers of the Union
The Women and Mothers of the Union (مادران و زنان اتحادیه; Zanân-va Mâdarân-e Ettehâd) is the national women's organisation. It initially began during the Pardarian Civil War as an entity dedicated to mobilising women into supporting the war-effort and was formally reformed into the sole national organisation for women in 1956. The ZME today boasts over 24.34 million members and is tasked under the party constitution to provide a voice for women in work and mothers, while also providing a means for the Front to promote its ideological principles. The ZME has also been used by the Front to promote female employment in STEM, running literacy campaigns for girls in rural areas and raising awareness about sexual health, domestic abuse and violence.
Relationship with the Zorasani military
The Front's relationship with the Zorasani military has been subject to decades of study, debate and controversy. The debate exists as to what extent the party is subordinate to the military. Prior to Zorasani Unification, the Union of Khazestan and Pardaran was governed as a military dictatorship aided by the Front’s predecessor, the Revolutionary Masses Party, which was utilised to mobilise society and assume the more expertise-required duties of government from the military officers. When unification was achieved in 1980, the military seemingly withdrew from outright governance, though in reality, it is seen to be as the ultimate authority in Zorasani politics, owing to its role in key political procedures.
For decades, the Zorasani system of government has been described as “smoke and mirrors inside a fog.” Many argue that the military is the ultimate decision maker in virtually all areas owing to the military’s vetting of candidates presented to the Revolutionary Command Congress. Its holding of one-third of RCC guarantees that it has a significant say on the candidates post-vetting also. The military, via the Central Command Council holds official vetoes over foreign policy, {[wp|defence}} and internal security. It appoints officers to serve as the Union Ministers for Defence, State Security and Intelligence and Interior. The military also dominates the country’s censors and propaganda outlets, while AKHID, the military’s intelligence service has been known to arrest party officials at will. In 2008, following the Turfan, a constitutional amendment was passed, stating that a two-thirds vote by the Central Command Council could evoke the National Stability Mechanism, in which the CCC assumes direct leadership over the National Command Council in the event of wartime, natural disasters or civil unrest.
Other commentators have argued that while the military holds numerous constitutional and conventional powers that would on paper subordinate the Front to its will both the party and military have come to be ideologically homogenous following the Turfan. This homogeneity has as a result, diminished the need for the military to exert its will and influence and rather, approach the party-government as an equal.
Membership
Ideology
According to its founding charter in 1980, the party adheres to "the theoretical and practical ideological framework, Sattarist National Renovationism - established by the Union Fathers during the Pardarian, Khazi struggles, and the first and second unification wars." While the Front adopted the ideology of its predecessor, the Revolutionary Masses Party, the contents of the ideology were and remained markedly different from the original ideological basis of the RMP. Many have argued that the ideology practiced by the Front constitutes Neo-Sattarism, which places greater emphasis on Irfan and promotes a form of neomercantilist state capitalism, over the secular and proto-socialist forms respectively before. Neo-Sattarism maintains the tenets of Ettehâd and Peykâr-e Jâvid (Eternal Struggle), which are rooted in collectivism and militarism respectively. The party has been described lately as an "authoritarian one-party state, masking a wider military dictatorship, that maintains the tradition of collectivism, militarism, totalitarian control over society, but pursues a relatively predatory and ruthless form of state capitalism." Other similar conclusions have noted that the transition from Sattarism in its original form, to Neo-Sattarism amounted to nothing more than the abandonment of socialist-esque policies for a more pragmatic and flexible approach to economic development, while the political and social side of the party has regressed backwards.
Economic model
Following the economic crisis caused by the overly ambitious economic reforms of the late Saffron Era-leadership and the Turfan, the Zorasani government at-large as well as the party specifically moved to restructure the country's guiding economic principles. Between 2007 and 2008, the party began to public works detailing what they called "Patriotic Capitalism" (Sarmâye-dâri-e Vatani). The described system would "utilise the state's role to promote and facilitate the emergence of sociallly-minded private enterprise, backed and aided by state-enterprise in the development of infrastructure, resources and key utilities." This would continue the longheld policy of priotising the use of oil revenues on investments into non-petrochemical industries, primarily heavy industry, manufacturing and research and development.
Jens Oberstein has described Patriotic Capitalism as a form of neomercantilism and state capitalism. He argues that the Zorasani party-state is intrinsically market and business friendly, but retains a shadowy hand and eye on the machinations of boards through its mandate "party-state members", not to control but to ensure that a corporations' actions and plans are geared toward growth, mass employment and profit. He also claims the Irfanisation process of the 1970s ensured that the reforms introduced a degree of social responsibility to companies, which are rewarded by the state for profit-sharing and worker's participation in management, but also operating social programs aimed at "returning to the nation that made them."
Guilia Moreno claims Neo-Sattarism is inherently a "religious-capitalist evolution of Sattarism, that abandoned the anti-Eucleanism and third worldism for a highly state-controlled and managed embrace of globalisation, that seeks to hasten economic growth on the state's terms." Samir Shafawi described Neo-Sattarism as the "natural evolution of modernity, in that the state pursues economic growth, development, improving living standards and technological advancement at all costs, it guides private business rather than dictates, but possesses the means to destroy any private business that dare put unrepentant profit seeking above its responsibility to aid the national objective of modernity, but also sustaining the social contract that the regime relies upon."
Symbols
The NRF operates two symbols utilised in public displays, the first is the logo comprised of the name in both Pasdani and Rahelian in red and black respectively, while the background is white, fostering an imitation of the Zorasani tricolour. To the right of the name is the stylised image of Mahrdad Ali Sattari, the leader among the Union Fathers, his image his bound in a stylised frame resembling typical Irfanic calligraphic geometric shapes. The second symbol is the post-2008 "Sattari Shard", designed by students as part of a nation-wide competition between the Young Companions of the Union and Young Students of the Union. It is a diamond shape, comprised of the party's name written in both Rahelian and Pasdani numerous times. The Sattari Shard is also designed to support use on the Zorasani national flag, in which the national motto "Zorasan Zendebad" is removed and the bars are designed around the Shard at the centre, replacing the "Soaring Eagle of Unification." The party does not provide official rules on what symbol or flag should be utilised by party offices or government institutions, with variances between the two and the national flag being used.